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About Behaviorism
Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Freud and Psychoanalysis
Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just and Unjust Wars
Newsweek October 1, 2001
Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Time October 10, 2001
Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
by Karl E. Meyer and Sharon Blair Brysac, published by Counterpoint.

                  The Church, in its belief in a predes-
tined master plan, censured Montaigne for using words
like fortune and nature, and if Saint Augustine sought
heavenly counsel by opening his Bible and reading the
first words that met his eyes, it was only because they
did not meet his eyes by chance.
	About Behaviorism

In the church I was sitting next to a girl of my own age. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This, too, is an effect probably intended by the Church. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fact that by far the greater part of humanity not only needs guidance, but wishes for nothing better than to be guided and held in tutelage, justi- fies, in a sense, the moral value which the Church sets on con- fession. Freud and Psychoanalysis
434 Thus priest and Church replace the parents, and to that ex- tent they free the individual from the bonds of the family. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The change this induces in the patient’s behaviour is often amazing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It ran: “1 am as tall as a church-spire and can see into every house. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As a church-spire, she is much bigger than her father, and if he dares to make a remark he will be decapitated. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As we know, the Catholic Church is one of the most powerful organizations based on this tendency. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Later, the imperfect sublimations of the Christian Mass resulted once again in the ceremonial of the Church, from which only those of the numerous saints and reformers who were really capable of sublimation were able to break free. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He was not referring to reform in the nineteenth-century liberal sense, but to a literal reformation that sought to take Islam in Arabia back to the way it was practiced at the time of the Prophet Muhammad in the seventh century. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I knew that oui professional gear would do a better job, but there was clearly little point in arguing. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban finds handing over bin Laden as unimaginable as a Christian priest in the Middle Ages would have found it to hand over someone who had sought sanctuary in his church. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These eight Britons, between seventeen and thirty-three years of age, grew up in the Midlands or the London area. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Victorian Holy Trinity church that graces Muree’s main street would not look out of place in Sussex. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He described how bin Laden, looking at a photo of the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, “pointed to where the truck could go as a suicide bomber:’ The story of Ali Mohamed suggests thatthe calls by some politi- cians for more and better informants may be easier to preach than practice. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Inside S ‘ I WANTED TO GO TO THE STATUE OF F O Mike Kiefer was a suburban kid who dreamed offighting fires in the big city He is among the thousands missing in the towns where ground zero’s victims lived. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In Bernards Township, N.J., which is about the same size as Franklin Square, 19 people were missing after the disaster; 1,500 people in a community of 26,000 showed up for a memorial service at St. James Church. Newsweek October 1, 2001
where Jack Connolly, 46, sometimes left for work at Eurobrokers in the World Trade Center as early as 3:30 a.m., but always managed to get home in time to coach his kids’ T-ball andsoccer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
on foot for a mile hike up Church Street, urging the ghostly, ash- new mayor ofAmerica. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Anything can hap- manity, when they elevate an idea above pen and too often does. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Following the close ofthe response, Drs. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Falls Church, VA: Author. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
He, being ambitious, bemoaned the fact that his genera- tion, as he expressed it, was destined to become stunted, that it was pre- vented from developing its talents and from gratifying its desires. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Does that mean anything to you now?” “No, not by a long shot.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Just go ahead.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I recall a handsome old gentleman whom I met on my journey last week. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Now, the patient whose name I could not recall, was the same man who, some years ago, attempted to set fire to the St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York; he gathered together some odds and ends before the en~ trance of the church and set fire to it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“No,” said the younger, “the name begins with, or contains, a w.” “But the Italian language contains no w,” retorted the elder. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus I once dreamt that I saw the Tiber and the bridge of Sant’ Angelo from the window of a railway carriage; presently the train started, and I realized that I had never entered the city at all. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2Th1s is an error and not a slip, for I learned later that the Emmersdorf in Wachau Is not identical with the refuge of the revolutionist Fischof, a plaœ of the same name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in this dream I ride as though I had no boil on the perineum; or rather, I ride, just because I want to have none. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
man was rather authoritative4ooking, and his peculiar glittering eye at once recalled the church of San Paolo, near Rome, where she had seen the mosaic portraits of the Popes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But he went peacefully with two tramps into a church,2 to which a great many steps led up’; behind the church there was a moun- tain4 on top of which there was a dense forest.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The Male Organ symbolized by Persons and the Female by a Land- scape~ (Dream of a woman of the lower class, whose husband is a policeman, reported by B. Dattner.) The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Lichtenberg says: “A twice-sleepy woman—a once-sleepy church pew.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Again, Heine’s description: “Her face resembled a kodex palimpsestus, where under the new block-lettered text of a church father peek forth the half-obliterated verses of an ancient Hellenic erotic poet.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or, the continued comparison with a very depreciating tendency, from the “Bäder von Lucca:” “The Catholic priest is more like a clerk who is employed in a big business; the church, the big house at the head of which is the Pope, gives him a set salary. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
•In the further development of the classification of the marriage system there seems to be a tendency to go beyond the prevention of natural and group incest, and to prohibit marriage between more distant group rela- tions, in a manner similar to the Catholic church, which extended the mar- riage prohibitions always in force for brothers and sisters, to cousins, and invented for them the grades of spiritual kinship.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I was subject to no influences, and no pressure was brought to bear on me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
LIFE RESUMES A Crisis of Faith ON THE SUNDAY EVENING FOLLOWING the terrorist attacks, in an old stone church 15 miles north of Manhattan, the Rev. Gregory Keosaian contemplated leaving the ministry. Time October 10, 2001
More than 200 people looked up at him from the pews, double the normal draw at the Huguenot Memorial Church in Pelham, N.Y. Many had never come be- fore. Time October 10, 2001
They live, SUNDAY RUSH Keosaian, lIke many pastors, faced a church full of desperate strangers after all, in a close-knit suburb of 12,000 people where at least nine have never come home—including the close rela- tives of some members. Time October 10, 2001
A Town Hall with doric columns was being built on the Strand Road, near a Church of St.John’s, inspired by St. Martin’s- in-the-Field on Trafalgar Square. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Her fine epitaph in the Church of En- gland cemetery in Cape Town reads: “Underneath this stone reposes all that could die of Lady Sale.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1724, Peter the Great turned to a sturdy Danish-born captain,Vitus Bering, to clear up navigational puzzles and locate the rumored lands beyond Siberia’s tip. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Born in 1795, Dr. Wolff was the son of a rabbi and during his youth in Bavaria searched restlessly for the truths of religion. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nicholas I championed the Orthodox, and Napoleon III, who had installed himself as Em- peror of France, supported the Roman Church. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Hence the alarm in London when, in November 1853, a Russian flotilla at Sevastopol crossed the Black Sea and in a surprise attack destroyed an entire Turkish fleet, twelve ships in all, at Sinope. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A report by a British diplomat, Walter Baring, esti- mated the number of Christian victims at 12,000 and asserted that at Batak a thousand were burned alive in a church (“the stench was so overpowering one could hardly force one’s way into the church- yard”). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
lama presented Das with paintings and statues, church utensils and musical instruments, and a Tibetan coin, sufficient to cover their expenses. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Pyltsov, the explorer’s earlier favorite, had settled down to married life as Przhevalsky’s brother-in-law at the family’s Smolensk estate. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
was vy sad—still I am so glad we met again and I cld. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But Hedin’s enthusiasm was suspect; he overdid it. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Fund’s birth in 1865 was warmly endorsed not only by the Church of England and the Royal Geographical Society but also by the Foreign Secretary, Earl Russell. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After the Church of England ceremony he had requested, attended by repre- sentatives of the Afghan Emir, the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Foreign and Economic Affairs, officials of the museum, and members of the diplomatic corps, the man that Owen Lattimore, his intrepid colleague, described as “the most prodigious combination of scholar, explorer, archaeologist and geographer of his generation,” was laid to rest in the foreign cemetery in Kabul. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This was the “Monastery of a Hundred Thousand Images,” the most revered in northeastern Tibet, the birthplace of Tsong-Khapa, founder ol Buddhism’s Yellow Church. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
According to Dorzhiev (as Rockhill reported), the Dalai Lama feared the Chinese were determined “to curtail the temporal power First Encounters of an American Kind :. 419 420 .‘. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
the Dalai Lama asked for advice, Rockhill said he saw no way out of the difficulty that he must submit “and the only sug- gestion I could make was that he should not delay too long com- plying.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
McGovern was a lecturer at the School of Oriental Studies, University of London, and was an Oxford D.Phil., Christ Church College. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I have earned the memory of a long hard trail brought to its climax with an almost poetical finality. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS When Curzon lectured on the Russian rail advance at a confer- ence in Newcastle, among his spellbound listeners was a former Ox- ford classmate, Halford J. Mackinder. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
330 The psychoanalytic method can be compared with historical analysis and synthesis in general. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I asked if there would be a Sabbath service this night, and she said no: there was no rabbi so there was no service. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The therapists themselves—many of whom donated time to churches, tern- ples, businesses, therapy websites and, in New York City, firehouses—had no escape from thinking about the emo- tional fallout. Time October 10, 2001
To keep other outsiders from dis- turbing their realm, the Manchus in the eighteenth century ex- cluded all “foreign devils” from Chinese territory. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Bush is fit; Churchiliwas whatev- en is fitness’s opposite. Time October 10, 2001
Bush has had his comed five religious leaders to the Oval share of verbal stumbles; Churchill nev- Office last week, the President pointed en uttered a sentence that didn’t stiffen spines. Time October 10, 2001
Just and unjust wars. Just and Unjust Wars
But I am inclined to think that the significance of these Wilsonian slogans has been much overestimated in the realist literature. Just and Unjust Wars
The demand for unconditional surrender, Churchill assured the Commons, “does not mean that [we] are entitled to behave in a barbarous manner, nor that [wel wish to blot out Germany from among the nations of Europe.’ Just and Unjust Wars
The forfeiture of independence, however, entails no fur- ther loss of rights; the punishment was limited and temporary; it assumed, as Churchill said, the continued existence of a German nation. Just and Unjust Wars
Winston Churchill was entirely justified when he warned the German gov- ernment, early in World War II, that the use of gas by its armies would bring an immediate Allied reprisal.’6 Just and Unjust Wars
Nor was it thought plausible at the time. Just and Unjust Wars
Winston Churchill, then First Lord of the Admiralty, proposed one plan after another to interdict the ship- ments of iron ore. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill confronted the same difficulty; Nor- wegian neutrality was a bar to each of his plans. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill, who “sym- pathized ardently with the Finns,” proposed to send troops to Finland in fulfillment of Britain’s obligations under the Covenant —and to send them via Narvik, Gallivare, and Lulea. Just and Unjust Wars
“We have more to gain than to lose,” Churchill argued, “by a German attack on Norway.” Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill now pressed a more modest proposal. Just and Unjust Wars
Though the Cab- inet seemed favorable to Churchill’s original presentation (in September 1939), “the Foreign Office arguments about neutrality were weighty, and I could not prevail. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill presumably believed that Britain was in for that kind of war anyway, given the political character of its enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
I want to begin by accepting Churchill’s description of the British as defenders of the rule of law. Just and Unjust Wars
Acting in the name of the Covenant, and a~ virtual mandatories of the League. Just and Unjust Wars
But Churchill pretends that these are rights against the Germans. Just and Unjust Wars
There is an implicit answer to this question in Churchill’s Cabi- net memorandum. Just and Unjust Wars
But Churchill might have argued that the Germans ënjoyed all the benefits of seizure without the effort. Just and Unjust Wars
Or at least, they fade away whenever the aggressor poses a general threat: to the rule of law, the independence of small na- tions, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill is repeating Wilson’s argument of 1917: neutrality is not morally feasible. Just and Unjust Wars
This is, however, exactly the effect of Churchill’s argument: the sliding scale is a way of transferring the rights of third parties to the citizens and soldiers of a state whose war is, or is said to be, just. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is another argument in Churchill’s memorandum which does not require thé application of the sliding scale; it is most clearly suggested by the phrase “supreme emergency.” Just and Unjust Wars
That is why we are likely to be far more sympathetic to Churchill’s than to von Bethmann Holiweg’s position. Just and Unjust Wars
Only a Churchill, having called the situation at the beginning of 1940 a “supreme emergency,” could still find words to describe Britain’s danger six months later. Just and Unjust Wars
But it has to be stressed again that Churchill had no foresight of that disaster. Just and Unjust Wars
It was also the response Churchill had expected and hoped for, though it came too soon and with com- plete surprise. Just and Unjust Wars
There were a number of counter-land- ings by British troops; Narvik was captured and held for a short time; but the navy was ineffective against the German airforce, and Churchill, still First Lord of the Admiralty, presided over a series of humiliating evacuations.20 Just and Unjust Wars
“Emergency” and “crisis” are cant words, used to prepare our minds for acts of brutality. Just and Unjust Wars
When Churchill said that a German victory in World War II “would be fatal, not only to ourselves, but to the independent life of every small country in Europe,” he was speaking the exact truth. Just and Unjust Wars
I can review it only briefly, attending especially to the arguments put forward at the time by Churchill and other British leaders, and always remembering what sort of a time it was. Just and Unjust Wars
First of all, it appears possible, as one scholar has recently argued, that Churchill deliberately pro- voked the German attacks on London—by bombing Berlin—in order to relieve pressure on R.A.F. installations, until then the majõr Luftwaffe target.7 Just and Unjust Wars
Nor was it Churchill’s purpose, once the blitz began, to deter the German attacks or to establish a policy of mutual restraint.8 Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill assumed that the bombing of German cities was necessary to their morale and that they wanted to hear (what he told them in a radio broadcast of ‘94’) that the British air force was making “the German people taste and gulp each month a sharper dose of the miseries theÿ have showered upon mankind.”9 Just and Unjust Wars
This argument has been accepted by many his- torians: there was “a popular clamor” for revenge, one of them writes, which Churchill had to satisfy if he was to maintain a fight- ing spirit among his own people. Just and Unjust Wars
We ask no favor of the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
We must concentrate now on the military justifications for terror bombing, which were presumably paramount in Churchill’s mind, whatever he said on the radio. Just and Unjust Wars
He did not believe that the weapons he commanded should be used be- cause he commanded them. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill’s statement suggested a certainty to which neither he nor anyone else had any right. Just and Unjust Wars
The decisive point was made by Churchill in July of 1942:18 In the days when we were fighting alone, we answered the question: “How are you going to win the war?” by saying: “We will shatter Germany by bombing.” Just and Unjust Wars
But that was not Churchill’s view: “All the same, it would be a mistake to cast aside our original thought . Just and Unjust Wars
Only then did Churchill have second thoughts. Just and Unjust Wars
The only possible defense of the Hiroshima attack is a utilitarian calculation made without the sliding scale, a calculation made, then, where there was no room for it, a claim to override the rules of war and the rights of Japanese civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
In domestic society, and particularly in the context of revolution- ary politics, we say of such people that they have dirty hands. Just and Unjust Wars
We can say more than this, I think, if we turn back briefly to the My Lai case. Just and Unjust Wars
“From this work,” writes Angus Calder, “Churchill and his colleagues at last recoiled. Just and Unjust Wars
Harris felt that he was being made a scapegoat, and it is surely true that if blame is to be dis- tributed for the bombing, Churchill deserves a full share. Just and Unjust Wars
But Churchill’s success in dissociating himself from the policy of terror- ism is not of great importance; there is always a remedy for that in retrospective criticism. Just and Unjust Wars
And then we must look for people who are not good, and use them, and dishonor them. Just and Unjust Wars
It would have been better if he had explained to his countrymen the moral costs of their survival and if he had praised the courage and endurance of the fliers of Bomber Command even while insisting that it was not possible to take pride in what they had done (an impossibility that many of them must have felt). Just and Unjust Wars
It is sometimes said that the dilemma ought to be concealed, that we should draw the veil (as Churchill tried to do) over the crimes that soldiers and statesmen cannot avoid. Just and Unjust Wars
See the arguments made by Churchill at the time: The Gathering Storm Gerald Vann, Morality and War (London, 1939). Just and Unjust Wars
Hinge of Fate, p. 6oo; see also Churchill’s cabinet memorandum of January 14, 1944, p. 599. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill, The Grand Alliance (New York, i962), p. ~ A distinction similar to the one I am defending here is suggested by Westlake: “. . Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill, The Gathering Storm (New York, 1961), Bk. Just and Unjust Wars
tion, 91—95 Bacon, Francis, 6n, 77—78 Balance of power, 76—80, 122 Balance of terror, 270, 274, 275 Baldwin, Stanley, 252 Bangladesh, 105—107 Barbarians, 89n Batchelder, Robert, 349 Beatty, Admiral David, 245 Beaufre, André, 277, 281 Beirut raid, z 18-220 i Belgium: 292 Bell, A.C.: quoted, 173 Belligerent rights, 91, 96, i8~n Benevolent quarantine, 46, 177, 185, 201 Bennett, John, 270 Bennett, Jonathan, 344k .~ Just and Unjust Wars
9.26 Newsweek October 1, 2001
Like Churchill and The meeting didn’t last minutes, but half FDR, George Walker Bush must weld and an hour. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Byan 82-11 per- 83-13 percent, voters said that the president Winston Churchill might not have used lacking information, he was less than that pit in Washington, he led the country in those words, but he’d have loved the senti- in public. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But then, many wars are. Time October 10, 2001
In World A VISIT Loft, Giuliani, Daschle, Schumer and Warner listen to N.Y.C. fire boss Von Essen Wan II, Roosevelt and Winston Churchill out a bust of the British leaden. Time October 10, 2001
made common cause with Stalin—”Un- Churchill, Bush once told TIME, was the cle Joe” for a brief while, but in the full political leader he most admired, and measure of his life, a bloodstained mon- Card says that since Sept. 11, Bush has ster—in the fight against fascism. Time October 10, 2001
Even spoken of Churchill often. Time October 10, 2001
When he wel- two men less alike. Time October 10, 2001
About the only thing they have in common goes between the lips; very occa- sionally, Bush sneaks out on the Truman balcony ofthe White House and enjoys a cigar. Time October 10, 2001
But one big thing Bush and Churchill may share. Time October 10, 2001
Both Kipling and Winston Churchill were audible in the extraordinary speech that President Bush gave last week. Time October 10, 2001
“Everyone remarked his present eminence and predicted his future fame,” recalled his near contemporary Winston Churchill. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And I have thought of the admonition: ‘Await the The Guru :. 47f I T WAS ALL THAT H. L. MENCKEN MIGHT HAVE WISHED WHEN HE arrived in Philadelphia to cover the launch of the Progressive 476 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS Stone’ [the sign of Shambhala].. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The catalyst was the arrival in New York of Sir William Stephenson in May 1940 as station chief for British intelli- gence with a direct line to Winston Churchill. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Still, Hitler’s lieutenants were aware of his impulsiveness and weakness for radical plans (“You should read more Karl- May,” he ex- horted his generals, referring to the German author ofWild West ro- mances). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Indications are indeed that they are impressed with Tibetan claims for autonomy, but suggestion. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Crimean!” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Not only Burnham’s concepts but his phrases anticipated Winston Churchill’s Iron Curtain speech at Fulton, Missouri, in 1946. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
1877—88), a favorite of Churchill’s and a source of his own prose. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Lady Curzon’s India: Letters ofa Vicere- me (London, 1 985) , but see also the excellent chapter on her in Marian Fowler, Below the Peacock Fan: First Ladies of the Raj (NewYork, 1987). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On the rise of Donovan, and the attendant controversy, see Anthony Cave Brown, The Last Hero (New York, 1982) and “C”: The Secret Life of Sir Stewart Menzies, Spymaster to Winston Churchill (NewYork, l987);Thomas Troy, Wild Bill and Intrepid: Donovan, Stephen- son and the Origin of the CIA (New Haven, 1996); R.Jefl}eys-Jones The CIA and American Democracy (New Haven, 1989). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“was referred to the Prime Minister”: B. N. Mullik, My Years with Nehru: The Chinese Betrayal (New Delhi, 1971), 80. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
RUDY GIuLIANT On the front lines, grieving more than the public knew, the mayor guides his city through hell mayor’s neo-Churchillian reputation was already secure. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He lingered until July 4, 1857, and was buried in the Residency churchyard. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
2. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
NOTE A.A.B. Abel, K., 314 Aberrations (see also Perversions) as inhibited development, 588 sexual, 52 I—547 shown by psychoneurotic, 542—543 with children and animals, 530—53’ Abraham, K., 33711, 363, 566n, 873, 909, 920, 922, 929, 930, 940 Absolute inversion, 522 in exhibitionism, 537 of sadism and masochism, 537—539 Abstract wit, 656 Absurd dreams, 377—402 Absurdity in jokes, 633 Acceleration of thought in dreams, 430 Accidental stimuli, 245—246 Actions accidental, 88 chance, 97—108 symbolic, 96 symptomatic, 8,, 97—108 collection of, ioón examples of, 97—98 groupings of, 99 Activity, muscular, 568—569 Actuality in wit, 683-685 Adhesion, heightened or fixated, 596 Adler, A., 121, 122, 36011,48711, 928—929 his theory criticized by Freud, 933—94’ INDEX 949 ‘0 Affective processes, 569—570 pathogeny of, 569 value of unconscious thought formula, 541 Affects conversion of, ~ displacement of, 214 in dreams, 402—42 2 inhibition of, 408 inversion of, 410—411 of dream-thoughts, 417—418 reinforcement of, 418 sources of, 416, 422 theory of, 489 transference of, to waking state, 4,5 transformation of, 410 Agassiz, L., 624 Aggression, 537, 66,, 666, 670, 704 sadism and masochism, 537—539 Agoraphobia and walking disorders, 489, 56911, 849 Agreement in dreams, 314—315 Aims of impulses, 543—544 Albertus Magnus, 46011 Alexander’s dream, i58n Algolagnia, 537 Allegorising, symbolisms, 447 Alluring-premiums (in wit), 693 Allusions (in wit), 644—646, 704 Alternatives in dreams, 312—313 Altruistic impulses, 267 Ambiguity in dreams, 195 in wit, 62o—621 950 Ambitious impulse in wit, 698 Ambivalence, 566 of emotions, 789—832 Ambivalent behavior, 798 impulses, 802—803 American Psychoanalytic Association, 930 Amnesia, 65, 445, 798 connected with infantile sexual activity, 56on infantile, 32, 549—550 and hysterical—compared, 550 temporary, 16—17 Amphigenous inversion, 522 Anacitic, 555, 58211 Anagogic interpretation, 447 Anal erotic zone, 52911 (see also Anus) erogenous significance of, 557—558 masturbatory irritation of, 557—558 Analyses of dreams, 219-244, 259—283, 343_415 “A Beautiful Dream,” 292—295 “Botanical Monograph,” 209-2 13, 290—292 “Irma’s injection,” 164—172 Analyses of word-forgetting and faulty word-reproduction ‘‘aliquis,” 9, 10 “Castelvetrano,” 24 “Ode to Apollo,” 14 “Signoreffi,” 4—8 “Young,” 21 Anamnesis, 302 Androgyny, 526 Anesthesia causes of, 582 in newly married women, 581—582 of wives, caused by parent complex, 586 INDEX Animal phobia, 873 Animals as sex objects, 53~53, Animism, 845—848 defined, 833, 835 Animistic phase, 844—845 Anticipations, 37 Antithesis in dreams, 313—314 Anus (see also Anal erotic zone) as aim in inverts, 529, 533—534 transgression, 533, 543 Anxiety dreams, 204, 257, 279—280, 284, 358, 487—493 on railway trains, 568 Application of same material in jokes, 621 Arabs, dream interpretation of, i58n Arduin, Dr., 527fl Aristandros, i58n Aristotle, 15711, 465—466, 682 Arithmetic in dreams, 370-372 Artemidorus, ,58n, 32 In, 33911, 50711 Association, similarity and contiguity, 841 Association-experiment, 916—9,7 Associations, 7,494 Astonishment in dreams, 396-398 Atkinson, 872 Attention, as a definite psychic function, 497 Attraction and pleasure, 573—5 74 Attributions (in wit), 652—654 Auditij~s, 33 Autoerotism, 554—555, 843 of erogenous zones, same in boys and girls, 580 of infantile sexuality, 559—561, 565 Automatic process in laughter, 707 part played by erogenous zones in, 545 L Automatisms, 513—514, 637—638, 705—707, 759 Aversion and awe (in taboo), 795 Avoidances, 782 brother-sister, 782—783 father-daughter, 783 mother-in-law, 783—787 Awkwardness, accidental, 94—95 Back, G., 18311 Bacon, Francis, iio, 839 Bain, A., 701, 74511 Banchieri, 18311 Bastian, 810 Baths, therapeutic effects of, 567—5 68 Bayer, 55m Bed-wetting, 70, 359, 559—560 Behavior of paranoics, 130-13 I Bell, S., 54811, 56211 Benedikt, M., 425 Bergson, H., 736n, 751, 761 Bernard, C., 446 Bernheim, 7511, 194 Betiheim and Hartmann, 354 Binet, 535, 546 Binswanger, L., 920 Biographical dreams, 335—336 Birth theories, 563—564 Bisexuality, 343, 359—360, 526 as explanation of inversion, 528 normal in childhood, 580—581 sadism and masochism in, 538—539 Bjerre, P., 920 Bladder-stimulus dreams due to, 245, 249—250 disturbances in children, 55 9—560 Blasphemous witticisms, 675 Bleuler, E., i8, 56, 13011, 337n, 54911, 566, 72511, 79811, 915—917, 925 Bleuler-Freud, 18311, 31411, 33211 Bloch, I., 52111, 52411, 53211 INDEX ‘0 Blood miracle, mm Blunders, speech, 37—54 Boas, F., 866 Bodily stimuli, 245 symbolisation of, 248—250 Boileau, quoted, 54n Bon mot, 6i8 Botanical monograph, dream of, 209—213, 290—292 Brandes, G., 278 Breaking of objects, 84—87 Breaking of taboo, 791—792, 800—80, Breast sucking, 554 symbolism in Faust, 294 woman’s, as erogenous zone, 574 Breuer,J., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a child of about seven she was out for a drive with the coachman, when suddenly the horses took fright and at a wild gallop made for the precipitous bank of a deep river-gorge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The moment of deadly peril she experienced earlier in St. Petersburg did not leave be- hind the slightest trace of neurosis, despite her being predis- posed by the impressive event in her childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I would like to add here that such dreams are of quite special interest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Also killed were men and women from more than fifty other countries, among them Great Britain, which, having lost more than two hundred of its citizens, had experienced the most deadly act of terrorism in its history too. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An Australian tourist was the sole casualty of that assault, but with every passing year the at- tacks became more sophisticated and more deadly. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(One of them was Timothy McVeigh, who would go on to bomb the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995, murdering 168 Americans—the most deadly terrorist incident in America until the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda has also conducted grisly experiments on dogs that were in- jected or gassed with cyanide as a prelude to a possible use of the deadly agent against American targets.5’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The American plan fell apart at a U.S. border crossing in Washington State on December 14, 1999, when Ahmed Ressam, a thirty-three-year- old Algerian, was arrested on a ferry arriving from Canada.96 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The arrest of this al-Qaeda training camp veteran is further proof of the prominent role played by Afghanistan, to which hundreds, per- haps thousands, of others like him have traveled to learn the art of holy war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By 1999, Pakistani officials, who rarely criticized their Taliban pro- tégés, had become concerned about the training camps: graduates were increasingly implicated in the deadly Shia-Sunni conflicts that were leaving a trail of hundreds of bodies across Pakistan.50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But jokes can sometimes turn deadly serious. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If al-Qaeda is to be buried in that unmarked grave, the most effec- tive plan beyond eliminating the leadership of the group is to shut But I hate to focus on bin Laden, there are a lot of people out Afterword / 233 down permanently the Afghan training camps where the foot soldiers of Holy War, Inc. learn their deadly skills. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For it has to be said of many of the people who die in the course of a war, soldiers as well as civilians, that their deaths do not “tend materially to the end [of victory]” or that the contribu- tion they make to that end is “slight” indeed. Just and Unjust Wars
According to other writers, it is the women who last longest in sieges, the young men who soonest fall into that deadly lethargy that precedes actual death.2 Just and Unjust Wars
For a review and critique of this literature, see Philip Green, Deadly Logic:10. Just and Unjust Wars
bombs andcommandos—butalso no wouldflowin Boston on Sept. 22, andU.S. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“We almost nev- er turn them down:’ said one high-rank- ing official. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But none was analyzed until after the deadly September 11 attacks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
United Way: The United Way of New York and the New York Community Trust have created a fund specifically for victims and their families. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As America reels from last week’s deadly terrorist at- tacks, Muslims and Arab- Americans are experiencing an isolating terror all their own. Newsweek September 24, 2001
U U AND A SECRET BUT DEADLY One of the key components of the U.S. military response in Afghanistan will be special operations forces, but don’t expect them to show up in video clips on CNN or the nightly news. Time October 10, 2001
to catch a plane to Boston’s Logan Airport, where several terrorists had begun their deadly mis- sions on Sept. 11. Time October 10, 2001
Then “a party of Ghazeeas [warriors] ascended the brow of the hill, by the gorge, where they planted three standards close to each other, a red, a yellow and a green one.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“We have men, and we have rocks in plenty’ he remembered Dost Mohammed once telling him, “but we have nothing else.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The whole redoubt was a mass of flame and smoke, from which screams, shouts, and cries of agony and defiance arose, with the deep-mouthed bellowing of the cannon, and above all the steady, awful crash of that deadly rifle fire. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On the way home, he crossed the deadly Taklamakan Desert on a meridianal course, be- ginning at Khotan and moving along its westernmost edge to Aksu. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His official telegram made the skirmish sound like a dramatic and deadly ambush: “Attack confirms impression I had formed that Lhasa Government are irrec— At first enemies of our faith they were, And then “Outsiders” we labeled them; But when in the land their rupees did appear, They became known as sahibs and gentlemen. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Unlike Stein, who was never one to relate the dangers of the desert, von Le Coq graphically described the horrors he encountered, including the deadly buran, the sandstorm feared and noted by the ancient Chinese: Quite suddenly the sky grows dark, the sun becomes a dark- red ball of fire seen through the fast-thickening veil of dust, a muffled howl is followed by a piercing whistle, and a mo- ment after, the storm bursts with appalling violence upon the caravan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The prize piece was a single- shot rifle disguised as a walking-stick with the breach and trigger just below the handle, obviously designed as a concealed deadly High Mischief .. 537 538 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS weapon.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He had a personal and intel- lectual affinity with Nehru, with whom he shared a deadpan wit shaped in the Trinity College both had attended at Cambridge Uni- The Owl of Minerva :. 561 562 .. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS versity. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The experts said that afewbin Laden lieutenants were probably operating in the United States, but no one seriously expected a major at- tack, atleastrightaway. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“She is deaf, too.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In some of these examples, “But she is deaf, too!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The baron is evidently anxious to save his money, but the shnorrer replies as if the baron’s money were his own, which he may then consider secondary to his health. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The latter counseled him to depart, saying, “Do not go up today, the Baron is out of sorts and refuses to give any one more than a dollar.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is necessarily superficial and cannot deal with the depths of the mind or personality. About Behaviorism
13. About Behaviorism
Watson had little or nothing to say about inten- tion or purpose or creativity. About Behaviorism
If all link- ages are lawful, nothing is lost by neglecting a supposed nonphysical link. About Behaviorism
Must all this be ignored because it cannot be studied objectively? 17 The Causes of Behavior But problems remained. About Behaviorism
I am concerned with interpretation rather than prediction and control Every scientific field has a boundary beyond which discussion, though necessary, cannot be as precise as one would wish. About Behaviorism
Two examples which have recently attracted a good deal of attention may be noted: (1) When injured or threatened, an organism is likely to attack—for exam- ple, by striking or biting—and, as I shall argue in a moment, some behavior of this sort may be as much a part of the genetic endowment as respiration or diges- tion, but we have no reason to say that an organism attacks because it possesses an aggressive instinct. About Behaviorism
But it is the environment, not the runner, that “associates” the two features, in the etymological sense of joining or uniting them. About Behaviorism
Or the behavior may be shaped and maintained because people are susceptible to reinforcement by signs of damage to others. About Behaviorism
Possibly no charge is more often leveled against be- haviorism or a science of behavior than that it cannot deal with purpose or intention. About Behaviorism
In the mazes in which purposive behavior was once studied, organisms moved toward the place where rein- forcement was to occur. About Behaviorism
This, has been explained by say- ing, “Human beings are creatures of hope and not ge- netically designed to resign themselves,” but there is nothing essentially human about the effects, and it is not hope or resignation but the contingencies which are the conspicuous and accessible cause. About Behaviorism
In traditional terms, meanings and referents are not to be found in words but in the circumstances under which words are used by speakers and understood by listeners, but “used” and “understanding” need further analysis. About Behaviorism
(We can determine that a single response example, if we show a person a pencil and say, “What specified as color—provided he has been subject to an appropriate history of reinforcement.) About Behaviorism
confined themselves so narrowly to the topography of behavior at the expense of the other parts of the con- tingencies of reinforcement, we should know much more about how a child learns to speak. About Behaviorism
The metaphor of storage in memory, which has seemed to be so dramatically confirmed by the com- puter, has caused a great deal of trouble. About Behaviorism
ABouT BEHAVIoRISM 122 123 Thinking overlapping circles. About Behaviorism
A problem to which a good deal of attention has been given arises when two or more re- sponses appear to be possible and a person chooses or decides among them. About Behaviorism
In the eighteenth century in France the leaders of the Enlightenment borrowed a good deal from Eng- lish writers—in particular, Bacon, Locke, and Newton. About Behaviorism
I have devoted a good deal of space to rule-governed and contingency-shaped behavior for several reasons. About Behaviorism
the subject of a good deal of controversy. About Behaviorism
The mind has different parts inferred from different kinds of be- havior. About Behaviorism
We need to know a great deal more about complex contingencies of rein- forcement, and it will always be hard to deal with that particular set to which any one person is exposed dur- ing his life, but at least we know how to go about find- ing out what we need to know. About Behaviorism
Not all con- tingencies can be replaced with rules, and some con- tingency-shaped behavior is beyond the reach of verbal description. About Behaviorism
(The ten- dency could be innate, since there is survival value, for example, in the behavior of a mother who feeds and cares for her young and protects them from harm and who, in doing so, provides conditions which classify as positive and negative reinforcers, but social contin- gencies of reinforcement generate comparable behav- ior.) About Behaviorism
In both cases the emphasis is clearly upon the here and now, on being or well-being or mo- mentary becoming. About Behaviorism
The fact is probably not entirely irrelevant to artist, composer, or writer, but even if it were, there is no reason why a behavioristic account could not list the reinforcing effects of works of art, music, and litera- ture and deal with them as such, rather in the manner of the contemplative knowing discussed in Chapter 9. About Behaviorism
were explaining behavior with a curious mixture of anatomy, physiology, and feelings. About Behaviorism
If behaviorism took the line of a pure structuralism, abandoning the causal role of the mind and putting nothing in its place, it would be superficial in an objectionable sense, but that is a very superficial view of what it actually does. About Behaviorism
He has failed to solve his problems because he has looked in the wrong place for solutions. About Behaviorism
Among those who have the power needed to control others in this way are govern- mental and religious authorities and men possessing a good deal of money. About Behaviorism
verbal behavior, we can identify the referent of abstract terms but terms like “morality” and “justice” raise an additional problem. About Behaviorism
A good deal of what is called behavioral science is not behavioristic in the present sense. About Behaviorism
But the limits of traumatic hysteria, as Aschaffenburg’s example shows (flower-pot falling followed by aphonia), are very wide. Freud and Psychoanalysis
7’ Carrying our illustration further, we see that in the dream 2 It might be objected that such a supposition is not permissible, as there is a great deal of difference between a song and a dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With her interesting illness, she has obviously offered the analyst a great deal, and has received from him a good deal of interest and pa- tience in return. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Lies are fantasies, and we deal in fantasies.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
This last point is understandable enough, since it is not everyone’s business to think theoretically. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The term “Oedipus complex” naturally does not mean conceiving this conflict in its adult form, but rather on a reduced scale suitable to childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nevertheless it soon began to look as though she liked Mr. B a vast deal better. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But that would tell us nothing about its pro- spective function, that is, about the tasks it has to accomplish now and in the future. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The explanation she was given showed her that “impossible” and “like a fairytale” are only partly identical, since fairytales do have a great deal of meaning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And the doctor who lives in the white light must take into consideration the past experiences of pa- tients from the yellow or blue region, in spite or rather because of his wider knowledge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I did not reduce them to personal factors, as Freud does, but—and this seemed indicated by their very na- ture—I compared them with the symbols from mythology and the history of religion, in order to discover the meaning they were trying to express. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even when I deal with empirical data I am necessarily speaking about myself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In their moral teach- ings I see efforts that are the same as or similar to those made by my patients when, guided by their own insight or inspira- tion, they seek the right way to deal with the forces of psychic life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was the latest in a long list of what might be called “Tall-bans.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The British had difficulty subduing the unruly tribes- men on the frontier, so a deal was struck: the tribes could manage their own affairs, but British law would apply to the road that runs through the Khyber Pass. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Further clouding our understanding of bin Laden is the fact that a vast amount has been written about him, a good deal of it rubbish. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These families did business with one another, intermarried, and brought with them from Hadramawt a distinctive culture that may ex- plain both their worldly success and their piety. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Osama was also exposed to a good deal of Is- lamic teaching as a child: during the Hajj, Mohammed would host hundreds of pilgrims, some of whom were leaders of Muslim move- ments or senior ulema, clergy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It was the dawn of a new century in the Muslim calendar, traditionally a time of change.~7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden appears to revel in his close calls with death, saying: “Once I was only thirty me- 122 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But his opinions did not bother his supervisor. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While he is their guest and they are not eager to hand him over to the United States, he has also been a headache for the movement’s leader- ship, who do not appreciate the repeated calls for violence against True Believers: The Taliban and bin Laden / 163 Exactly how close are bin Laden and the shadowy Mullah Omar? There were widely circulated rumors of a marital alliance between Americans that are complicating their already difficult quest for inter- national recognition. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The clerics asked for adequate pro- tection for bin Laden and an area in which he could operate, specify- ing a preference for the mountainous regions of Yemen’s northwest, on its border with Saudi Arabia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Abu Hassan was certainly running up his satellite phone charges: he also called Abu Hamza in London to tell him that he “did not expect the Yemeni government to deal with this matter in the same way it deals with other kidnappings.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bombers would employ C4, a high- explosive material manufactured by a relatively small group of countries including the United States and Iran. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The inquiry had gotten off to a rocky start, not only because of a culture clash between the FBI, arguably the world’s most highly skilled investigative agency, and Yemen’s police force, whose own forensic techniques often run to torture, but also because of an assumption by some U.S. officials that Yemen would give them carte blanche to investigate the case.’°8 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
How had the U.S. government let things get so out of hand? After all, the deal to refuel in Yemen was inked after the United States had heard from a highly credible source that an attack on a warship in the area was in the works. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The militants had already concluded that Sadat was an “infidel,” but when he struck a peace deal with Israel—sealing the agreement by 200 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On Thursday night the final deal was struck. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Muttawakil summoned reporters on Friday morning and said a deal had been made but that the actual release of the passengers would be an extremely delicate and potentially dangerous situation. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(I would learn only later that bin Laden had played a key, behind- the-scenes role in the negotiations between the Taliban and HUM, urging the hijackers to cut the best possible deal for themselves.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
My literary agency, Janklow & Nesbit, was vital to all phases of this project. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Benjamin Weiser, “Defense in Terror Trial Cites U.S. Sanctions Against Iraq,” New York Times, June 5, 2001; “A Deal? Iraq and the U.N.” The Economist, January 27, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
61. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Over the past nine years, I have gone to school with the members of the Society for Ethical and Legal Philosophy, and while none of them are responsible for any of the arguments in this book, they have collectively had a great deal to do with the writing of it. Just and Unjust Wars
At particular points in time, it takes shape in par- ticular ways, and sometimes at least in ways that resist the “utmost exertion of forces.” Just and Unjust Wars
But there is a great deal to be said about its interior regions, as he himself admits. Just and Unjust Wars
A great deal of this book is concerned with trying to say which ones those are. Just and Unjust Wars
Both hang on issues in social contract theory. Just and Unjust Wars
I will skip the Polish war, for the Poles were confronted again by Nazi aggression and had, no doubt, learned from the Czech experience. Just and Unjust Wars
I can say very little here about the reasons for insurgent strength in the countryside. Just and Unjust Wars
The Allies were apparently committed not to deal even with a revolutionary German government. Just and Unjust Wars
Had the Germans themselves undertaken to destroy Nazism, there would have been every reason to help them and no need for an external reconstruction of their polity. Just and Unjust Wars
That is not, however, a small achievement. Just and Unjust Wars
If they did, moral life in wartime would be a great deal easier than it is. Just and Unjust Wars
Rights talk, she claims, turns “what should have been a cry of protest from the depth of the the heart - . Just and Unjust Wars
In order to deal with these difficulties, I shall simply accept the paradigm and treat guerrillas as they ask to be treated, as fish among the ocean’s fish. Just and Unjust Wars
It is possible to worry at length about the precise meaning of distinctiveness, fix- ity, and openness, but I do not think we would learn a great deal by doing so. Just and Unjust Wars
It was clearly respon- sive to the incident at Athens; it was parallel and proportionate in its means (for one can destroy a great deal of property in answer to the destruction of human life); and it was carried out so as to avoid civilian deaths. Just and Unjust Wars
This will be a useful occasion to consider again what that plea might mean—and to suggest that here, as in military history generally, it means a great deal less than it appears to do. Just and Unjust Wars
Certainly, war is such a time: every war is an emergency, every battle a possible turning point. Just and Unjust Wars
There was a great deal of dispute at the time, some of it technical, some of it moral in character. Just and Unjust Wars
Moral argument is especially important in wartime because— as I have said before, and as Bishop’s “brevity” makes clear—the laws of war are radically incomplete. Just and Unjust Wars
The best way to deal with these issues is to turn immediately to a critical case. Just and Unjust Wars
Our actual assignments will vary a great deal, de- pending on the precise nature of the democratic order, the place of a particular person in that order, and the pattern of his own political activities. Just and Unjust Wars
But each can accuse himself ~ In a perfect democracy, we would know a great deal about one another’s duties, and just accusations would not be impossible. Just and Unjust Wars
Army discipline in the actual context of war is often a great deal more haphazard than the firing squad example suggests. Just and Unjust Wars
If a great deal of such killing and injuring takes place, they are presumptively responsible, for we assume that it lay within their power to prevent it. Just and Unjust Wars
Given what actually happens in war, military commanders have a great deal to answer for. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of military commanders is different; hence we must expect them to devote a great deal of time and attention to the discipline and control of the men-with-guns they have turned loose in the world. Just and Unjust Wars
agencies Reality TV , culture, caught in a loop of recycled ideas, has turned its backontheworld for decades, leavingus unprepared when re- ality bitback. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They’vejustfailedtobuy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
She was cowering in the corner ofa nearby hotel when a man said, “Lady, take my hand,” andledher to a local hospital. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“There’s a great deal that we’re impro- vising here as we go,” says Wolfowitz. Newsweek September 24, 2001
the enough. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“The things I’m worried about haven’t happened yet:’ saysJoy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the second part of the volume, we focus on the ways in which the governing elites have sought to use the powers and resources of the state to deal with problems of distribution and social equity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Al- though some of the local notables were prepared to make a deal with the Kabul regime, the Islamic revolutionaries took a hard-line position against compromise with the Najibullah government and have also been opposed to the return of the king, who, in their mind, is tied to the local notables. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
14. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Local notables now feel more at ease with a regime that needs them according to the traditional patterns of power sharing between a weal~ central state and strong local powers, which could hope to become stron- ger by making a deal with the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They prefer to compromise with a distant Communist regime that gave up all mention of Marxism than to deal with a new category of ascending rival local leaders: mujahidin commanders, whose authority relies on the totally different patterns o Islam as an ideology for national liberation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
leader holding both military and political power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Pashtuns tend to be more fragmented, because of tribal influ- Small parties, like Modjaddedi’s National Liberation Front, are Gaylani’s party (NIFA) and Harakat-e Enqelab are underesti- Observations on the Survey F many local petty commanders that it is difficult to collect biographical data; the second, because there has been a great deal of change in political affiliations since 1983 among its followers, making it difficult to update data. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Their elected officers were to deal with the collective affairs of the peasants and act as mediators with the adminis- tration as khans and maleks had done. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The historical evolution of Shi’ite jurispru- dence (figh) had not provided it with a ready set of rulings and ordinances that could deal effectively with the social and economic problems that any contemporary government, particularly one con- cerned with revolutionary change, would face. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The reform process has been championed by the Western-edu- cated technocrats who control most government posts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This model was developed to handle economic crises rather than to deal with the economy’s long-range problems. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another package of assistance valued at more than $4 billion for another six years was negotiated in 1987 but was suspended in 1990. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some surveys car- ried out by the Planning Commission and individual scholars suggest a great deal of waste in the use of the windfall gain this resource flow represented for the families that were its direct beneficiaries (Gilani, Khan, and Iqbal 1981; Asian Employment Programme 1983). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the dispute between East and West Pakistan received a great deal of political attention for over a decade, it was not the only regional redistributive crisis Pakistan was to face. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The large num- ber of widows leads certain members of the staff to reconsider the levirate and even polygamy as solutions to the crisis, in order to assure the security of the helpless and familyless widows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When they deal with the subject of women, the parties try to make a distinction between a Western-style “shameful emancipation,” which is contrary to a woman’s dignity, and a status that only Islam can confer, conforming to that dignity as well as to her rights and duties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women who have resisted total conformity have been fired from jobs, punished with Islamic punishment (seventy-four lashes), subjected to physical attacks on the streets, excluded from social space (shops refuse to sell them goods; banks, government offices, taxis, and airplanes refuse to deal with them), and threatened with transfer to “rehabilita- tion camps” at their own expense. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“When God or His Prophet issue an order, it is not worthy of any believing man or woman to deal with it on the basis of taste. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The tradition of female activism in support of larger political goals remains very much alive in the Sindhiani Tebrik women’s movement, although its class composition differs a great deal from the elite, urban composition of the WAF and PWLA.11 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He was really an original type. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The word élève recalls that when I visited the brother-in-law of my present host in northern Bohemia, I had to laugh a great deal because the rural population referred to the élèves (pupils) of the school of forestry as löwen (lions). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Within a week or so, the patient recovered and was entirely normal, thus corroborating my diagnosis in every respect. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Iv 30 CHILDHOOD AND CONCEALING MEMORIES ~fl these encroaching or interposing concealing memories. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What most concerns the memory lies here chronologically beyond the concealing memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At first sight, it would seem that the diversities of both phenomena are far more striking than their exact analogies. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I meant to say ‘competent.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here my aversion naturally does not extend to the vendor of safes, but to another person, concerning whom I wish to know nothing, and later, transfers itself from the latter to this incident where it brings about the forgetting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I actually believe that we must accept this explanation for a whole se- ries of seemingly accidental awkward movements. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A cirde of bronze statuettes with small terra- cotta figures is set behind this inkstand. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I hurried to a consultation to see a patient who, according to the anamnesis which I received by letter, had fallen from a At a certain time twice a day for six years, I was accustomed to For many years, a reflex hammer and a tuning-fork lay side by ERRONEOUSLY CARRIED-OUT ACTIONS * 83 84 balcony some months before, and since then, had been unable to walk. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
SYMPTOMATIC AND CHANCE ACTIONS * IX 97 98 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE mentioned, and therefore come to the condusion that we deal with a symptomatic action. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Several days before, a woman mediator of a different sort had inquired of a relative whether the gracious young lady wished to make the acquaintance of a certain SYMPTOMATIC AND CHANCE ACTIONS gentleman, and that morning, some hours before the woman’s visit, the wooing letter of th’~ suitor arrived, giving occasion for much mirth. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
During a walk through the inner city a few days after the title of “Professor” was bestowed on me, which carried with it a great deal of prestige even in monarchical cities, my thoughts suddenly turned to a childish revenge-phantasy against a certain married couple. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Absorbed in our conversation, we had not noticed him consciously, but the visual image had stirred up the association of his double, Dr. R. That we should both have experienced the same thought is also quite natural. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The cases in which the dis— turbance is’ the result of an inner contradiction are the most significant ones, and also deal with the more important activities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Insight such as this falls to one’s lot but once in a lifetime. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But as I have not succeeded in mastering the whole of this literature— for it is widely dispersed and interwoven with the literature of other sub- jects—.-I The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
is very much in love with her hus- band, and teases him a good deal. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
—“Infanticide? But you know that only a mother can commit this crime upon her new-born child?”—”That is true.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
DISTORTION IN DREAMS * 203 204 Now there still remain to be considered, as a particular sub-order of dreams with painful content, the anxiety-dreams, the inclusion of which among the wish-dreams will be still less acceptable to the uninitiated. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My friend wrote to me yesterday from Berlin: “I am thinking a great deal about your dream-book. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This suggests further memories of her childhood—of a cook who was discharged because she stole; she, too, sank to her knees and begged for mercy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reader will then understand why I can deal with only a few of the group of typical dreams in this chapter, and why I have postponed the discussion of the others. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It will be seen that even that restitution of the old state of affairs that oc- curs in paranoia complies with this counter-tendency. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream, when written down, fills half a page; the analysis, which contains the dream-thoughts, requires six, eight, twelve times as much space. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have already found it necessary to remark that one can never be really sure that one has interpreted a dream completely; even if the solution seems satisfying and flawless, it is always possible that yet another mean- ing has been manifested by the same dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We shall presently have occa- sion to deal with this in another connection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On further questioning, the golden eye recalled gold—money—the rather expensive psychoanalytic treatment, which gives her a great deal of concern. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we should seek to trace the relations between the dream-content and the dream-thoughts a little farther, we shall do this best by making the dream itself our point of departure, and asking ourselves: What do cer- tain formal characteristics of the dream-presentation signify in relation to the dream-thoughts? First and foremost among the formal character- istics which are bound to impress us in dreams are the differences in the sensory intensity of the single dream-images, and in the distinctness of various parts of the dream, or of whole dreams as compared with one an- other. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In other words: when a particular incident is represented by the dream-work in a “dream,” it signifies the strongest confirmation of the reality of this incident, the most emphatic affirmation of it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE DREAM-WORK * 337 338 other modes of indirect representation before we have clearly conceived its distinguishing characteristics. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She makes herself beautiful for him; she admits physical defects, of which she is ashamed and which she wishes to correct. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more one is occupied with the solution of dreams, the readier one becomes to acknowledge that the majority of the dreams of adults deal with sexual material and give expression to erotic wishes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“That means,” she adds, “that it must deal with an episode of my early childhood, for at that time all grown-up people nat- urally seemed to me immensely large.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This uplifting of our thoughts prepares us for the fact that we shall have to deal with this “common fate.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream-thoughts deal with the future of my fam- ily after my premature death. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Disregard of the element concerned has the psychic effect, in the per- son analysed, that nothing in connection with the unwished ideas behind this element will occur to him. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But we shall learn elsewhere, when we come to deal with the dream-wish, that the THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES 459 presents the one t0 which we musto1 gth 460THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS motive-power of the dream is furnished by the Ucs., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
So far as we know, a psychic apparatus possessing only the primary process does not exist, and is to that extent a theoretical fiction; but this at least is a fact: that the primary processes are present in the apparatus from the beginning, while the secondary processes only take shape gradually during the course of life, inhibiting and overlay- ing the primary, whilst gaining complete control over them perhaps only in the prime of life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Other variations deal with temporal relations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We deal here with congenital roots r In the constitution of the sexual instinct, which in one series of cases’ develop into real carriers of sexual activity (perverts); while in other cases they undergo an insufficient suppression (repression), so that as morbid symptoms they are capable of attracting to themselves in a Toundabout way a considerable part of the sexual energy; while again in favorable cases between the two extremes, they give origin to the normal sexual life through effective restrictions and other elaborations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, since Freud’s ideas have been spread in English-spealdng countries, many works made their appearance which deal directly or indirectly with the sexual life of the child. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On other occa- sions and even much more frequently, the condensation work of the dream produces no compositions, but pictures which closely resemble an object or person up to a certain addition or variation which comes from another source, like the modifications in the witticisms of Mr. N. We cannot doubt that in this case, as in the other, we deal with a similar psychic process which is recognizable by identical results. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But there is a good deal of sense in designating the age of a feminine creature by the changing modes instead of by the changing of moons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As we have to deal here with the figure of comparison, we shall put off the detailed investigation of this witticism until later on. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the end of a dinner to which 1 had been invited, a pastry called Roulard was served; it was a culinary accomplishment which presupposed a good deal of skill on the part of the cook. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The philosophers who consider wit as a part of the comic and deal with the latter itself in the field of æsthetics, characterize the æsthetic feeling through the following condition: that we are not thereby interested in or about the objects, that we do not need these objects to satisfy our great wants in life, but that we are satisfied with the mere contemplation of the same, and with the pleasure of the idea itself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Psychic relief may in a way be compared to economy, which constitutes the technique of the second group. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
~ Cathexis, from the Greek cat hexo, I occupy; the term refers to a sum of psychic energy, which occupies or invests objects or some particular channels. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To the person who uses it, it gives the advantage of readily avoiding the difficulties to which direct expressions, as, for example, invectives, are subject. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All grimaces which exaggerate the normal expres- sion of the emotions are comical, even if they are involuntary, as in the case of persons suffering from St. Vitus’ dance (chorea). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Either the comic originates through the uncovering of the unconscious modes of thinking in a manner similar to the cases considered above, or the wit originates by comparison with perfect wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Like the former its psychic localization is in the foreconscious, whereas wit, as we had to assume, is formed as a compromise between the unconscious and the fore- conscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The former comprise priests and chiefs as well as the dead and everything that has belonged to them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Through this there must have resulted a never ceasing change of vocabulary, which caused a good • deal of difficulty for the missionaries, especially where the interdiction upon a name was permanent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In both cases, whether we deal with an original libidinous investment of thought or whether the same process has been accomplished regressively, the psychic results are the same, namely, intellectual narcism and omnipotence of thought.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Such assumptions of a general psychological and biological nature exist, and it would be quite to the point to deal with them elsewhere, but the principle of repression is an acquisition of the psychoanalytic work, won by legitimate means, as a theoretical extract from very nu- merous experiences. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The first bit of reality with which the patient must deal is his illness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
advice and bargain hunters’ deal of the day at onmagazine.com Time October 10, 2001
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An example is the greatest of Russian explorers, Nikolai Przhe- valsky, who dreamed of going to Lhasa and exploring Tibet. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Mohan Lal was a great deal more than that. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Why shouldn’t Akbar and Macnaghten secretly join forces? Why not keep Shah Shuja on the throne? Why not let Akbar become vizier? Could this not be ac- complished with British fees and pensions, and a British promise to withdraw within six months? Macnaghten embraced the double- deal, and signed a document stipulating its terms. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Decrying an “odious offense” against the truth, Bright demanded to know why, if Burnes’s views were worthless, they were falsified and by whom. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Doubtless a good deal of cant tainted Russian outrage over slavery Edward Allworth, the doyen of American authorities on Central Asia, has dryly observed that Russian slave markets had long existed in Kiev, Kazan, Astrakhan, and other cities, and that slavery was qui- etly tolerated in Siberia as late as 1 825.What Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
James Gordon Bennett, the Herald’.c Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even so, the Viceroy was willing to take real risks for Sher Mi. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Katkov liked what he learned, and cared not a whit what the Foreign Ministry thought. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I have a good deal of friends in Russia, but I have more in England and my political sympathies are with England.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I think a good deal of what Dr. Sven Hedin has said tonight rather shows the decision was a right one as far as it went. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Desert Wanderer :. 33~ 338 .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS if not based on triangulation and topography? Anything else was “temporary makeshift awaiting better opportunities.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This was followed in 1907 by an Anglo-Russian Convention in which the two old rivals professed friendship and agreed to deal with Lhasa only through Chinese mediation, save for certain rights won byYounghusband. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Another was to strike a deal with Peking to form two Tibetan zones within China, but with the zone around Lhasa assured essential autonomy (in the process adding slices of Tibet to British India). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
McGovern turned himself in, and was expelled. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This mattered a great deal to President Truman, who trailed Dewey in polls and on all sides was written off as a loser. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS When Roerich arrived in New York a few months later for the opening of his new museum, he found himself, thanks to the efforts of Horch and others, momentarily famous. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Guru :. 477 478 .•. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Presi- dent Herbert Hoover invited him to the White House. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Twice wounded as an Army captain in World War I, and a founder of the American Legion, he nevertheless broke ranks as a Republican state legislator to oppose expulsion of Socialist assemblymen during the postwar Red Scare, Ted disapproved of FDR’s New Deal, but not his interventionist foreign policy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
felt “very strongly” that “we must under all circum- stances continue to deal with Tibet as a completely autonomous country” and should not enter into any negotiations with China about Tibet unless Lhasa was a party on equal terms. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Depön, the army’s young comman- der, the scion of a leading noble family, told the Cuttings he was studying French and English and showed them his battered manuals. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Suydam Cutting headed an American Committee for the Defense of British Homes to supply weapons for civil defense, one of many such groups that sprang up almost overnight. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Finally, there was the Thule So- ciety, whose lodge members avowed anti-Semitism, believed in militant action, and maintained close ties with the incipient Nazi party. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A day after the incident, General Charles G. Dodge, the Army Chief of Information, called Hank Wood to offer an apology but not an explanation. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Very pleasant to deal with,” Dolan tells us. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
WHAT THE VICEROY COULD NOT FORESEE IN EARLY 1943 WAS THE impending collapse of China’s Nationalist regime and the victory of Mao Tse-tung’s Communists. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
33 (April, 1909), 438. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
George Roerich’s account of the Central Asian expedi- tion is in Trails to Innermost Asia (New Haven, CT, 1931). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“In the world of imperial Realpolitik”: ibid., 35. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Chapter Nineteen 475—476 “1 have been thinking of you holding the casket”: Pegler, March 10 476 476 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 480 481—482 482 483 483 483 483 483 483 484 485 485 485 485 486 486 486 1948. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Coming of the New Deal (Boston, 1959); and James MacGregor Burns, Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (NewYork, 1956). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
537 “The dreary crawling travail of our lowland journey”: ibid. 537 “Very pleasant to deal with”: Dolan Diary, Academy of Sciences Archives, vol. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
on Sept. 9, ing north on his suicide minded the dealer, Brad car needed to be serviced. Newsweek September 24, 2001
I propose to designate it as displacement, for its most essential element, the deviation of the trend of thought, consists in 1Heine’s answer is a combination of two wit-techniques—a displacement and an allusion—for he does not say directly: “He is an ox.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
His friend held him back and said: “My dear sir, remember there are people in there.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This gap in our understanding, however, offers no ground for complaint that our first investigation has been unsuccessful. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Enter at this point an American, a British intelligence officer pos- ing as a native horse dealer, and a faux American with great gifts as a spy and antiquarian scholar. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Dost Mohammed’s former commander-in-chief was suitably lionized and styled himself General; he married, acquired a farm, and tried to promote the use of camels by the U.S. Army. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Reticence was Pottinger’s hall- mark, and it enabled him to move with tactful stealth in the most dangerous settings. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A London rare book dealer recently sold a first edition of Masson’s Narrative of J/arious Journeys in which a letter was pasted, written around 1845 and signed by W. J. Eastwick, a British official closely involved with the early phases of Anglo-Afghan relations. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Weak groups wifi try to increase their strength by internationalizing their struggle. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Its rural areas simmered with popular discontent against the federal government, there was armed conffict between Sindhis and Muhajirs in the city of Hyderabad; and the slums of Karachi—ruled by coalitions of gunrun- ners, narcotics dealers, and their associates in military intelligence and the local police-provided the backdrop to deepening tensions be- STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 181 Conclusion 182 AYESHA JALAL tween Sindhis and Punjabis, Muhajirs and Punjabis, and Muhajirs and Pashtuns. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In an assemblage of divines and pastors no one would dare to refer to Heine’s comparison of Catholic and Protestant priests as retail dealers and employees of a wholesale business. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
the Superintendent’s first foray anticipated what was to come. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
When he fled Tibet with the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, he became persona non grata with the British, who prevented him from returning permanently to Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After the election, it was the beaming President who held aloft the famous Chicago Trib- une headline, “Dewey Defeats Truman.”Yet Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Skinner, Burrhus Frederic, 1904- About behaviorism. About Behaviorism
It works with animals, particularly with white rats, but not with people, and its picture of human be- havior is therefore confined to those features which human beings share with animals. About Behaviorism
Its achievements under laboratory control cannot be duplicated in daily life, and what it has to say about human behavior in the world at large is therefore un- supported metascience. About Behaviorism
ABOUT BBøavIoRIsM 4 S Introduction 14. About Behaviorism
17. About Behaviorism
20. About Behaviorism
These contentions represent, I believe, an extraor- dinary misunderstanding of the achievements and sig- nificance of a scientific enterprise. About Behaviorism
It seemed to be implied that human behavior had no distinguishing characteristics. About Behaviorism
The vagaries of the early history of the movement can hardly suffice as an ex- planation. About Behaviorism
Much is at stake in the way in which we look at ourselves, and a be- havioristic formulation certainly calls for some disturb- ing changes. About Behaviorism
There are many different kinds of be- havioral science, and some of them, as I shall show later, formulate the field in ways which do not raise important behavioristic issues. About Behaviorism
The criticisms listed above are most effectively answered by a special dis- cipline, which has come to be called the experimental analysis of behavior. About Behaviorism
The behaviorism I present in this book is the phi- losophy of this special version of a science of be- havior. About Behaviorism
Watson spoke for “the behaviorist,” and in his time he was the be- haviorist, but no one can assume that mantle today. About Behaviorism
The major prob- lems facing the world today can be solved only if we improve our understanding of human behavior. About Behaviorism
I also believe in its importance. About Behaviorism
They are largely responsible for the situation in which we now find ourselves. About Behaviorism
Behaviorism offers a promising alternative, and I have written this book in an effort to make its position clear. About Behaviorism
It could al- ways be reduced to a question about causes. About Behaviorism
The person with whom we are most < familipr < is ourself; many of the things we observe just before we behave occur within our body, and it is easy to take them as the causes of our behavior. About Behaviorism
We of- ten feel hungry when we eat and hence conclude that we eat because we feel hungry. About Behaviorism
We assume that other people feel as we feel when they behave as we behave. About Behaviorism
But an- other question then arises: How can a mental event cause or be caused by a physical one? If we want to predict what a person will do, how can we discover the mental causes of his behavior, and how can we produce the feelings and states of mind which will induce him to behave in a given way? Suppose, for example, that we want to get a child to eat a nutritious but not very palatable food. About Behaviorism
What is to be done about them? About Behaviorism
Mind, it is said, will eventually be found to have a physical basis. About Behaviorism
As one neurologist recently put it, “Everyone now accepts the fact that the brain provides the physi- cal basis of human thought.” About Behaviorism
But the major difficulties are practical: we cannot anticipate what a person will do by looking directly at his feelings or his nervous system, nor can we change his behavior by changing his mind or his brain. About Behaviorism
Anthro- pologists can report customs and manners, political sci- entists can take the line of “behavioralism” and record Sfructuralism ABOUT BEa&vIoRlsM 12 political action, economists can amass statistics about what people buy and sell, rent and hire, save and spend, and make and consume, and psychologists can sample attitudes and opinions. About Behaviorism
All this may be done through direct observation, possibly with the help of recording systems, and with interviews, questionnaires, tests, and polls. About Behaviorism
The discovery of org~tni~’ing principles in the structure of behavior— such as “universals” in cultures or languages, arche- typal patterns in literature, or psychological types— may make it possible to predict instances of behavior that have not previously occurred. About Behaviorism
be studied as a function of time or age, as in the de- velopment of a child’s verbal behavior or his problem- solving strategies or in the sequence of stages through which a person passes on his way from infancy to ma- turity, or in the stages through which a culture evolves. About Behaviorism
A more explicit strategy is to abandon the search for causes and simply describe what people do. About Behaviorism
The mentalistic problem can be avoided by going di- rectly to the prior physical causes while bypassing in- termediate feelings or states of mind. About Behaviorism
The quickest way to do this is to confine oneself to what an early be- haviorist, Max Meyer, called the “psychology of the other one”: consider only those facts which can be ob- jectively observed in the behavior of one person in its relation to his prior environmental history. About Behaviorism
or control behavior by observing or manipulating prior public events. About Behaviorism
Methodological behaviorism might be thought of as a psychological version of logical positivism or opera- tionism, but they are concerned with different issues. About Behaviorism
Logical positivism or operationism holds that since no two observers can agree on what happens in the world of the mind, then from the point of view of physical science mental events are “unobservables”; there can be no truth by agreement, and we must abandon the cx- animation of mental events and turn instead to how they are studied. About Behaviorism
They argued that a robot which behaved pre- cisely like a person, responding in the same way to stimuli, changing its behavior as a result of the same operations, would be indistinguishable from a real per- son, even though it would not have feelings, sensations, or ideas. About Behaviorism
If such a robot could be built, it would prove that none of the supposed manifestations of mental life demanded a mentalistic explanation. About Behaviorism
With respect to its own goals, methodological be- haviorism was successful. About Behaviorism
The view that a purely physical world could be self-sufficient bad been suggested centuries before, in the doctrine of psy- chophysical parallelism, which held that there were two worlds—one of mind and one of matter—and that neither had any effect on the other. About Behaviorism
Most methodological be- But what about other evidence? Is the traditional Radical Behaviorism The statement that behaviorists deny the existence of feelings, sensations, ideas, and other features of mental life needs a good deal of clarification. About Behaviorism
Methodological behaviorism and some versions of logical positivism ruled private events out of bounds because there could be no public agreement about their validity. About Behaviorism
It re- stores introspection but not what philosophers and introspective psychologists had believed they were “specting,” and it raises the question of how much of one’s body one can actually observe. About Behaviorism
It simply questions the nature of the object ob- served and the reliability of the observations. About Behaviorism
This does not mean, as I shall show later, that introspection is a kind of physiological research, nor does it mean (and this is the heart of the argument) that what are felt or introspectively ob- served are the causes of behavior. About Behaviorism
What are introspectively ob- served are certain collateral products of those histories. About Behaviorism
Any available information about either contribution helps in the pre- diction and control of human behavior and in its in- terpretation in daily life. About Behaviorism
For example, we can look at those features of behavior which have led peo- ple to speak of an act of will, of a sense of purpose, of experience as distinct from reality, of innate or ac- quired ideas, of memories, meanings, and the personal knowledge of the scientist, and of hundreds of other mentalistic things or events. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, he was right in insisting that we are all culture-bound and that we approach the study of be- havior with preconceptions. About Behaviorism
A few facts and principles will, I hope, become familiar enough to be useful, since the discussion cannot proceed in a vacuum, but the book is not about a science of behavior but about its phi- losophy, and I have kept the scientific material to a bare minimum. About Behaviorism
In later A Few Words of Caution ABOUT BEE&vIolusM 20 chapters, for example, the expression “contingencies of reinforcement” appears on almost every page, but con- tingencies are what the chapters are about. About Behaviorism
facts. About Behaviorism
I make the same use of examples as is made in a handbook of English usage. About Behaviorism
Many of these expressions I “translate into behavior.” About Behaviorism
I do so while acknowledging that Traduttori traditori—Translators are traitors—and that there are perhaps no exact be- havioral equivalents, certainly none with the overtones and contexts of the originals. About Behaviorism
(though I question the possibility of free choice), or “I have in mind.. About Behaviorism
(though I put a very special interpretation on awareness). About Behaviorism
There were periods when it was dif- ficult for the astronomer not to sound like an astrologer (or to be an astrologer at heart) and when the chemist had by no means freed himself from alchemy. About Behaviorism
We are in a similar stage in a science of behavior, and the sooner the transition is completed the better. About Behaviorism
The theoretical consequences are harder to demonstrate but, as I hope to show in what follows, equally important. About Behaviorism
We use the verb “feel” in describing our contact with these two kinds of stimulation. About Behaviorism
Pains can be wrenching or piercing; a headache may pound; and “excruciating” is related to crucifixion. About Behaviorism
The private stimuli which come to control the response “That hurts” are then less likely to be de- scribed with terms first descriptive of public stimuli. About Behaviorism
For example, we feel sad in the original sense of sated, or excited in the sense of stirred up, but these expressions may be little more than metaphors. About Behaviorism
ABouT BEHAVIoRISM 28 doing?” asks for information which may be quite pub- lic but which is at the moment out of reach of the I questioner, who may be speaking over the telephone, for example, or in the dark, or around a corner. About Behaviorism
The vocabulary in which the answer is given can be ac- quired when the behavior is visible to all parties, and the verbal community therefore suffers no limitation. About Behaviorism
Descriptions may be confined to. About Behaviorism
do?” is a metaphorical question, to which a metaphor- ical answer might be “I lean toward going.” About Behaviorism
Answers presumably depend upon stimulation generated by conditions associated with a marked probabifity of action. About Behaviorism
“What are you inclined to :i:’~ laughter occurred and a suitable vocabulary was ac- quired. About Behaviorism
It may be a report of strong covert behavior likely to be emitted publicly when the occasion arises (“When I see him, I shall remind him that he owes me ten dol- lars”). About Behaviorism
It may be a prediction of behavior based on cur- rent conditions with which the behavior is often asso- ciated (‘When things are like this, I generally give up” or “I’m hungry and I sin going to get something to eat”). About Behaviorism
It may be a report of a strong probability of be- having in a given way. About Behaviorism
Perhaps “I feel like playing cards” may be 31 The World Within the Skin Covert perceptual behavior is especially pn~Jing. About Behaviorism
An attitude (“Do you really want to do what you are doing?” or “Do you really want to go to the beach for your vacation?”) may be part of the metaphor of in- clination or tendency. About Behaviorism
behavior are reported according to the circumstances in which they have been acquired, and this means that an expression may be translated in several ways. About Behaviorism
Consider the report “I am, was, or wifi be hungry.” About Behaviorism
“I am hun- gry” may be equivalent to “I have hunger pangs,” and if the verbal community had some means of observing the contractions of the stomach associated with pangs, it could pin the response to these stimuli alone. About Behaviorism
It may also be equivalent to “I am eating actively.” About Behaviorism
“I am hungry” may also be equivalent to “It has been a long time since I have had anything to eat,” although the expression is most likely to be used in de- scribing future behavior: “If I miss my dinner, I shall be hungry.” About Behaviorism
“I am hungry” may also be equivalent to Multiple Translations. About Behaviorism
A per- son who observes that he is eating voraciously may say, “I really am hungry,” or, in retrospect, “I was hungrier than I thought,” dismissing other evidence as unreliable. About Behaviorism
‘What are you doing?” is frequently a request for fur- ther information. About Behaviorism
It is possible that many myths are little more than invented causes of the superstitious beha- vior, seemingly uncaused, to be discussed in Chapter 8. About Behaviorism
We may take feeling to be simply responding to stimuli, but reporting is the prod- uct of the special verbal contingencies arranged by a community. About Behaviorism
There is a similar difference between be- having and reporting that one is behaving or reporting the causes of one’s behavior. About Behaviorism
It then enters into the control of the behavior called knowing. About Behaviorism
But self- knowledge has a special value to the individual him- self. About Behaviorism
We have had Aristotelian revivals and are now said to be re- turning to Plato. About Behaviorism
Modem psychology can claim to be far beyond Plato in controlling the environments of which people are said to be conscious, but it has not greatly improved their access to consciousness itself, because it has not been able to improve the verbal con- tingencies under which feelings and states of mind are described and known. About Behaviorism
Fields such as respira- tion, digestion, circulation, and immunization have been set apart for special study, and among them is the field we call behavior. About Behaviorism
ABotrr BEHAVIORISM 36 I product of natural selection. About Behaviorism
Each of its members is an extremely complex organism, a living system, the sub- ject of anatomy and physiology. About Behaviorism
Herbert Spencer’s “life force,” Schopenhauer’s “blind will to exist,” and Bergson’s “élan vital” were early cx- amples of the conversion of biological processes into more energetic or substantial forms. About Behaviorism
Feelings are ascribed to the behaving organism when it is said that the moth likes the light it ffies toward or bees the appearance and odor of the flowers they frequent. About Behaviorism
The élan vital, for 39 Innate Behavior Instinctive behavior presents a more complex assign- ment for the physiologist than reflex, and at the moment we have few relevant facts and can only speculate about the kinds of systems which may be involved. About Behaviorism
(2) Some species defend the territories in which they live, and some of the behavior seems to be due to a genetic endowment, but to say that an organism de- fends its territory because of a territorial imperative or any other kind of instinct is simply to say that it is the kind of organism which defends its territory. About Behaviorism
Darwin’s theory of natural selection came very late in the history of thought. About Behaviorism
“Selection pressure” is an example. About Behaviorism
Survival may depend almost wholly on “competing with” the physical environment, when intel- ligent behavior is clearly favored.) About Behaviorism
There was little or nothing in physical or biological science that foreshadowed selection as a causal prin- ciple. About Behaviorism
Selection is a spe- cial kind of causality which is not properly represented as a force or pressure. About Behaviorism
I shall return to these expressions later. About Behaviorism
Through the process of operant condi~.icr~ng, About Behaviorism
behavior having this kind of consequence becomes more likely to occur. About Behaviorism
by its consequences, and for that rea- son t:e c~n~equences themselves are called “reinforc- ers.” About Behaviorism
When we have reviewed the contin- gencies which generate new forms of behavior in the individual, we shall be in a better position to evaluate those which generate innate behavior in the species. About Behaviorism
When no duck is present, the duckling be- haves in much the same way with respect to other ob- jects. About Behaviorism
What the duckling inherits is the capacity to be reinforced by maintaining or reducing the distance be- tween itself and a moving object. About Behaviorism
In the natural en- vironment, and in the laboratory in which imprinting is studied, approaching and following have these conse- quences, but the contingencies can be changed. About Behaviorism
A me- chanical system can be constructed in which movement toward an object causes the object to move rapidly away, while movement away from the object causes it to come closer. About Behaviorism
Only by know- ing what and how the duckling learns during its life- time can we be sure of what it is equipped to do at birth. About Behaviorism
The survival value of behaving as others be- have seems obvious. About Behaviorism
In general when a person is behaving in a given way, be is doing so be- cause of prevailing contingencies, and similar behavior I Imitation and the instinct of the Herd. About Behaviorism
selection and operant conditioning are often confused when they produce behaviors having similar topog- raphies. About Behaviorism
Modern warfare is often said to exemplify territoriality and aggression, but it would be hard to find any act of a soldier that could have been selected by contingencies of survival. About Behaviorism
At best, warlike behavior is acquired because of an inherent capacity to be rein- forced by gains in territory or damage inflicted upon others. About Behaviorism
specific circumstances in which survival value is plau- sible. About Behaviorism
An infant or child may bite, scratch, or strike if physically restrained when it could not have learned to do so. About Behaviorism
Or, third, the behavior may be reinforced by consequences not explicitly re- lated to aggression. About Behaviorism
The term “in- stinct” is sometimes avoided by referring instead to species-specific behavior on the theory that something characteristic of all members of a species is probably part of its genetic endowment. About Behaviorism
Psychoanalysts have made a great deal of the universality of the Oedipus complex, but the contingencies of personal reinforcement in the family in a given culture may be equally universal. About Behaviorism
The Importance of Maintaining the Distinction. About Behaviorism
The concept of mind had been thoroughly elaborated before the advent of evolutionary theory, and some ac- commodation was needed. About Behaviorism
When and how did mind evolve? What kind of mutation could have given rise to the first mental state or process which, in contribut- ing to the survival of the person in whom it occurred, became part of the human genetic endowment? The question is not unlike that raised by the conversion of reality into experience or of thought into action. About Behaviorism
The point may be made for the reinforcers which play a part in the conditioning of reflexes. About Behaviorism
The same may be said of operant reinforcers. About Behaviorism
Salt and sugar are critical requirements, and individuals who were especially likely to be reinforced by them have more effectively learned and remembered where and how to get them and have therefore been more likely to survive and transmit this susceptibility to the species. About Behaviorism
This is very different from saying that these things reinforce be- cause they taste or feel good. About Behaviorism
One reason is that the conditions we report when we say that a taste, odor, sound, picture, or piece of music is delicious, pleasant, or beautiful are part of the immediate situation, whereas the effect they may have in changing our be- havior is much less salient—and much less likely to be “seen,” because the verbal environment cannot estab- lish good contingencies. About Behaviorism
The verb “to like” is a synonym of “to be pleased with”; we say “If you like” and “If you please” more or less interchangeably. About Behaviorism
What we learn is similar to what we learn by testing the effect of a reinforcer: be is talking about what has reinforced him in the past or what he sees himself “going for.” About Behaviorism
I “1 enjoy Brahms,” and “Brahms pleases me” may easily be taken to refer to feelings, but they can be regarded as statements that the music of Brahms is reinforcing. About Behaviorism
The allusion to what is felt needs to be carefully examined. About Behaviorism
The state- ment “I love my wife” seems to be a report of feelings, but it also involves a probability of action. About Behaviorism
With respect to a person with whom we interact, then, to “love” is to behave in ways having certain kinds of effects, possibly with accompanying conditions which may be felt. About Behaviorism
The significant fact is that a person who needs or wants food is particularly likely to be reinforced by food and that be is particularly likely to engage in any behavior which has previously been reinforced with food. About Behaviorism
We say that a car needs gasoline and, much less idiom- atically, that gasoline is wanting, but to say that a per- son “wants to get out” suggests aversive control. About Behaviorism
A person under aversive control is particularly likely to be rein- forced if he escapes and to engage in any behavior which has led to escape. About Behaviorism
The knowledge has long been used for purposes of control. About Behaviorism
Food is reinforcing even when it does not satiate, and deprivation can be changed in ways which are not rein- forcing. About Behaviorism
The states associated with wanting and needing are more likely to be felt if no relevant behavior is at the moment possible. About Behaviorism
The lover writes “I want you” or “I need you” when nothing else can be done, and if he is doing anything else, aside from writing, it must be a matter of existing in the state which he describes with these expressions. About Behaviorism
Desiring, longing, hoping, and yearning are more closely related to a current absence of appropriate be- havior because they terminate when action begins. About Behaviorism
“I miss you” could almost be thought of as a metaphor based on target practice, equivalent to “My behavior with respect to you as a person cannot reach its mark” or “I look for you and fail to find you.” About Behaviorism
When we reinforce a person we are said to give him a motive or incentive, but we infer the motive or the incentive from the be- havior. About Behaviorism
We are said to be at the mercy of sex, hunger, and hatred, even though they are said to supply the psychic energy needed for action. About Behaviorism
For example, the statement “The term ‘aggression’ should be restricted to behavior motivated by the wish to injure” is intended to make a useful distinction between behavior which is merely aggressive in form and any part of such behavior which is emitted because it injures another person, but nothing is gained by speaking of the wish to injure or, in particular, of being motivated by a wish. About Behaviorism
The consequences which shape and maintain the be- havior called an operant are not present in the setting in which a response occurs; they have become part of 57 Operant Behavior Mentalistic terms associated with reinforcers and Idea and Wifi the history of the organism. About Behaviorism
It is possible that the report “I feel like going” is close to “I feel now as I have felt in the past when I have gone”; and “I want to go” may be a report of deprivation or a shortage. About Behaviorism
(It might be better to say simply that it appears, since emission may imply that behavior exists inside the organism and then comes out. About Behaviorism
The principal feature is that there seems to be no nec- essary prior causal event. About Behaviorism
To distinguish an operant from an elicited reflex, we say that the operant response is “emitted.” About Behaviorism
Behavior is said to be put into play when a person wills to act. About Behaviorism
The issue is determinism. About Behaviorism
Like “idea,” “will” is used almost interchangeably with behavior or at least with the probability of behav- ing. About Behaviorism
(Feedback may be used in a kind of explicit goal-seeking behavior to be discussed in Chapter 8.) About Behaviorism
Gambling can be demonstrated in many other species and is explained by a special schedule of reinforcement to be noted in a moment The ultimate loss (the “negative utility”) does not offset the effect of the schedule. About Behaviorism
The Utilitarians supposed that it might be possible to measure quantifies of pleasure and pain in such a way that the pleasure generated by socially objection- able behavior could be offset by a calculated amount of pain in the form of punishment. About Behaviorism
People can usually say what they are looking for and why they are looking in a given place, but like other species they also may not be able to do so. About Behaviorism
To seek help is to act in ways which have in the past led to help. About Behaviorism
As the Columbia Encyclopedia puts it: belief that an animal or plant changes in order to better adapt to its environment; e.g., that it develops an eye for the purpose of seeing. About Behaviorism
A tennis player reports that he practices a particular shot “until he feels confident”; the basic fact is that he practices until a certain proportion of his shots are good. About Behaviorism
He enjoys a sense of mastery, power, or potency. About Behaviorism
ABouT BEHAW0IU5M 64 cludes a tendency, often characteristic of a failure to be reinforced, to attack the system. About Behaviorism
When a person has left home for the first time, much of the behavior ap- propriate to that environment can no longer be emitted. About Behaviorism
The condition felt may be similar to depression, which is said to be common in people who have moved from one city to another. About Behaviorism
The ratio of responses to reinforcements may be “stretched” until it becomes quite unfavorable. About Behaviorism
Variable-ratio schedules, in which reinforcement oc- curs after a given average number of responses but in which the next response to be reinforced cannot be pre- dicted, are particularly interesting. About Behaviorism
It is said that Hitler prolonged the Second World War for nearly a year “by an in- credible exercise of will power which all the others in Germany lacked,” but his behavior (and hence his “will power”) can be plausibly attributed to an extraordi- narily favorable program (favorable for Hitler, disas-. About Behaviorism
66 torical event can never be more than plausible, but it is a better explanation than will power.) About Behaviorism
behavior may be sustained over long periods of time with very little return. About Behaviorism
schedules of reinforcement, although their effects are usually attributed to feelings. About Behaviorism
His behavior is “abnormal” in the sense that not everyone responds with similar dedication to the prevailing contingencies, but the fact is simply that not everyone has been exposed to a program through which a highly unfavorable ratio is made effective. About Behaviorism
A writer who says, “The more I read of the early and mid-Victorians, the more I see anxiety and worry as the leading clue to understanding them,” is suggesting an explanation of behavior in terms of feelings gener- ated by punishing circumstances, where the feelings are inferred from the behavior they are used to explain. About Behaviorism
If behavior stifi occurs but in a weakened form, it may be said to show inhibition, timidity, em- barrassment, fear, or caution. About Behaviorism
Excessive punishment is said to make a shortage of positive reinforcement more critical and leave a person “more vulnerable to severe depression and to giving up.” About Behaviorism
quences is said to show bravery, courage, or possibly audacity. About Behaviorism
The behavior suppressed may include the behavior involved in knowing about associated bodily conditions. About Behaviorism
As I have noted, be- liavioralism confined itself to the topography of politi- cal behavior, and structuralism in anthropology is often not far beyond the position that customs are followed simply because it is customary to follow them. About Behaviorism
If behaviorism had not replaced the feelings and states of mind which it discarded as explanations, it could indeed be called a kind of structuralism, but it found replacements in the environment. About Behaviorism
The point may be illustrated with the concept of imi- tation. About Behaviorism
In a purely formalistic definition, one organism might be said to be imitating another when it behaves as the other behaves, but, as we saw in Chapter 3, con- tingencies of both survival and reinforcement must be considered. About Behaviorism
The patrons of a restaurant are behaving in roughly the same way with respect to their dinners, but they are not imitating each other; they are behav- ing in similar ways because they are exposed to similar Asotrr BEHAvIoRIw 72 I contingencies. About Behaviorism
The distinction was useful in early studies of learning because the changes in performance then ob- served were rather erratic. About Behaviorism
Since it was assumed that learning was an orderly process, there appeared to be a discrepancy, but it was resolved by supposing that learning was not very accurately revealed in the be- havior the organism displayed. About Behaviorism
that operant and respondent conditioning represent a single process, a contention said to be opposed to the view that the two kinds of conditioning affect different systems of behavior, respondent conditioning being ap- propriate to the autonomic nervous system and operant conditioning to the skeletal musculature. About Behaviorism
As I noted in Chapter 1, a merely structural account may be supplemented by invoking time as an indepen- dent variable. About Behaviorism
The growth of the embryo from a fertil- ized egg to a fetus at term is a remarkable example of development, and it has been suggested that similar sequences in the growth “of a skill, of an art, of a con- cept in the mind” may be important. About Behaviorism
The psychopathology of the drug addict has been said to be due to “arrested infantile psychic development.” About Behaviorism
As these examples sug- gest, what grows is said to be something in the mind, as with Piaget, or in the personality, as with Freud. About Behaviorism
Compared with the experimental analysis of be- havior, developmental psychology stands in the posi- tion of evolutionary theory before Darwin. About Behaviorism
The Mind in Operant Behavior In most of this chapter I have been concerned with feel- ings or states of mind which may be interpreted as collateral products of the contingencies which gen- erate behavior. About Behaviorism
Mind is often represented as an agent, scarcely to be distinguished from the person who has the mind. About Behaviorism
A mechanical arm designed to be operated by muscles normally op- erating some other part of the body is said to be “thought-operated” or “operated by the mind,” al- though it is operated by the person who originally moved some other part of his body. About Behaviorism
When a person replies to the question “Will you go tomorrow?” by saying, “I don’t know, I never know how I will feel,” the assumption is that what is in doubt is the feeling rather than the behavior—that the per- I ABoUT BEHAVIOB~M 76 occurrence of a behavior is considered to be a func- expectations and to develop new and tentative solu- 77 Operant Behavior son will go if he feels like going rather than that he will feel like going if he goes. About Behaviorism
There are other words referring to mental activities said to be more specifically required by behavior. About Behaviorism
In operant experiments a rat presses a lever because it “anticipates” that food will be delivered or expects food to be delivered when it does so. About Behaviorism
Another supposed mental process said to be needed in operant conditioning is understanding, People must “understand the regularities upon which they can count.” About Behaviorism
Their action must be “grounded on the under- standing of how things behave.” About Behaviorism
Another state said to be needed is belief. About Behaviorism
The relation of beliefs to other conditions, such as wants and needs, can be easily stated: to say that “desires enter into the causa- tion of beliefs” is simply to say that the probability of behavior with which a belief is associated depends not only upon reinforcement but upon a state of depriva- tion or aversive stimulation. About Behaviorism
The things which make us happy are the things which reinforce us, but it is the things, not the feelings, which must be identified and used in prediction, control, and interpretation. About Behaviorism
Behavior be- comes pursuit only after reinforcement. About Behaviorism
It has been said that the pursuit of happiness cannot be an ex- planation of behavior because “nothing proves that I ABOUT BBnA~vR*mM 75 men in modern societies are happier than men in ar- chaic societies,” but operant reinforcement is effective quite apart from any ultimate gain, as the negative utility of gambling abundantly demonstrates. About Behaviorism
But pursuit, like search, is simply behavior which has been reinforced by achieving something. About Behaviorism
It calls for a certain amount of technical detail, and I shall treat it in some depth. About Behaviorism
A part of the environment entered the body, was transformed there, perhaps was stored, and even- tually emerged as a response. About Behaviorism
In both theories the environ- ment penetrated the body: in the mentalistic view, it was taken in by the perceiver; in the stimulus-response view, it battered its way in. About Behaviorism
The behavior is not dominated by the current setting, as it appeared to be in stimulus- response psychology; it is not “stimulus-bound.” About Behaviorism
For example, perception is in a sense purposive or in- tentional. About Behaviorism
A person is not an indifferent spectator soak- ing up the world like a sponge. About Behaviorism
To the person who is just learning to play, the setting may be an occasion for a number of moves but moves which have not been much affected by consequences. About Behaviorism
To the completely naïve, the board and its pieces are a visual setting to be described only through possible resem- blances to situations in his non-chess-playing history. About Behaviorism
But we can also arrange that a particular object will be seen by establishing contingencies which can be met only by responding to it. About Behaviorism
We recognize the importance of a history of rein- forcement when we undertake to make it more likely that a person will see a particular thing—or, in other words, that he will engage in a particular kind of see- ing. About Behaviorism
Traffic signs are I ABotrr B~HAvio1usM 84 designed to be easily seen, but we see them or ignore them largely because of the contingent consequences. About Behaviorism
in terms of the form, or configuration, of what is per- ceived. About Behaviorism
Some Illusions, for example, seem irresistible; we see what we know is not really there. About Behaviorism
Some examples seem to be reasonably ex- plained in terms of natural selection: it is not surpris- ing that when we see a bird fly behind a tree trunk, we behave as if it continued to exist when out of sight, ii in orderly patterns are neglected with profit as we to postulate structural principles to explain these char- acteristics. About Behaviorism
What is seen seems to “depart from the object world,” for ex- ample, in the illusions mentioned above, in some of which the mind is said to “infer and predict reality from incomplete data,” but we should say instead that because of his genetic endowment a person responds in a possibly effective way to what seem to be fragmen- tary stimulL The psychophysicists have most rigorously explored I Azour BEEWI0IUsM 86 87 Perceiving the correspondence between experience and reality. About Behaviorism
A psycho- physical function was said to represent the relation be- tween the two worlds; but we could say instead that it represents facts about the discriminative control of stimuli. About Behaviorism
In 1865 Claude Bernard had contended that “experimental studies of sense or- gans must be made on man because animals cannot di- rectly account to us for the sensations they experience,” but there is now an elaborate “animal psychophysics,” in which stimulus control is analyzed with great pre- In doing so, he was to see the irreducible elements Further studies of discrimination, particularly re- I cision. About Behaviorism
A trained observer was to describe his sensations without < mzilcing < the “stimulus error”—that is, to describe what he was looking at as if he had never seen it before or could never have learned anything about it. About Behaviorism
Were the qualities of images and ideas to be found in nature at all? To use a well-worn example, did a falling tree make a noise if no one heard it? Light might be a matter of corpuscles or waves, but it certainly did not seem to be a matter of colors; green was not a wave length of light. About Behaviorism
The discrepancies are not in a correspondence between ex- perience and reality but in stimulus controL complex. About Behaviorism
The be- havior of seeing is neglected in all such formulations. About Behaviorism
Simi- larly, when a person sees a person or place in his imagi- nation, he may simply be doing what he does in. About Behaviorism
I believe, on the contrary, that it offers the only way in which the subject of imaging or imagining can be put in good order. About Behaviorism
If we have found the city of Venice reinforcing (we refer to one reinforcing effect when we call it beautiful), we may go to Venice in order to be thus reinforced. About Behaviorism
It can take its proper place only if attention is given to other terms in the contingencies responsible for stim- ulus controL I with regard to hearing, it is strange of him [Em- ABouT BEUAvioRisM 90 When a person recalls something he once saw, or en- gages in fantasy, or dreams a dream, surely he is not under the control of a current stimulus. About Behaviorism
Both “reminiscing” and “remembering” once meant “being mindful of again” or “bringing again to mind”—in other words, seeing again as one once saw. About Behaviorism
We may also see a thing in its absence, not because we are immediately reinforced when we do so, but be- cause we are then able to engage in behavior which is subsequently reinforced. About Behaviorism
mind.” About Behaviorism
does not mean possessing a map to be followed in getting about. About Behaviorism
It is pos- sible to get animals to respond to after-images, and by increasing deprivation we can induce a pigeon to re- spond to a square “as if it were a triangle.” About Behaviorism
behavior, and the difference be- tween behavior whcn asleep and w.cn awake, either in or out of a relevant setting, is simpy a difference in the controlling conditions. About Behaviorism
There are many ways of getting a person to see when there is nothing to be seen, and they can all be an- alyzed as the arrangement of contingencies which strengthen perceptual behavior. About Behaviorism
Certain practices in be- havior therapy, in which the patient is asked to imag- ine various conditions or events, have been criticized as not genuinely behavioral because they make use of ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 94 95 Perceiving images. About Behaviorism
But there are no images in the sense of private copies, there is perceptual behavior; and the measures taken by the psychotherapist are designed to strengthen it. About Behaviorism
A change takes place in the patient’s behavior if positively or negatively reinforcing effect as if he were to be seen must have been a strong reason why the world of the mind was invented. About Behaviorism
When a per- son is out of touch with reality, his mind is said to be wandering, or possibly absent. About Behaviorism
It can also stand for the person who perceives. About Behaviorism
If there are no copies of things inside the body at any time, then all that can be seen introspectively is the act of seeing, and this is what one reports when asked, “Do you see that?” It is still possible, however, to dis- criminate between things which are there or not there to be seen. About Behaviorism
I could be said to know that this sheet of paper is really there because I pick up a pen and write on it, and that the bright after-image which bothers me is not there because I do not try to brush it away. About Behaviorism
Other kinds of self-knowledge about stimulus con- trol become available when we analyze the contingen- cies which control our behavior. About Behaviorism
Language was born, and with it many important characteristics of human behavior for which a host of mentalistic ex- planations have been invented. About Behaviorism
The very difference between “language” and “verbal behavior” is an example. About Behaviorism
Language has the character of a thing, something a person acquires and possesses. About Behaviorism
The words and sentences of which a lan- guage is composed are said to be tools used to express meanings, thoughts, ideas, propositions, emotions, needs, desires, and many other things in or on the speaker’s mind. About Behaviorism
A much more productive view is that verbal behavior is behavior. About Behaviorism
But the meaning of a response is not in its topog- raphy or form (that is the mistake of the structuralist, not the behaviorist); it is to be found in its antecedent history. About Behaviorism
To take a primitive example, if one rat presses a lever to obtain food when hungry while another does so to ~ obtain water when thirsty, the topographies of their be- haviors may be indistinguishable, but they may be said to differ in meaning: to one rat pressing the lever “means” food; to the other it “means” water. About Behaviorism
But these are aspects of the contingencies which have brought be- havior under the control of the current occasion. About Behaviorism
Simi- larly, if a rat is reinforced with food when it presses the lever in the presence of a flashing light but with water when the light is steady, then it could be said that the flashing light means food and the steady light means water, but again these are references not to some prop- • erty of the light but to the contingencies of which the lights have been parts. About Behaviorism
implications, in spealdng of the meaning of verbal be- havior. About Behaviorism
The three terms which appear in the contingencies of 11 reinforcement generating an operant are divided be- tween two people: the speaker responds to the setting, and the listener engages in the behavior and is affected by the consequences. About Behaviorism
This wifi happen only if the be- 101 Verbal Behavior The same point may be made, but with many more haviors of speaker and listener are supported by ad- ditional contingencies arranged by the verbal commu- nity. About Behaviorism
To define interpersonal trust as “an expectancy held by an individual or a group that the word, promise, verbal or written statement of another individual or group can be relied on” is to complicate matters unnecessarily. About Behaviorism
We must come to a dictionary already “pro- vided with meanings.” About Behaviorism
It does so because of the reinforcing practices of a verbal community. About Behaviorism
listener as signs, or symbols, of the situations they de- scribe, and a great deal has been made of the symbolic process, some examples of which we shall consider in the following chapter. About Behaviorism
ent when a response is reinforced acquires some control over the probability that that response will occur, and that this effect generalizes: stimuli sharing some of its properties also acquire some control. About Behaviorism
But a single property may be ha- portant to the listener who takes many kinds of prac- tical action on many different occasions because of it and who therefore reinforces appropriately when a given object is called red. About Behaviorism
The referent for red can never be identified in any one setting. About Behaviorism
A concept is simply a feature of a set of con- tingencies which exist in the world, and it is discovered simply in the sense that the contingencies bring behav- ior under its control. About Behaviorism
105 Verbal Behavior There is no point in asking how a person can “know the abstract entity called redness.” About Behaviorism
The contingencies explain the behavior, and we need not be disturbed because it is impossible to discover the referent in any single instance. About Behaviorism
What exist are the contingencies which bring behavior under the control of properties or of classes of objects defined by properties. About Behaviorism
When a class is defined by more than one property, the referent is usually called a concept Sentences and Propositions The traditional notion of meaning and referent runs into trouble when we begin to analyze larger verbal re- sponses under the control of more complex environ- mental circumstances. About Behaviorism
What are the referents of sen- tenóes—not to mention paragraphs, chapters, or books? A sentence surely means more than its separate words mean. About Behaviorism
Sentences do more than refer to things; they say things. About Behaviorism
But what is this common element? Where is it to be found? A dictionary that gave the meanings of sentences would simply con- tain other sentences having the same meanings. About Behaviorism
Abstraction. About Behaviorism
In other words, they exist in the world before anyone identifies them. About Behaviorism
But discovery (as well as in- vention) suggests mental action in the production of a concept. About Behaviorism
For color is this?” he will then respond to the property rather than an abstract entity. About Behaviorism
The transformational rules which generate sentences acceptable to a listener may be of interest, but even so it is a mistake to suppose that verbal behavior is gen- erated by them. About Behaviorism
(This fact about verbal be- havior is due to the contingencies of reinforcement ar- ranged by most verbal communities.) About Behaviorism
What happens when rules are discovered will be considered in Chapter 8. About Behaviorism
ture of verbal behavior has encouraged the metaphor of development or growth. About Behaviorism
A child may “learn to use a new word” as the effect of a single reinforcement, but it learns to do nonverbal things with comparable speed. About Behaviorism
We know the words a child first uses and the characteristic orders in which they tend to be used. About Behaviorism
We know the length of utterances at given ages, and so on. About Behaviorism
But a record of topography needs to be supplemented by an equally detailed record of the conditions under which it was acquired. About Behaviorism
What speech has the child heard? Under what circumstances has he heard it? What effects has he achieved when he has uttered similar responses? Until we have this kind of information, the success or failure of any analysis of verbal behavior cannot be judged. About Behaviorism
Given such well-established precedents, it is not surprising that certain remaining behavioral functions should also be moved inside. About Behaviorism
Behavior is moved into the mind as purpose, intention, ideas, and acts of will. About Behaviorism
Perceiving the world and profit- ing from experience become “general-purpose cognitive activities,” and abstract and conceptual < thinking has< sometimes been said to have no external reference at all. About Behaviorism
Usually, how- ever, the term refers to completed behavior which oc- curs on a scale so small that it cannot be detected by others. About Behaviorism
The commonest examples are verbal, because verbal behavior requires no environmental support and because, as both speaker and listener, a person can talk to himself effectively; but nonverbal behavior may also be covert. About Behaviorism
Thus, what a chess player has in mind may be other moves he has made as he has played the game covertly to test the consequences. About Behaviorism
Covert behavior has the advantage that we can act without committing ourselves; we can revoke the be- havior and try again if private consequences are not re- inforcing. About Behaviorism
Covert behavior is also easily observed and by no means unimportant, and it was a mistake for methodological behaviorism and certain versions of logical positivism and structuralism to ne- glect it simply because it was not “objective.” About Behaviorism
It is far from an adequate substitute for traditional views of thinking . About Behaviorism
They have been invented on the analogy of external behavior oc- curxing under external contingencies. About Behaviorism
The mistake is in allocating the behavior to the mind. About Behaviorism
A rather similar process can be demonstrated as fol- lows: A hungry pigeon is occasionally reinforced with food when it pecks a circular disk on the wall of an ex- perimental chamber. About Behaviorism
In testing the acidity of a solu- tion, for example, another solution is added, and if the color changes in a specified way, the acidity can be de- termined. About Behaviorism
It has been said to be “conceivable that the nervous system actually switches off one ear in order to listen to the other.” About Behaviorism
We have not explained anything, ABouT BEHAVIORISM 116 117 Thinking I of course, until we have explained the behavior of the gatekeeper, and any effort to do so will suffice to ex- plain the change in stimulus control. About Behaviorism
We discern the important things in a given setting be- cause of past contingencies in which they have been important. About Behaviorism
it is commonly said that concepts “unify our thoughts,” but the evidence seems to be that they simply enable us to talk about features of the world common to a large assortment of instances. About Behaviorism
It is certainly an enormous simpli- fication—or would be, if feasible—but it is the sim- plification of verbal and practical behavior rather than of thought. About Behaviorism
The fact that it is active, and even the fact that it is active in particular ways, may be part of its genetic endowment, explained in turn by the survival value of the behavior, but the way in which an organism looks for food in a familiar environment is clearly dependent upon its past successes. About Behaviorism
We have no reason to call the be- havior cognitive, but a rather similar process is said to take place in the world of the mind. About Behaviorism
The practice has led to the elaboration of a cognitive metaphor, no doubt antedating by centuries any psycho- logical system-making, in which experiences are said to be stored in memory, later to be retrieved or recalled and used in order to behave more effectively in a cur- rent setting. About Behaviorism
What is said to be stored are copies of stimuli— faces, names, ~ texts, places, and so on—which when retrieved have some of the effect of the originals. About Behaviorism
A name may remind us of a person in the sense that we now see him. About Behaviorism
on accessibility can all be reinterpreted in terms of probability. About Behaviorism
ABouT BEHAVIORISM 120 Future stimuli are effective if they resemble the stimuli which have been part of earlier contingencies; an inci- or event. About Behaviorism
We clarify quantities by counting and measuring. About Behaviorism
Solving Problems Other so-called cognitive processes have to do with solving problems. About Behaviorism
The computer is a bad model—as bad as the clay tablets on which the metaphor was probably first based. About Behaviorism
We do make external records for future use, to supplement defective contingencies of reinforcement, but the assumption of a parallel inner record-keeping process adds nothing to our understanding of this kind of < thinking< . About Behaviorism
Reviewing is not- re-calling, since all the facts to be used are available. About Behaviorism
Simply to make one of several “possible” responses—as in walking aimlessly through a park—requires no seri- ous act of decision, but when consequences are impor- tant and the probabilities of two or more responses are nearly equal, a problem must be solved. About Behaviorism
Choice. About Behaviorism
In reviewing an argument we simply argue again. About Behaviorism
It was an insoluble problem for stimulus-response psy- chology because if behavior were nothing but responses to stimuli, the stimuli might be novel but not the be- havior. About Behaviorism
Moreover, at first glance, there seems to be no room for chance in any completely de- termined system. About Behaviorism
tions in genetic and evolutionary theory are random, and the topographies of response selected by reinforce- ment are, if not random, at least not necessarily related to the contingencies under which they will be selected. About Behaviorism
Either the setting or the topography of behavior may be dehber- ately vaned. About Behaviorism
The results may be reinforcing in the sense that they are beautiful or, in most of mathematics and in science and invention, successful. About Behaviorism
The muta- Novel verbal responses are likely to be generated by 127 heads produced in the long run some astonishing and explosive consequences.” About Behaviorism
The teacher is to cultivate the mind as a farmer cultivates his fields, and the intell ct is to be traine s a vine istrained in a vineyard. About Behaviorism
The be- havior which is said to indicate the possession of the concept of inertia and the age at which it normally ap- pears are no doubt important facts, but we should also The Structure of Mind ABOUT Bm.wioRxsM About Behaviorism
It may be true that there is no structure without construction, but we must look to the constructing environment, not to a constructing mind. About Behaviorism
It can be empty In the absence of any adequate account of the de- The < Thinking Mind< or filled with facts; it can be ordered or chaotic. About Behaviorism
Mind is said to play an important role in < thinking< . About Behaviorism
“Math- ematics,” says a prestige advertisement of a telephone company, “happens in the mind. About Behaviorism
The brain is the place where < thinking < is said to take place; it is the instrument of < thinking < and may be keen or dull; and it is the agent which processes in- coming data and stores them in the form of data struc- tures. About Behaviorism
Thinking has the dimensions of behavior, not of a fancied inner process which finds expression in be- havior. About Behaviorism
We are only just beginning to understand the effects of complex contingencies of reinforcement, but if our analysis of the behavior called < thinking < is still defective, the facts to be treated are nevertheless relatively clear- I ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 130 131 Thinking cut and accessible. About Behaviorism
Causes and Reasons Some important kinds of < thinking < remain to be considered. About Behaviorism
As in Chapters 5 and 6, the probability that he will respond could be called a measure of his trust or belief in the speaker or in what the speaker says. About Behaviorism
Directions for operating a vending machine describe a series of acts to be under- taken in order: “To operate, place coin in slot and pull plunger beneath item wanted.” About Behaviorism
Directions do not im- part knowledge or convey information: they describe behavior to be executed and state or imply conse- quences. About Behaviorism
These verbal stimuli may at first be directions, but they become instruction if verbal help is given only as needed. About Behaviorism
Much of education is instruction in verbal behavior. About Behaviorism
In neither case is he given knowledge; he is told how to behave. About Behaviorism
I ABOUT BEHAviolusM 134 135 Causes and Reasons Folklore, Maxims, and Proverbs Some forms of instruction can be transmitted from gen- eration to generation because the contingencies they de- scribe are long-lasting. About Behaviorism
As a well-governed state owed its order to its laws, so it might be possible to discover the laws responsible for the order in the physi- cal world. About Behaviorism
A more formal statement of the law of the lever permitted the principle to be used in situations where contingency-shaped behavior was unlikely or impossible. About Behaviorism
Differences in thought processes have been attributed to the apparent differences between the laws of religion said to be “made,” the second merely discovered, but the difference is not in the laws but in the contingencies 137 Causes and Reasons Up high, Down low, Up quick, Down slow, And that’s the way to blow. About Behaviorism
Contingency-Shaped Versus Rule-Governed Behavior Rules can usually be learned more quickly than the be- havior shaped by the contingencies they describe. About Behaviorism
Most people can learn the instruction “Push down on the gearshift lever before moving it into the reverse posi- tion” more readily than the actual shifting movement, especially if the lever does not move easily or if, in other cars with which the driver is familiar, it does not need to be pushed down. About Behaviorism
If these aids are adequate, he can presumably speak correctly, but he would be helpless without the dictionary and the grammar, and even if he memorized both of them, he would still not know the language in the sense to be discussed in the following chapter. About Behaviorism
A person who is following directions, taking advice, heeding warnings, or obeying rules or laws does not be- have precisely as one who has been directly exposed to the contingencies, because a description of the contin- gencies is never complete or exact (it is usually simpli- fled in order to be easily taught or understood) and be- cause the supporting contingencies are seldom fully maintained. About Behaviorism
Doing good be- cause one is reinforced by the good of others is more highly honored than doing good because the law dc- mands it. About Behaviorism
Rule-following behavior is said to be the veneer of civilization, whereas behavior shaped by natural contin- gencies comes from the depths of the personality or mind. About Behaviorism
Artists, composers, and poets sometimes follow rules (imitating the work of others, for example, is a version of rule following), but greater merit attaches to behavior which is due to a personal exposure to an environment Unlike those who submit to contingencies arranged to support rules, a “natural” artist, composer, or poet will behave in idiosyncratic ways and will be more likely to feel the bodily conditions, called excite- ment or joy, associated with “natural” reinforcers. About Behaviorism
One has to do with the problem of knowledge, which is discussed in the next chapter but about which some- thing should be said here. About Behaviorism
We do not need to describe contingencies of reinforcement in order to be affected by them. About Behaviorism
Lower organisms presumably do not do so, nor did the human species before it acquired verbal be- havior. About Behaviorism
Grammatical behavior was shaped, then as now, by the reinforcing practices of verbal communi- ties in which some behaviors were more effective than others, and sentences were generated by the joint action of past reinforcements and current settings. About Behaviorism
But by the eighteenth cen- tury, according to Cassirer, reason “is much less a pos- session than it is a mode of acquisition. About Behaviorism
Reason is not the area, the treasury of the mind, in which truth, like a minted coin, lies protected. About Behaviorism
When a therapist points to reasons why his patient’s behavior is costing him friends, he can be said to “clar- ify a relation between behavior and certain aversive consequences,” but the patient will change only if the therapist makes remarks effective in other ways—not by “building trust or belief’ but by making his behavior a part of contingencies in which the patient has been reinforced. About Behaviorism
(Irra- tional, like unreasonable, has unfortunate overtones; irrational behavior is not appropriate to current circum- stances; it appears to be emitted for the wrong reasons. About Behaviorism
All behavior is at first un- conscious, but it may become conscious without be- coming rational: a person may know what he is doing without knowing why he is doing it. About Behaviorism
It is a step forward to discover that we carry bad news in part because we are reinforced by the discomfiture of our friends and that we mention the name of a person be- cause there is someone in the room who resembles him, although we have not up to this point “seen” him. About Behaviorism
We may object when this is pointed out, because we mayF not want to believe, as one writer has put it, that “there is more to human personTality than immediate conscious- ness tells us there is,” but what is left out is not to be found in the “transrational region of the mind.” About Behaviorism
The life of reason is no doubt admirable, but there would be nothing to be reasonable about if it were not for the effect of food, sex, and other basic reinforcers— the things Erasmus called folly. About Behaviorism
“The persistence of human folly in the face of heroic efforts to enlighten it” with reason may be the tragedy of our times, but if we are to take effective action, reason will consist of an analysis of the contingencies represented by folly and of the uses which may be made of them. About Behaviorism
They need not be suppressed by reason; on the con-F trary, they may be made vastly more effective. About Behaviorism
To act by taking reasons for action into account and to modify one’s behavior in terms of that account is more than being aware of what one is doing. About Behaviorism
Several aspects of the life of reason deserve comment. About Behaviorism
It has been said that ABOuT BEHAVIORISM 146 which no rule has yet been formulated. About Behaviorism
It has often been said, in fact, that proofs of the existence of God are detrimental to faith, because they supply reasons for a belief that would otherwise be more highly valued as intuitive. About Behaviorism
Thomas Hobbes, “that when a man deliberates whether he shall do a thing or not do it, he does nothing else but consider whether it be better for himself to do it or not to do it”—whether, in short, he would be re- inforced by the consequences. About Behaviorism
examining the reasons for one’s behavior are perhaps responsible for the tendency to construct reasons when 147 Causes and Reasons Faith and Reason. About Behaviorism
“I conceive,” said Invented Reasons. About Behaviorism
The advantages gained from none can be found. About Behaviorism
Asked, ‘Why are you doing that?” a superstitious person is likely to invent an answer. About Behaviorism
The history of mythology sup- plies many comparable examples in human subjects.) About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, finding, offering, or inventing reasons loosely defines a field which may be profitably analyzed. About Behaviorism
A pigeon pecks a disk and is reinforced when the disk is red but not when it is green; it then stops pecking when the disk is green. About Behaviorism
We need a separate term only to describe the deriving of a rule from the contin- gencies. About Behaviorism
The pigeon cannot do this, but the aficionado can “reason from particulars to generals” in saying, “Baseball is not played in heavy rain.” About Behaviorism
Superstitious behavior, for example, is the product of adventitious contingencies of reinforce- ment which are in no ordinary sense reasonable. About Behaviorism
There is no way in which a verbal description of a setting can be absolutely true. About Behaviorism
The verbal community of the scientist maintains special sanctions in an effort to guarantee validity and objectivity, but, again, there can be no absolute. About Behaviorism
No deduction from a rule or Jaw can therefore be absolutely true. About Behaviorism
Absolute truth can be found, if at all, only in rules derived from rules, and here it is mere tautology. About Behaviorism
Moving from verb to noun, we say that they possess knowledge, and the evidence is that they possess be- havior. About Behaviorism
The behavior it mediates may or may not be visible at any given moment. About Behaviorism
One meaning of “to know” is simply to be in contact with, to be intimate with. About Behaviorism
salivate,” but they did not salivate because they knew that the bell would be followed by food. About Behaviorism
A rat could be said to know when to press a lever to get food, but it does not press because it knows that food will be delivered. About Behaviorism
A taxi driver could be said to know a city well, but he does not get around because he possesses a cognitive map. About Behaviorism
We saw in Chapter 5 that some of Locke’s successors introduced an element of belief or will into the empirical position, but knowledge about the world is due to more than contact with a given setthg, be- cause it is due to the contingencies of reinforcement of which that setting is a part. About Behaviorism
The “experience” from which knowledge is derived consists of the full contin- gencies. About Behaviorism
Operant behavior is essentially the exercise of power: it has an effect on the environ- ment. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, the concern for power has recently been challenged. About Behaviorism
It is certainly not difficult to point to the unhappy conse- quences of many advances in science, but it is not clear how they can be corrected except through a fur- ther exercise of scientific power. About Behaviorism
One need not be actively behaving in order to feel or to introspectively observe certain states normally as- sociated with behavior. About Behaviorism
A response temporarily forgotten may still be claimed as knowledge, as when we say, “I can’t think of it at the moment but I know it as well as I know my own name.” About Behaviorism
When we say, “I went to the meeting knowing that X would be speaking” (where knowing ABouT BEHAVIoRISM 154 155 KnowIng tion. About Behaviorism
There are non- verbal behaviors having the same effect. About Behaviorism
Perceptual re- sponses which clarify stimuli and resolve puzzlement may be automatically reinforcing. About Behaviorism
We ourselves often acquire a deeper understanding of a rule in this sense through exposure to the natural contingencies it describes. About Behaviorism
We discover, for example, that “it really is true” that procrastination is the thief of time, and we then understand the maxim in a different sense. About Behaviorism
scription of contingencies, makes them less pn”~1ing or more effective. About Behaviorism
In the field of verbal behavior it could be applied to the sound stream of speech between speaker and listener or the marks in a letter sent from writer to reader. About Behaviorism
Just as the external prac- tice of storing and later consulting memoranda is used metaphorically to represent a supposed mental process of storing and retrieving memories, so the transmission of information from one person to another has been used metaphorically to represent the transmission of input to output (or of stimulus to response). About Behaviorism
As a form of knowledge, in- formation can be treated more effectively as a be- havioral repertoire. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, the corpus of science—the tables of constants, the graphs, the equa- tions, the laws—have no power of their own. About Behaviorism
The external world is internalized, not as a photographic or phonographic reproduction, but suf- ficiently transduced, encoded, or otherwise modified to be more plausibly regarded as stored within the body. About Behaviorism
The message has, as I have said, an apparently objective status. About Behaviorism
Information theory arose from the analysis of trans- mitted signals, as in a telephone line. About Behaviorism
A self or personality is at best a repertoire of be- havior imparted by an organized set of contingencies. About Behaviorism
What a person is really like could mean what he would have been like if we could have seen him before his be- havior was subjected to the action of an environment We should then have known his “human nature.” About Behaviorism
When Pascal said that nature is only first habit, as habit is second nature, he could be said to have anticipated current recognition that the species acquires behavior (instincts) under conthgencies of survival while the in- 165 The Inner World of Motivation and Emotion his family composes one self; the behavior he acquires in, say, the armed services composes another. About Behaviorism
We do not need to say that these three archetypal personalities are the actors in an internal drama. About Behaviorism
Jung’s archetypal patterns and collective unconscious can be traced to either the evolution of the species or the evolution of cultural practices. About Behaviorism
The universal features said to be characteristic of all languages are the result of universal characteristics of language communities arising from the role played by language in daily life. About Behaviorism
This is simply another way of repre- 167 The Inner World of Motivation and Emotion Freud’s analysis has seemed convincing because of Life in the Psyche I senting the probability of behavior derived from con- tingencies of survival or of reinforcement. About Behaviorism
Instinct is “a sum of psychic energy which imparts direction to psychological processes,” in the sense that innate sus- ceptibilities to reinforcement not only strengthen be- havior but give it direction by shaping and maintaining its topography. About Behaviorism
The word “depth,” common in psychoanalysis, of- ten makes the unwarranted suggestion that an analysis is profound, but it may also be taken to refer to certain spatial features of the mind. About Behaviorism
The nineteenth-century psychologist treated consciousness as the place in which sensations could be observed, but the space occupied by the ego, superego, and id is more complex. About Behaviorism
To be of two minds about something is to have different things to do about it. About Behaviorism
To be beside oneself is to be, for the moment, two people. About Behaviorism
Different kinds of behavior are said to be kept in different compartments of the mind. About Behaviorism
The term “schizo- phrenia” originally meant “split mind” and is still mis- used in that sense. About Behaviorism
The control- ling measures used by an authority make it more likely that a person will escape or counterattack, and relevant conditions may be felt as resentment; at the same time the measures may generate compliant behavior, which is why the authorities use them. About Behaviorism
The bodily conditions associated with compliance may not be felt if the con- ditions associated with escape or counterattack are strong. About Behaviorism
Alternative defini- tions may be derived from the contingencies responsible for the behavior from which the dynamisms are inferred. About Behaviorism
When feelings cannot be expressed, pres- sure is said to build up until an explosion occurs. About Behaviorism
A newspaper asserts that “the frightening thing about quiet people like Bremer and Sirhan and Oswald is that there must be millions of them in the United States, holding their rage inside them until—lacking the safety valve most individuals have—they explode.” About Behaviorism
But what is hap- pening when a person “holds his rage inside him,” and what is the “safety valve” through which most people let off emotional steam? The answers are to be found in 171 The Inner World of Motivation and Emotion Repression: “A process or mechanism of ego defense The word “repression” is part of an elaborate meta- the conditions under which behavior becomes very strong because it cannot be emitted. About Behaviorism
Life in the inner world of emotion and motivation is dramatically illustrated by the Freudian dynamisms, or Freud’s Defense Mechanisms ABOUT BinuviosisM 170 defense mechanisms. About Behaviorism
We are often aware of a strong tendency to do or say something although an occasion is lacking; we may be “bursting with good news” but have no one to tell it to. About Behaviorism
More often, however, we do not respond because we have been punished; we have “repressed our rage” be- cause we have been punished for “expressing it.” About Behaviorism
We find someone to talk to and “talk a steady stream,” or our behavior becomes stronger than the incompatible be- haviors which have previously displaced it. About Behaviorism
If an explo- sion has unwanted consequences for others, appropriate steps may be taken to prevent it. About Behaviorism
The “pressure may be reduced” by providing an environment in which be- havior may be freely emitted or “impulses may be chan- neled into more useful outlets.” About Behaviorism
For example, ulcers are said to be produced by an “inner-directed rage.” About Behaviorism
“The transformation of an unconscious 172 unconscious hatred of the child or of the father, we may say instead that the condition felt as hatred is medi- cally related to miscarriage, and that it must be attrib- uted in turn to a complex social situation. About Behaviorism
nisms may be treated in the same way. About Behaviorism
An angry person may have a rapid pulse and a flushed face; his behavior may be strongly focused on the object of his anger and uncontrolled by other features of the environment; he may show a strong tendency to harm that object (“I could have killed him”) or may actually harm him. About Behaviorism
He may feel much of the condition of his body at such a time and take it as the cause of his be- havior, but it is in fact part of the effect for which a cause is sought. About Behaviorism
Both the behavior and the collateral conditions felt are to be explained. About Behaviorism
When an antecedent incitement is not easily spotted, the felt condition is likely to be assigned a more mi- portant role. About Behaviorism
There does not seem to be anything else to at- tribute it to. About Behaviorism
larly hard to explain, and the mood itself is therefore said to be causally effective (although we must still look for the sources of the mood if we are to explain the behavior). About Behaviorism
The conditions thus felt can scarcely be responsible for the behaviors of which they are consequences, but they are often taken to explain the behaviors which follow. About Behaviorism
A politician continues to run for office because of “ambition,” makes shady deals be- cause of “greed,” opposes measures to eliminate dis- 175 The Inner World of Motivation and Emotion On another occasion his biographer writes: “Elated Many supposed inner causes of behavior, such as crimination because of “moral callousness,” holds the support of his followers because of his “leadership qualities,” and so on, where no evidence of the inner causes is available except the behavior attributed to them. About Behaviorism
Repertoires can be sampled and a person rated quantitatively with respect to other persons in a group. About Behaviorism
Certain traits can be reduced to factors or vectors of mind, and it is then easy to suppose that something more than an invented cause has been discovered. About Behaviorism
And where there is structure, developmentalism cannot be far behind. About Behaviorism
The child of one or two may be said to show trust versus mistrust; his behavior is reinforced mainly through the mediation of others; and consistent contingencies breed trust, while inconsistent breed mistrust. About Behaviorism
Erik Erikson’s eight psychosocial stages of ego develop- ment are defined in terms of feelings and states of mind, but the stages are in the contingencies generating the conditions felt or introspectively observed. About Behaviorism
At four or five, the opposition is between initiative and guilt; the child moves into new contingencies, and pun- ishment for failure may be more explicit, the condition therefore being felt as guilt rather than shame. About Behaviorism
According to Erlkson, rule-governed be- havior begins to be important at this point also. About Behaviorism
The other four stages may be analyzed in a similar way in terms of the prevailing contingencies. About Behaviorism
We tend to make nouns of adjectives and verbs and must then find a place for the things the nouns are said to represent. About Behaviorism
Consider now a behavioral paralleL When a person has been subjected to mildly punishing consequences in walking on a slippery surface, be may walk in a manner we describe as cautious. About Behaviorism
Some people may have been born cautious in the sense that they learn very quickly to move cautiously or become excessively cau- tious even when not excessively punished, but the be- havior at issue can usually be traced to a history of punishing consequences. About Behaviorism
The extraordinary appeal of inner causes and the accompanying neglect of environmental histories and current setting must be due to more than a linguistic practice. About Behaviorism
It is the appeal of an apparently inexplicable power, in a world which seems to lie be- yond the senses and the reach of reason. About Behaviorism
The Romans conquered the Etruscans and were astonished at their spoils of war. About Behaviorism
Later they got even more from Carthage. About Behaviorism
In one analysis of the effects of a chiseler on a worker, “work” becomes “sacrifice,” which is said to be a “voluntary virtue, a meaning the sacrificer has created out of the material circumstances of his life.” About Behaviorism
They do not speak well of them- selves because of “collective self-glorification”; they speak weli of themselves because it is reinforcing to hear themselves well spoken of, and they are especially spoken of. About Behaviorism
There are physiological reasons why a person 181 The inner World of Motivation and Emotion minority in America has been described this way: When a once “largely powerless” group acquires a sense of growing power, “its members experience an intensified need for self-affirmation. About Behaviorism
To argue that “minds kill, not guns” may be simply to insist that we shall not control assassins by making guns unavailable, but other means of control will be neglected so long as we accept the explanation that minds kill. About Behaviorism
point at which many genetic and environmental condi- tions come together in a joint effect. About Behaviorism
in asking what a person can know about himself, we are led at once to another question: Who can know about whom? The answer is to be found in the con- tingencies which produce both a knowing self and a known. About Behaviorism
Later, it becomes im- portant to the person himself—for example, in manag- ing or controlling himself in ways to be discussed shortly. About Behaviorism
(That injunction appears on the wall of a Roman bath beneath a mosaic of a skeleton—an ana- tomical version of the self.) About Behaviorism
Psychoanalysis gives a person a clearer image of him- self, mainly by inducing him to explore his feelings, and the self-knowledge it encourages is often called insight, a term close to “introspection.” About Behaviorism
Montaigne spoke of “spy- ing on himself” and of “discovering the springs which ABOUT B~a~vIoEIsM 186 187 The Self and Other, set him in motion.” About Behaviorism
The shift from introspective to environmental evi- dence does not guarantee that self-knowledge will be accurate, however. About Behaviorism
We should not be surprised that the more we know about the behavior of others, the better we un- derstand ourselves. About Behaviorism
It was a practical interest in the be- havior of “the other one” which led to this new kind of self-knowledge. About Behaviorism
We may keep records of what has happened, as in a diary, but in general our information is sketchy. About Behaviorism
We are not always watching what happens as we behave, and when asked how we would behave under given circumstances, we often make a bad guess, even though we have been in similar circumstances in the past. About Behaviorism
Then, as usual, we are likely to explain the inexplicable by attributing it to genetic endowment—asserting, “I was born that way,” or, “That’s the kind of person I am.” About Behaviorism
it is nevertheless important to examine the reasons for one’s own behavior as carefully as possible because they are essential, as I have said, to good self-manage- ment. About Behaviorism
ABoUT B~aa~vIo1usM 188 • that is, to know them directly without necessarily being tact with the inner world of another, and so-called knowledge of another is often simply an ability to pre- dict what he will do. About Behaviorism
We can also be wrong when we project feelings onto other people. About Behaviorism
We may be able to discover how he “really” feels by altering the contingencies. About Behaviorism
If he is acting bravely because of prevailing social contin- gencies in which “showing fear” is punished, we may be able to change the contingencies so that he will act as if afraid. About Behaviorism
A person can “act bravely while feeling afraid,” but he does so with different parts of his body, with different repertoires. About Behaviorism
Or we can ask what kinds of behavior a given expression has tended to accompany in the past. About Behaviorism
This is true of the world of ideas (it does not help much to be told that “a good lecturer should com- municate being”), and even more specific references to “what is in the speaker’s mind” are faulty. About Behaviorism
The feelings of the mystic or the aesthete are “in- effable,” and there are other feelings that can be known only by passing through a relevant history. About Behaviorism
Thus, we act to rein- force those we like or love and to avoid harming them, in part because of what they do in return. About Behaviorism
It is important that the recipient show that we have been successful, and he can do so by reporting his feelings. About Behaviorism
A person being massaged says that it feels good; a person for whom a particular piece of music is being played says that he likes it. About Behaviorism
We understand other people short of taking action, and the mere perception of others must be included among our responses to them. About Behaviorism
A person is to change his mind, use his will power, stop feeling anxious, and love his enemies. About Behaviorism
What he actually does is change the world in which he lives. About Behaviorism
But very little self- management in this sense could be learned in one life- time. About Behaviorism
An illuminating example is the Golden Rule. About Behaviorism
The artist who paints photographically is under the powerful control of his model, but if he can bring his personal history into play, his work will show a kind of generality, be- cause it will be less closely tied to one situation. About Behaviorism
Both the artist and the archer are said Aaotrr BEHAVIORISM 196 to “transcend” the immediate situation; they become “detached” from it. About Behaviorism
flilment or self-actualization. About Behaviorism
Fulfillment seems to be concerned with achievement, with avoiding restraints and discovering positive reinforcers. About Behaviorism
The direct operant control of autonomic behavior can be demonstrated only when indirect control is eliminated. About Behaviorism
There are ways in which these mediating responses can be eliminated, and the pure operant control of autonomic behavior may be possible. About Behaviorism
When techniques of self-management have been learned, the instructional contingencies maintained by the verbal community may no longer be needed. About Behaviorism
Be- havior resulting from good self-management is more effective and hence generously reinforced in other ways. About Behaviorism
198 I may begin to be exerted by private effects, in which case the problem of privacy faced by the verbal community is surmounted. About Behaviorism
We may be as un- conscious of the stimuli we use in self-management as of those we use in executing a handspring. About Behaviorism
about operant conditioning is relevant to making be- havior more or less likely to occur upon a given occa- sion. About Behaviorism
This is the traditional field of rewards and punish- ments, but much sharper distinctions can be made in taking advantage of what we know about contingencies of reinforcement. About Behaviorism
The child who stays out when told to come in will not only get wet, he will be punished for disobedience. About Behaviorism
(The sign will be particularly effective if a punisher— a policeman—is visible.) About Behaviorism
A person who responds because of a warning is behaving rationally, in the sense of applying a rule, and this is particularly likely to be said if, though he may have learned to re- spond because of past warnings, he does so now because he has analyzed the situation and, so to speak, warned himself. About Behaviorism
A labor contract specifies among other things what a worker is to do and how much he is to be paid. About Behaviorism
The worker and the child may then behave in order to be paid or treated, respectively, but the behavior may be weak. About Behaviorism
The rule may have to be supplemented by additional 201 The Self and Others A warning, like the rules discussed in Chapter 8, We also talk about consequences—we supply rea- contingencies, such as a supervisor’s threat of discharge or repeated signs of disapproval from a parent. About Behaviorism
Contrariwise, by withholding the good, we may extinguish any behavior which has been reinforced by it, but if we withhold without respect to what is be- ing done, we create a state of deprivation in which be- havior reinforced by that good is strong and in which the good is highly reinforcing, and we create an emo- tional disposition to harm us. About Behaviorism
A numb” familiar fields of management may be briefly discussed. About Behaviorism
It is a field in which the goal seems to be obviously a matter of changing minds, at- titudes, feelings, motives, and so on, and the Establish- ment is therefore particularly resistant to change. About Behaviorism
Yet the point of education can be stated in behaviorial terms: a teacher arranges contingencies under which the student acquires behavior which will be useful to ABoUT B~uiwoRIsM 202 I him under other contingencies later on. About Behaviorism
The instruc- tional contingencies must be contrived; there is no way out of this. About Behaviorism
The behaviors to be constructed in advance are as much a matter of productive < thinking < and creativity as of plain facts and skills. About Behaviorism
The illness which is the object of therapy is called mental, and we have already examined Freud’s mental apparatus and a few intrapsychic processes said to be disturbed or deranged in the mentally ill. About Behaviorism
(At one time it was suggested that the psychiatrist should take LSD in order to discover what it feels like to be mentally disturbed.) About Behaviorism
Measures taken to change feelings—as in “develop- ing the ego” or “building a vital sense of self”—work by constructing contingencies of reinforcement, by ad- vising a patient where favorable contingencies are to be found, or by’supplying rules which generate behavior likely to be reinforced in his daily life. About Behaviorism
Behavior therapy is often supposed to be exclusively a matter of con- triving reinforcing contingencies, but it quite properly includes giving a patient warnings, advice, instructions, and rules to be followed. About Behaviorism
When a problem calling for therapy is due to a shortage of social or intimately personal reinforcers, a solution may be difficult. About Behaviorism
It may be obvious that a per- son would profit from reinforcement with attention, ap- proval, or affection, but if these are not the natural consequences of his behavior—if he does not merit at- tention, approval, or affection—it may not be possible to contrive the needed contingencies. About Behaviorism
So- called humanistic psychologists control people if they have any effect at all, but they do not allow themselves to analyze their practices. About Behaviorism
(We hold him accountable in the more general sense of keeping an account of his behavior to see whether it meets specifications upon which escape from punishment may be contingent.) About Behaviorism
At best the artist, composer, or writer acts to produce something which reinforces him, and he is most likely to continue to be productive when that is the case. About Behaviorism
It may be said that there is one ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 206 others behaved as they did, a different kind of self- I 207 The Self and Othert The fact that conspicuous behavior is lacking does not mean that mental life has been demonstrated. About Behaviorism
Self-knowledge is then a matter of being in con- tact with oneself. About Behaviorism
When people began to discover why knowledge arose, which took genetic endowment, en- vironmental history, and current setting into account. About Behaviorism
People learn rather easily to control others. About Behaviorism
escape from the controller—moving out of range if he is an individual, or defecting from a government, be- coming an apostate from a religion, resigning, or play- ing truant—or they may attack in order to weaken or destroy the controlling power, as in a revolution, a reformation, a strike, or a student protest. About Behaviorism
Organized agencies or institutions, such as govern- ments, religions, and economic systems, and to a lesser extent educators and psychotherapists, exert a power- ful and often troublesome control. About Behaviorism
It is exerted in ways which most effectively reinforce those who exert it, and unfortunately this usually means in ways which either are immediately aversive to those controlled or exploit them in the long run. About Behaviorism
The consequences responsible for benev- olent, devoted, compassionate, or public-spirited be- havior are forms of countercontrol, and when they are lacking, these much-admired features of behavior are lacking. About Behaviorism
The human genetic endowment may include some such tendency, as parental care of the young, for example, seems to illustrate. About Behaviorism
It is often said that people comfort the distressed, heal the sick, and feed the hungry because they sympathize with them or share their feelings, but it is the behavior with which such feelings are associated which should have had survival value and which is modified by countercontrol. About Behaviorism
We refrain from hurting others, not be- cause we “know how it feels to be hurt,” but (1) be- cause hurting other members of the species reduces the chances that the species will survive, and (2) when we have hurt others, we ourselves have been hurt. About Behaviorism
An “important determinant of moral behavior and a major component of character development” is said to be “willingness to follow rules,” but a person “wills” to follow a rule because of the consequences arranged by those who state the rule and enforce it. About Behaviorism
Social behavior does not require that the contingencies which generate it should be formulated in rules or, if they have been formulated, that a person should know the rules. About Behaviorism
It is extraordinarily important, however, that so- cial practices be formulated. About Behaviorism
We sometimes say that we acted in a given way be- cause we knew it was right or felt that it was right, but what we feel when we behave morally or ethically de- pends on the contingencies responsible for our behav- ior. About Behaviorism
The bodily conditions known or felt may be particularly conspicuous when the sanctions are strong. About Behaviorism
William James fol- lowed suit in the field of emotion: “We do not cry be- cause we are sad; we are sad because we cry.” About Behaviorism
It has been said of Hegel that he was one of the first to realize that a modern system of trade and industry had “spontaneously arisen from the workings of rational self-interest,” and that law and government were now necessary, not merely to protect the society and its individual members, but to control the unlimited greed for personal wealth that new pro- ductive techniques had unleashed. About Behaviorism
Hence the need for laws restricting trade and industry, but these required legal action by injured people rather than a “general sense of decency.” About Behaviorism
Man has been said to be superior to the other ani- mals because he has evolved a moral or ethical sense. About Behaviorism
Legal behavior depends on more than “an attitude of deference toward government” as the role of govern- ment depends on more than “an accomplished fact of power,” and to say that “law is an achievement that needs to be renewed by understanding the sources of its strength” is to point directly to the need to understand and maintain governmental contingencies. About Behaviorism
The struggle for freedom has seemed to move toward a world in which people do as they like or what they want to do, in which they enjoy the right to be left alone, in which they have been “redeemed from the tyranny of gods and govern- ments by the growth of their free will into perfect strength and self-confidence.” About Behaviorism
It would appear to be a world in which people have fulfilled themselves, have actualized themselves, and have found themselves, in the sense in which these expressions are used in exis- tentialism, phenomenology, and Eastern mysticism. About Behaviorism
The Struggle for Freedom ABOuT BEHAVIORISM 216 under positive reinforcement is distinguished by the lack of any immediately antecedent event which could plau- sibly serve as a cause, and as a result it has been said to show the inner origination called free will. About Behaviorism
Under these condi- tions we do not speak of what we want to do but of what we have to do to avoid or escape from punishment. About Behaviorism
A well-known ecol- ogist has discussed the possibility of making industries pay for the right to pollute air, land, and water. About Behaviorism
This requires either legislation or voluntary agreement by industry, and “in our kind of democracy” either is pos- sible only “by persuasion, by creating a favorable cli- mate of public opinion.” About Behaviorism
But that is evangelism, not politics. About Behaviorism
Man “bears a solemn responsibility” not to control others aversively, not to take more than a just share of goods, and not to foul the environment, in the sense that he will be criticized or punished by those who suffer if he does so. About Behaviorism
By turning from rights and responsibilities to the behaviors attributed to them or said to be justified by them, and in turning to the social (usually governmental) contingencies which shape and maintain those behaviors, we escape from a centuries-old controversy and move toward possibly effective action. About Behaviorism
Perhaps it would be unfair to ask more of this particular conference, but it was called to meet possibly the greatest current threat to the species, and it is clear that it made little progress because it could not accept the fact that an essential step was the restriction of cer- tain freedoms. About Behaviorism
A simple analysis of controlling practices, such as that in the preceding chapter, is likely to be attacked simply because it could be misused by controllers. About Behaviorism
But in the long run any effective countercontrol leading to the “liberation” of the individual can be achieved only by explicit design, and this must be based upon a scien- tific analysis of human behavior. About Behaviorism
All this will be possible not because those with whom he as- sociates possess morality and a sense of ethics or de- cency or compassion, but because they in turn are con- trolled by a particular kind of social environment. About Behaviorism
As a set of contingencies of reinforcement maintained by a group, possibly formu- lated in rules or laws, it has a clear-cut physical status, a continuing existence beyond the lives of members of the group, a changing pattern as practices are added, discarded, or modified, and, above all, power. About Behaviorism
A cul- ture so defined controls the behavior of the members of the group that practices it. About Behaviorism
This is a fact of the greatest importance because it leads to an answer to two basic questions: How can we call a particular instance of the ABoUT BEHAvIoRISM 222 The Question of Control control of human behavior good or bad, and who is to design and maintain controlling practices? The social environment I have been referring to is usually called a culture, though a culture is often de- fined in other ways—as a set of customs or manners, as a system of values and ideas, as a network of com- munication, and so on. About Behaviorism
The practices which compose a culture are a mixed bag, and some parts may be inconsistent with others or in open conflict. About Behaviorism
The point survives when the appeal to character is corrected by speaking of “a nation which maintains a social environment in which its citizens behave in ways called intelligent, energetic, brave, patriotic, and benev- olent.” About Behaviorism
What is good for the individual is what promotes his well-being. About Behaviorism
It will not be a benevolent dictator, a compassionate therapist, a devoted teacher, or a public-spirited in- dustrialist who will design a way of life in the interests of everyone. About Behaviorism
Will a culture evolve in which individuals are not so much concerned with their own actualization and ful- fillment that they do not give serious attention to the future of the culture? These questions, and many others like them, are the, questions to be asked rather than who will control and to what end. About Behaviorism
No one steps outside the causal stream. About Behaviorism
It is a continuing process. About Behaviorism
227 The Question of Control 1J~3 What Is Inside the Skin? A behavioristic analysis rests on the following assumptions: A person is first of all an organism, a member of a species and a subspecies, possessing a genetic endowment of anatomical and physiological characteristics, which are the product of the contin- gencies of survival to which the species has been ex- posed in the process of evolution. About Behaviorism
The organism be- comes a person as it acquires a repertoire of behavior under the contingencies of reinforcement to which it is exposed during its lifetime. About Behaviorism
The bodily conditions felt as such can be changed surgically, dee- trically, or with drugs, but for most practical purposes 229 What is in.vide About Behaviorism
We cannot say that one is simpler Use in Control. About Behaviorism
Accessibility is a different mat- they are changed only through the environment. About Behaviorism
Behavior modification, although still in its in- fancy, has been successful, whereas mentalistic ap- proaches continue to fail, and once the role of the environment has been made clear, its accessibility is often surprising. About Behaviorism
Use in Prediction. About Behaviorism
What a person feels is a product of the contingencies of which his future behavior will also be a function, and there is therefore a useful connection between feelings and be- havior. About Behaviorism
It would be foolish to rule out the knowledge a person has of his current condition or the uses to which it may be put. About Behaviorism
It is true that we could trace human behavior not only to the physical conditions which shape and maintain it but also to the causes of those conditions and the causes of those causes, almost ad infinitum, but there is no point in going back beyond the point at which effective action can be taken. About Behaviorism
That point is not to be found in the psyche, and the explanatory force of mental life has steadily declined as the promise of the environment has came to be more clearly understood. About Behaviorism
The social sciences were once heavily “psychologistic.” About Behaviorism
231 What is inside the Skin? How Far Back? When a person says that he Relation to Other Sciences. About Behaviorism
The puz- zling question of how a physical event causes a men- tal event, which in turn causes a physical event, re- mains to be answered or dismissed as unanswerable (a specialist in the physiology of vision has said that “the transition from the excitations in the cortex to the subjective experience defies explanation”). About Behaviorism
The problem could be avoided if we could stay within the mental or psychic stage. About Behaviorism
In the “intrapsychic life of the mind” mental causes have mental effects, and among them are states of awareness or conscious- ness, and if this inner world could be observed in a Is a Choice Necessary? There are those who ABoUT BEHAVIORISM 232 purely solipsistic way, if the student of mental life had no reason to appeal to physical action, even in com- municating with others, and if mental life played no disruptive role to be taken into account by the be- haviorist, everyone would be satisfied. About Behaviorism
The ques- tion, then is this: What is inside the skin, and how do we know about it? The answer is, I believe, the heart of radical behaviorism. About Behaviorism
But psychology as the study of subjective phenomena, distinct from the study of objective behavior, would then not be a science and would have no reason to be. About Behaviorism
vate stimuli as physical things, and in doing so it pro- vides an alternative account of mental life. About Behaviorism
The organism is, of course, not empty, and it cannot be adequately treated simpiy as a black box, but we Imust carefully distinguish between what is known about what is inside and what is merely inferred. About Behaviorism
Early observations of reflex action, for example, were made long before the activity of nerves could be detected. About Behaviorism
Different parts of the nervous system could be isolated, but what happened in a given part could only be inferred. About Behaviorism
The ner- vous system is, however, much less accessible than behavior and environment, and the difference takes its toll. About Behaviorism
We know some of the processes which affect large blocks of behavior—sensory, motor, motivational, and emotional—but we are still far short of knowing pre- cisely what is happening when, say, a child learns to drink from a cup, to call an object by its name, or to find the right piece of a jigsaw puzzle, as we are still far short of making changes in the nervous system as a result of which a child will do these things. About Behaviorism
To say that “the only possible theoretical basis for the explanation of human behavior is to be found in the physiology of the brain and central nervous sys- tem,” and that “the adoption of this basis necessarily leads to the disappearance of psychology as an inde- pendent science,” is also to overlook the possibility of a behavioral science and of what it has to say about feelings and introspectively observed states. About Behaviorism
A simi1~ir entrapment in physiology is illustrated by the state- ment “If man’s life is ever to be lived along entirely rational lines, free from such disturbances as war, crimes, and economic booms and depressions, he will have to find a way of increasing the size of his brain.” About Behaviorism
There could scarcely be a better example of the dam- aging effect of the inner-directedness of physiological, as well as mentalistic, inquiry. About Behaviorism
If we are to be free from war, crimes, and economic booms and depres- sions, we shall have to find a better social environ- ment. About Behaviorism
New instruments and methods will continue to be devised, and we shall eventually know much more about the kinds of physiological processes, chemical or electrical, which take place when a person behaves. About Behaviorism
The physiolo- gist of the future will tell us all that can be known about what is happening inside the behaving organism. About Behaviorism
His account will be an important advance over a be- havioral analysis, because the latter is necessarily “his- torical”—that is to say, it is confined to functional re- lations showing temporal gaps. About Behaviorism
The promise of physiology is of a different sort. About Behaviorism
I believe that this is the position of introspec- tive psychology, psychoanalysis, and certain physical- istic theories of knowledge that are not committed to a pure solipsism. About Behaviorism
serves are conditions of one’s own body is a step in the right direction. About Behaviorism
Introspection has had to use whatever systems were available, and they happened to be systems which made contact only with those parts of the body that played a role in its internal and external economy. About Behaviorism
Trying to observe much of what is going on in one’s own body is like trying to hear supersonic sounds or see electromagnetic radiation be- yond the visible range. About Behaviorism
The Conceptual Nervous System The parts of the nervous system spoken of by early physiologists were, as we have seen, largely a matter of inference, the classical example being the synapse of Sherrington’s The integrative Action of the Nervous System. About Behaviorism
1. About Behaviorism
What it has to say about con- sciousness is this: (a) Stimulation arising inside the body plays an important part in behavior. About Behaviorism
(f) Within these limits self-knowledge is useful. About Behaviorism
A physical world generates both physical action and the physical conditions within the body to which a person responds when a verbal com- munity arranges the necessary contingencies. About Behaviorism
Different verbal communities generate different kinds and amounts of consciousness or awareness. About Behaviorism
Eastern philos- ophies, psychoanalysis, experimental psychology, phe- nomenology, and the world of practical affairs lead to the observation of very different feelings and states of mind. About Behaviorism
Students are classified essentially as those who do not need to be taught and those who cannot be, and the doctrine of universal education is challenged on the grounds that some children are essentially Un- teachable. About Behaviorism
But the roles of heredity and environment are to be discovered through observation, not assigned in conformity with political beliefs. About Behaviorism
Species differ in the speeds with which they can be conditioned and in the nature and size of the repertoires they can main- tain, and it is probable that people show similar in- herited differences. About Behaviorism
Raise one identical twin in China and the other in France and their verbal behavior will be completely different. About Behaviorism
ample of environmental action and probably for that reason was the first to be discovered and formulated. About Behaviorism
But stimuli do not elicit operant responses; they simply modify the probability that responses will be emitted. About Behaviorism
They analyze the contingencies of re- inforcement in their world and extract plans and rules which enable them to respond appropriately without direct exposure to the contingencies. About Behaviorism
In all this, 245 Summing Up Human beings attend to or disregard the world in and much more, they are simply behaving, and that is true even when they are behaving covertly. About Behaviorism
Not only does a behavioral analysis not reject any of these “higher mental processes”; it has taken the lead in in- vestigating the contingencies under which they occur. About Behaviorism
Nothing about the position taken in this book questions the uniqueness of each member of the human species, but the uniqueness is 247 Summing Up In both natural selection and operant conditioning Origination is at the heart of the issue of a self or 7. About Behaviorism
8. About Behaviorism
If we dismiss the pejorative meaning of “super- ficial” as lacking in penetration and the honorific mean- ing of “deep” as being profound, then there is a grain of truth in the contention that a behavioristic analysis is superficial and does not reach the depths of the mind or personality. About Behaviorism
The more thoroughly we understand the relation between human behavior and its genetic and environmental an- tecedents, the more clearly we understand the nature or essence of the species. About Behaviorism
Anything like an adequate sampling of the species of the world is out of the question, even for the field ethologist, but the ex- perimental analysis of behavior has been extended to a fairly large number of species, among them Homo sapiens. About Behaviorism
Even with human subjects, most of the early experi- ments were done where the environment could be most easily controlled, as with psychotics and re- tardates. About Behaviorism
But normal children soon began to be studied, and then normal adults. About Behaviorism
Special problems naturally arise from the relation of the subject to the experimenter and from the long and complex history of the subject prior to the experiment, but enough has been done to suggest that the same basic processes occur in both an- imals and men, just as the same kind of nervous sys- tem is to be found in both. About Behaviorism
If this were the case, we should have to say that we are limited in animal research to those topics which can be prescinded from human experience and projected into animals. About Behaviorism
“The study of animal behavior is unique among the sciences because it begins historically and methodologically with human behavior, prescinds from human experience, and projects this experience into other animals.” About Behaviorism
The equipment is not used be- cause it does so, even though a clinical psychologist has claimed that “experimental psychologists use their gad- gets and machines to defend themselves against real involvement with their subjects.” About Behaviorism
Those who argue that laboratory results cannot ac- count for human behavior in the world at large presum- ably believe that they know what is happening in that world, or at least that it can be known. About Behaviorism
Those who feel that they understand what is happening in the world at large may be tested in a very simple way: let them look at the organism as it behaves in a modern experiment and tell us what they see. About Behaviorism
Those familiar with laboratory research will be more likely to look for the important things and will know what other things to ask about; they will have a better understanding of what they see. About Behaviorism
Those who say that a science of behavior is over- simplified and naïve usually show an oversimplified and naïve knowledge of the science, and those who claim that what it has to say is either trivial or already well known are usually unfamiliar with its actual accom- plishments. About Behaviorism
They are often speaking of casual impressions. About Behaviorism
But if a statement about oratory setting, we must certainly ask whether the im- pression against which it is compared is any more re- liable. About Behaviorism
But we find it much more difficult to believe that contingencies of reinforcement can really be the roots of wars, say, or—at the other extreme—of art, music, and literature.- About Behaviorism
The reader who has reached this point will not be inclined to call a behavioristic analysis of human behavior simple (unless he blames the complex- ABouT BEsAvIoRIsM 254 255 Summing Up ities he has encountered on my exposition), and I may remind him that I have kept facts and principles to a bare niinhnum. About Behaviorism
Something of the same sort has been said of almost every science; the Greeks talked about the atom and the dimension of time. About Behaviorism
Facts are not invented by the scien- tist, and facts about behavior have always been con- spicuous features of the world in which people lived, but scientists quickly pass beyond the stage of folk wis- dom and personal experience, and this has already happened in the experimental analysis of behavior. About Behaviorism
Very little of what is discovered in current research could be said to be < f2nhiliar < to anyone. About Behaviorism
All sciences simplify the conditions they study as far as possible, but this does not mean that they refuse to examine more complex instances as soon as they can do so profitably. About Behaviorism
The importance of operant reinforcement, for example, has long been recognized in discussions of rewards, self- interest, hedonism, and Utilitarianism. About Behaviorism
Early st:d~.es About Behaviorism
operant conditioning, but very often what is done seems in retrospect to be little more than the application of common sense. About Behaviorism
it is sometimes said that they were, and isolated instances in which something very much like a modern behavioral technology can be cited. About Behaviorism
The important difference is in the time at which the desirable results occur. About Behaviorism
In spite of the fact that many people find them objectionable, punishment and aver- sive control are still common, and for a single reason: those who use them are usually immediately reinforced; only the deferred results are objectionable. About Behaviorism
It would be absurd for the behaviorist to con- tend that he is in any way exempt from his analysis. About Behaviorism
He cannot step out of the causal stream and observe be- havior from some special point of vantage, “perched on the epicycle of Mercury.” About Behaviorism
The behavior of logician, mathematician, and scien- tist is the most difficult part of the field of human be- havior and possibly the most subtle and complex phe- nomenon ever submitted to a logical mathematical, or scientific analysis, but because it has not yet been well analyzed, we should not conclude that it is a different kind of field, to be approached only with a different kind of analysis. About Behaviorism
There is no reason why we cannot ask what a logician or mathematician does as he discovers how or why new rules can be derived from old or why, if the old can be said to be true, the new must be true too. About Behaviorism
But rules are never the contingencies they describe; they remain descriptions and suffer the limitations in- berent in verbal behavior. About Behaviorism
The canons of scientific methods are designed to maximize the control exerted by the stimulus and to suppress other condi- tions, such as incidental effects upon the listener which lead the speaker to exaggerate or lie. About Behaviorism
It is possible, in fact, that a behavioral analysis may yield a new kind of attack on familiar problems, such as the paradoxes or Gödel’s theorem. About Behaviorism
Certain problems concerning the limitations of human knowledge might be closer to solution if the behavior of knowing were analyzed fur- ther. About Behaviorism
It has been said, for example, that science has reached a limit beyond which it cannot establish the determinacy of physical phenomena, and it has been argued that this may be the point at which freedom emerges in human behavior. About Behaviorism
Behavioral scientists would probably be quite content with the degree of rigor shown by physics in spite of this apparent limitation, but there may be something about the human organism which makes indeterminacy relatively important We can discover whether or not that is an important limita- tion only by developing a science of human behavior to the point at which indeterminacy becomes apparent. About Behaviorism
For example, the limits of what could be seen through the microscope were once clearly es- tablished from a consideration of the wave lengths of AaoT.rr About Behaviorism
BEHAVIORISM 260 • to be that its picture of man is incomplete: “Behavior- ism tried to build a psychology without including man in his full complexity,” or, “Behaviorism has omitted human phenomena which do not fit a physicalistic model.” About Behaviorism
(Humanistic psychology, on the other hand, is said to be a science “appropriate to man as a subject matter,” “committed to dealing with humanness in its own right,” and “comprehensively human.”) About Behaviorism
This characterization of the species is likely to be sub- scribed to by all those members of the species who can 261 Summing Up visible light. About Behaviorism
We can readily agree that a lion jumping through a hoop in a circus is not behaving qua lion, and we might elaborate in this way: The lion at his best, that is, at his most leonine, seeks to fulfill himself, individually and with those close to him, in spontaneous, unended, creative activity, in work that con- sists of the imposition of his leoninity on a recalcitrant en~ vironment. About Behaviorism
Nor is the choice between (a) an entirely technological society in which persons are run by machines and (b) “an era of humanity with man at peace with himseLf by comporting with his nat- ural environment.” About Behaviorism
The paragon of ani- mals!” Man is the paragon Of animals. About Behaviorism
Man is perhaps unique in being a moral animal, but not in the sense that he possesses morality; he has constructed a social environment in which he behaves with respect to himself and others in moral ways. About Behaviorism
What is usually meant in saying that behaviorism de- humanizes man is that it neglects important capacities which are not to be found in machines or animals, such as the capacity to choose, have purposes, and behave creatively. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, if the posi- tion I have presented here is correct, be can remedy these mistakes and at the same time build a world in which he will feel freer than ever before and achieve greater things. About Behaviorism
The extra- ordinary role of the environment opens the prospect of a much more successful future, in which he will be most human and humane, and in which be will manage him- self skillfully because he will know himself accurately. About Behaviorism
It does not reduce feelings to bodily states; it simply argues that bodily states are and always have been what are felt. About Behaviorism
Hold a slip of paper just above a candle flame and it will “catch fire.” About Behaviorism
When we stop the burning, we are said to “put the fire out”; we “quench” it in the sense of causing it to vanish. About Behaviorism
The metaphor is probably harmless enough in casual dis- course, but it is not particularly useful to the physicist, and a person who is accustomed to quenching fires by throwing water on them will be unhappy when he is told that water simply cools or smothers a fire. About Behaviorism
Cooling and smothering do not seem like quenching. About Behaviorism
Psychotherapy is largely responsible for the humanistic psychology which complains that be- haviorism ignores the individual. About Behaviorism
It would be foolish to question the interest a person takes in others—in gossip, in autobiographies, in novels, in dramas, in news reports, and so on. About Behaviorism
Individ- uals are important parts of the environment, and al- though a science of behavior permits a person to in- terpret what be sees more effectively, it will never tell him the whole story about the individual case. About Behaviorism
It is only when we ask what is to be done with knowl- ABouT BBE4vIoluSM 266 267 SummIng Up edge that we begin to examine the different forms of knowing more closely and appreciate the value of the generality. About Behaviorism
Because operant conditioning is conspicuous, it is often referred to as if it were nothing more than a technique to be used in the control of others. About Behaviorism
There is no doubt that it can be so used for nonscientific purposes and will be so used if the results are reinforcing. About Behaviorism
Science must balance costs and gains, and though it may bear down hard on a unique event, espe- cially in a technological application, it reaps a greater harvest from general principles. About Behaviorism
Contingencies designed for explicit purposes can be called manipulative, though it does not follow that they are exploitative; unarranged contin- gencies must be recognized as having equal power, and also possibly unhappy consequences. About Behaviorism
It must not be for- gotten that exhortation, demagoguery, evangelism, and so on are also behavioral practices, as are similar prac- tices on a smaller scale in daily life. About Behaviorism
A proposal to terminate behavioral research or to sequester its results on the grounds that they can be used by despots and tyrants would be a disastrous mistake, because it would undermine all the important contributions of the culture and interfere with the counter-controlling measures which keep aversive and exploitative control within bounds. About Behaviorism
It can be solved by recognizing that the behavior we call moral or just is a product of In an operant analysis of the stimulus control of ABouT BEHAVIoRISM 268 I special kinds of social contingencies arranged by gov- ernments, religions, economic systems, and ethical groups. About Behaviorism
I am interested in my feelings—and in the feelings of others. About Behaviorism
And be insists that we shall never know why birds sing, “but as poets we know—none better—how their singing affects us and as to this datum science has not a word to say; it can only listen too.” About Behaviorism
It seems to be implied that to understand why birds sing would interfere with the effect of their singing upon us, and upon the poet, and upon us when we read what be has to say. About Behaviorism
The ethologist would be wrong to take these effects into account in trying to discover why birds sing, but he can nevertheless enjoy bird song and also what a poet says about it. About Behaviorism
The bird sings not be- cause of how it feels but because of certain contin- gencies of survival. About Behaviorism
How the poet feels upon bearing it is doubly irrelevant to why it sings, but there is no reason why the poet cannot tell us bow he feels or, if be is a good poet, induce in us a condition felt in the same way. About Behaviorism
If we stop to listen to a bird, it is because we are reinforced for doing so, and science can listen for other reasons. About Behaviorism
It can survey the extent to which sound pat- terns are or become reinforcing, and in doing so it may contribute to an explanation of why people compose and listen to music. About Behaviorism
The conditions generated within the body of the listener remain forever private, but the ABouT BEHAVIORISM 270 271 Summing Up behavioral scientist may still investigate the reinforcing effects they are associated with and possibly discover how more reinforcing effects may be achieved. About Behaviorism
And it is hard to see how a helpful interest in, or affection for, another person could be endangered by improved un- derstanding. About Behaviorism
He says, “I think”; he asks his readers to keep something “in mind”; he summarizes the “pur- port” or “purpose” of a passage; and so on. About Behaviorism
Not only has the most ardent behaviorist feelings like everyone else; on balance he has quite possibly more enjoyable ones, because there are states of the body— associated, for example, with failure, frustration, or loss —which are far from enjoyable or reinforcing, and they are less likely to be experienced by those who practice scientific self-knowledge and self-management. About Behaviorism
Those who approach a behavioristic formulation for the first time may be surprised by the mention of self-con- trol. About Behaviorism
Has be not decided to write a book? Is he not clearly responsible for it, since it would not exist if he had not written it? Does he not urge his readers to adopt a behavioristic point of view? According to traditional definitions of self-control, hap- piness, decision, responsibility, and urging, the behav- iorist is indeed inconsistent, but according to his own definitions he is not; and when the latter are under- stood, objections of this sort lose their force. About Behaviorism
Nothing be says about human behavior seriously changes the effect of that history. About Behaviorism
Behaviorism has so often been defined in terms of its supposed shortcomings—of what it is said to ignore or neglect—that setting the record straight often appears to destroy what was meant to be saved. About Behaviorism
What survives can be put in a positive form: was warned, on a particular kind of behaviorial science. About Behaviorism
What an organism does will eventually be seen to be due to what it is, at the moment it behaves, and the physiologist will someday give us all the details. About Behaviorism
Perhaps this diversity is healthful: different approaches could be regarded as mutations, from which a truly effective behavioral science will eventually be selected. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, the A behavioral analysis acknowledges the impor- A crucial step in the argument can then be taken: The Future of Behaviorism ABoUT BE1IAVIoIUSM 274 I I I I fairs may explain why conferences on peace are held with such monotonous regularity year after year. About Behaviorism
Some of it, as we have seen, avoids theoretical issues by confming itself to the form, topography, or structure of behavior. About Behaviorism
Some of it appeals to the “conceptual nervous systems” of mathematical models and systems theories. About Behaviorism
On the contrary, it may be just what is needed to salvage the other contributions. About Behaviorism
And it will not be given a fair trial until its philosophy has been clearly understood. About Behaviorism
A. dis- tinguished social philosopher has said, “It is only thrOugh a change of consciousness that the world will be saved. About Behaviorism
But no one can begin with himself; and if he could, it would certainly not be by changing his consciousness. About Behaviorism
If it were true that “an ever greater danger than nuclear war arises from within man himself in the form of smouldering fears, contagious panics, primitive needs for cruel violence, and raging suicidal destructiveness,” then we should be lost. About Behaviorism
It is the environment which must be changed. About Behaviorism
Fortunately, the point of attack is more readily accessible. About Behaviorism
A way of life which furthers the study of human behavior in its relation to that environment ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 276 lems are now global. About Behaviorism
In the behavioristic view, man can now control his own destiny because be knows 277 Summing Up should be in the best possible position to solve its major problems. About Behaviorism
On Marx and Schiller, see David McLellan: Marx Be- /ore Marxism. About Behaviorism
I am indebted to Dr. Ernest Vargas and Dr. Julie Vargas for critical readings of the manuscript. About Behaviorism
We asked the driver to take us, it was a night with a full moon, thanks be to Allah. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Thanks be to Allah for his blessings. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
UBL: Thanks be to Allah. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh: (Describing the trip to the meeting) They smuggled us and then I thought that we would be in different caves inside the mountains so I was surprised at the guest house and that it is very clean and comfortable. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Thanks be to Allah, we also learned that this location is safe, by Allah’s blessings. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
This is only one goal; those who want people to worship the lord of the people, without following that doctrine, will be following the doctrine of Muhammad, peace be upon him. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
He said: “There will be a great hit and people will go out by hundreds to Afghanistan.” I asked him (Salih): “To Afghanistan?” He replied, “Yes.” According to him, the only ones who stay behind will be the mentally impotent and the liars (hypocrites). Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
UBL: (...Inaudible...) we calculated in advance the number of casualties from the enemy, who would be killed based on the position of the tower. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
We calculated that the floors that would be hit would be three or four floors. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh: Allah be praised. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Allah is great, praise be to Allah. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
And the day will come when the symbols of Islam will rise up and it will be similar to the early days of Al-Mujahedeen and Al-Ansar (similar to the early years of Islam). Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
In these days, in our times, that it will be the greatest jihad in the history of Islam and the resistance of the wicked people. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh: May Allah be blessed. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh: May Allah be blessed! Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
At that point, I was worried that maybe the secret would be revealed if everyone starts seeing it in their dream. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
I told him if he sees another dream, not to tell anybody, because people will be upset with him. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
(Another person’s voice can be heard recounting his dream about two planes hitting a big building). Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
UBL: They were overjoyed when the first plane hit the building, so I said to them: be patient. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
From no single volume, whatever the arrangement, could the continuity of development be seen in historical perspective. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Anyone familiar with Jung’s work will be aware that references to Freud’s observations and theories oc- cur frequently throughout his writings; indeed, the discussion of them has engaged his interest from the beginning of the cen- tury to the present day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The essay “Freud and Jung: Contrasts” was com- missioned in 1929 by the editor of the Kölnische Zeitung in view of the then current interest in the relation between Freud and Jung. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is included here because it shows the continuity in Jung’s thinking from the time he wrote “The Theory of Psycho- analysis” (1912), serving at the same time as an outline of the changes that had taken place in the interim. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It affects only the psychology of sexuality, the determinants of hysterical symptoms, and the methods of psychanalysis.3 Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the medical public (psychiatrists included) know Freud mainly from this side of his work, and for this reason adverse criticism could easily throw a shadow on Freud’s other scientific achieve- mentS. Freud and Psychoanalysis
uality, according to Freud, plays in the formation of the psychoneuroses. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In all these fields Freud has to his credit unique achievements, which can be contested only by one ‘[First published as “Die Hysterielehre Freuds: Eine Erwiderung auf die Aschaf- fenburgsche Kritik,” Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift (Munich), LIII : 47 (Nov. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 4 11 It is rather different in the case of physical traumata and ‘~ There is no other way to refute it than by the use of psych- Has anyone proved that this is not so? By “prove” I naturally mean applying Freud’s psychanalytic methods and not just car- rying out a rigorous examination of the patient and then de- claring that nothing sexual can be found. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At that rate countless cases of hys- teria could be put into the category of “traumatic” hysteria, for how often does a mild fright produce a new symptom! Freud and Psychoanalysis
Aschaffen- burg will surely not believe that anyone can be so naïve as to seek the cause of the symptom in that little affect alone. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But if we want to be absolutely fair and absolutely scientific, we would certainly have to show first that a sexual constellation really never did pave the way for the hys- teria, i.e., that nothing of this sort comes out under analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Anyone who does not use them will never refute Freud; for it must be proved by means of the methods FREUD’S THEORY OF HYSTERIA (1906) 5 inaugurated by him that factors can be found in hysteria other than sexual ones, or that these methods are totally unsuited to bringing intimate psychic material to light. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Aschaffenburg’s objection that an entirely traumatic hysteria contains nothing sexual and goes back to other, very clear trau- mata seems to me very apt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So these and a legion of similar cases prove nothing against Freud. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is possible that Freud’s view is not valid in these cases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At any rate the allegation of traumatic hysteria proves, at best, only that not all cases of hysteria have a sexual root. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If you present such re- suits naked, stripped of their psychological premises, naturally no one can understand them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Again he would be doing constructive work for which one could not thank him enough. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Till then his criticism hangs in mid air. Freud and Psychoanalysis
one possesses, but which can, to a certain extent, be learnt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
20 So long as we do not know whether Aschaffenburg has this practical experience, the charge of auto-suggestion cannot be taken any more seriously than that of arbitrary interpretation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This question cannot be answered in general terms, because just as many cases can be cited for as against. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Apart from the fact that there are many patients who are not in the least harmed by sexual en- lightenment, there are not a few who, far from having to be pushed towards this theme, guide the analysis to this point of their own accord. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Finally, there are cases (of which I have had more than one) that cannot be got at at all until their sexual circumstances are subjected to a thorough review, and in the cases I have known this has led to very good results. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It must be left to the skill of the analyst to find out which these cases are. Freud and Psychoanalysis
24 As to the scientific findings of psychanalysis, nobody should be put off by seeming enormities, and particularly not by sen- sational quotations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One has only to think of Kepler and Newton! Freud and Psychoanalysis
When a person reviles as unscientific not only a theory whose experimental foundations he has not even examined but also those who have taken the trouble to test it for themselves, the freedom of scientific research is im- perilled. Freud and Psychoanalysis
No matter whether Freud is mistaken or not, he has the right to be heard before the forum of science. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5 Untitled note in the Zentralblatt für Nervenheilkunde und Psychiatric, XXIX (1906), 322. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For the present, therefore, there can be no talk of a firmly-established Freudian theory of hysteria, but only of numerous experiences which have certain features in common. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As we are not dealing with anything finished and conclusive, but rather with a process of development, an historical survey will probably be the form best suited to an account of Freud’s teachings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
28 The theoretical presuppositions on which Freud bases his investigations are to be found in the experiments of Pierre Janet. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Breuer, allowing himself to be guided by the patient, observed that in her twilight states complexes of reminiscences were reproduced which derived from the previous year. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This material can be found in Studies on Hysteria, published in 1895 by Breuer and Freud. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The clinical picture was characterized chiefly by a profound splitting of consciousness, together with numerous physical symptoms of secondary importance and con- stancy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In order to increase and accelerate the effect of the treatment, Breuer induced, besides the spontaneous twi- light state, an artificially suggested one in which more material was “abreacted.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS by conversion of the excitation into abnormal somatic innervations, or 12 THE FREUDIAN THEORY OF HYSTERIA (1908) 2. Freud and Psychoanalysis
36 The content of the traumatic affect provided the theme for Freud’s further researches. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At that time he did not attribute much significance to a still earlier inborn disposition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud certainly did not evolve this view out of noth- ing, he was merely formulating certain experiences which had forced themselves on him during analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Breuer and Freud, Studies on Hysteria, Standard Edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
Already in the Studies on Hysteria and particularly in “The Defence Neuro-psychoses,” Freud had pointed out the sexual nature of the initial affect, whereas the first case history reported by Breuer skirts round the sexual ele- ment in a striking fashion, although the whole history not only contains a wealth of sexual allusions but, even for the expert, becomes intelligible and coherent only when the patient’s sex- uality is taken into account. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4° According to Freud’s statements in 1 9o4,~ much has altered 5 [“Freud’s Psycho-Analytic Procedure” and “On Psychotherapy” appear to be the publications Jung referred to. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If an interpretation is wrong, it cannot be forced on the patient; if it is right, the result is immediately visible and expresses itself very clearly in the patient’s whole behaviour. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The method could be called an educative one, since it changes the whole thinking and feel- ing of the patient in such a way that his personality gradually breaks free from the compulsion of the complexes and can take up an independent attitude towards them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Against this it can be argued that it is not very difficult to establish the associative connection be- tween a cucumber and an elephant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In- stead, what “rises up” often seems at first sight to be quite incomprehensible intermediate associations, which neither the analyst nor the patient recognizes as belonging in any way to the complex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud has called this fact over-determination. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For this reason alone all over-hasty criticism of Freud’s findings is precluded. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor should one be put off by the obtrusion of sexuality, for as a rule you come upon many other, exceedingly interesting things which, at least to begin with, show no trace of sex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With the help of this perfectly harmless material a great many Freudian phenomena can be studied without undue difficulty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With- out a knowledge of the ground-work Freud’s more recent teach- ings are completely incomprehensible, and, as might be ex- pected, they have remained misunderstood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Let us first try to come closer to the argument of the Three Essays. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The first thing to be considered is that Freud’s conception of sexuality is uncommonly wide. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fantasies of hysterics are, as we know, boundless; hence, if the psychic balance is in some measure to be preserved, equiv-. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If the fantasies are of a sexual nature, then the cor- responding resistances will be shame and disgust. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Perverse fantasies of this kind were bound to act as moral foreign bodies, so to speak, in an otherwise sensitive person, and had to be repressed by means of defence mechanisms, particu- larly shame and disgust. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence the resistance against the object of love. Freud and Psychoanalysis
reasons, lead to the formation of complexes of ideas that are incompatible with the other contents of consciousness and are therefore repressed, chiefly by shame and disgust. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the cases of hysteria which I have analysed, the symptoms were extraordinarily varied, but they all showed a surprising similarity in their psy- chological structure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
65 The dream, far from being the confusion of haphazard and meaningless associations it is commonly believed to be, or a result merely of somatic sensations during sleep as many authors suppose, is an autonomous and meaningful product of psychic activity, susceptible, like all other psychic functions, of a sys- tematic analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
66 It may be objected that all empirical reality is against this theory, since the impression of incoherence and obscurity that dreams make upon us -is notorious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 24 64 THE ANALYSIS OF DREAMS1 In 1900, Sigmund Freud published in Vienna a voluminous L work on the analysis of dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This question is easily answered: Gretchen’s sadness contains a thought that no one likes to dwell upon; it would be too painful. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this case I would not waste my time questioning her directly, for as a rule these intimate sorrows cannot be uncov- ered without arousing the most intense resistance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The conclusion would be easy to draw, and I should be able to submit the dream-thought to her without hesitation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
76 I would ask her, for instance: Who is not so faithful as the King of Thule, or who ought to be? This question would very quickly illuminate the situation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It concerns a man of whom I know nothing except that he lives in the colonies and happens at present to be in Europe on leave. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In these cases the resistance is too great, and the complex cannot be brought up from the depths directly into ordinary consciousness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is always difficult at first, especially in an introspective examina- tion when his attention cannot be suppressed so far as to elimi- nate the inhibiting effect of the censor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
behind the dream seems to be clear: “I am a celibate like the Pope, but I would like to have many wives like the Moslem.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
(The passage about the cold and the blouse seems to be an early interpolation, as it tries to establish a logical relationship. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But he had to admit that the inno- cent telling of the dream was apparently a fact, and that it would be unnatural to credit the child with sufficient guile to make sexual innuendoes in such a veiled form. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When his first in- dignation wore off he came to see that Marie’s guilt could not be so great, and that the fantasies of her friends had contributed to the rumour. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was when the wedding was going on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The interpretation of the dream is so simple that we can safely leave it to the chil- dren themselves, whose statements now follow. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The bride had on a blue silk dress but no veil. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here the roundabout story of lack of room at the bathing- place is missing; Marie goes swimming with the teacher right A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RUMOUR Aural Witnesses 37 away. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I don’t know now whether the last sentence was really told so, but I think it was. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Now the dream is finished. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But after a long time they suddenly arrived at Z. There a scene is said to have taken place which I would rather not tell, for if it was true it would be too shameful. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If I knew exactly I would also tell the other thing, but my sister only said something about a little child that was born there, and the teacher was said to be the god. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then the teacher took a cord and tied us together. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then I heard that she said the teacher said that Lina and she were his favourite pupils. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This passage likewise seems to be an independ- ent fantasy due to inner participation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
125 So far as the interpretation of the dream is concerned, there is nothing for me to add; the children themselves have done all that is necessary, leaving practically nothing over for psycho- analytic interpretation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In presenting the material I have pur- posely restricted myself to the psychoanalytic point of view, though I do not deny that my material offers numerous open- ings for the invaluable researches of the followers of Stern, Claparède, and others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We need to know more about the why and the wherefore of the whole phenomenon. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As we have seen, the teacher was greatly affected by the rumour and was left puzzled by the problem of its cause and effect. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The class consisted of girls be- tween the ages of twelve and thirteen, who were therefore in the midst of the prodromata of puberty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As there is nothing fundamentally new to be offered in this field since the researches of Freud, Adler, and Stekel, we must content our- selves with corroborating their experience by citing parallel cases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have under observation a few cases of this kind which may be worth reporting for their general interest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most obvi- ous interpretation would be that this number had a financial significance and origin. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A rough estimate of the expenses so far involved led to a number which in fact approached 2477 francs; a more careful calculation gave 2387 francs, a number which could only arbitrarily be translated into 2477. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It occurred to him that in the dream the number appeared divided: 24 77. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Per- haps it was a telephone number. Freud and Psychoanalysis
143 Dividing the numbers again into integers we get 2 + 6 and 4 + 4, two groups of figures which have only one thing in com- mon, that each gives 8 by addition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But we should never forget that the human mind has for thousands of years amused itself with just this kind of game, so it would be no wonder if those tendencies from the distant past gained a hear- ing in dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Their presence in his dreams is therefore be- yond question. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dreamer, it must be emphatically re- marked, was not at all well up in the Bible, she had not read it for an incredible time and was not in the least religious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would therefore be quite hopeless to rely on associations here. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Highest shall overshadow thee: therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For with God nothing shall be impossible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
three years I come seeking fruit on this fig tree, and find none: cut it down; why cumbereth it the ground? ‘5° The fig-tree, since ancient times a symbol of the male geni- tals, must be cut down on account of its unfruitfulness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was understandable that the dreamer with- drew her libido from her husband, for with her he was impo- tent,5 and equally understandable that she made a regression to her father (“. Freud and Psychoanalysis
By thus ad- vancing her age she put her husband in the role of a son or boy, of an age when impotence is normal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is therefore only a further confirmation of what has been said if, following up the material to “Luke 137,” we turn to Luke 7 : i3: 12. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the And, behold, thy cousin Elisabeth, she hath also conceived a A certain man had a fig tree planted in his vineyard; and he Then said he unto the dresser of his vineyard, Behold, these Now when he came nigh to the gate of the city, behold, there 54 said unto her, Weep not. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And, for full measure, there have been available for some time not only Freud’s and my lectures at Clark University,4 but several trans- lations of our works as well, so that even those who have no knowledge of German would have had ample opportunity to familiarize themselves with the subject. Freud and Psychoanalysis
0 It is especially to be regretted that the learned men—or to be more accurate, the men who today go in for learning—all too often have an interest which is merely national and stops at the frontier. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be a great relief to psycho- analysts if more Binet, Janet, and Flournoy were read in Germany. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It needs to be repeated again and again that practical and theoretical understanding of psycho- analysis is a function of analytical self-knowledge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There can be no doubt whatever that a doctor who covers up his lack of knowledge and ability with increased self- confidence will never be able to analyse, for otherwise he would have to admit the truth to himself and would become impossible in his own eyes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But be- fore taking up Prince’s objections, we shall have a look at his field of inquiry and at his—in our sense—positive results. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Prince worked through six dreams of a woman patient who was capable of different states of consciousness and could be examined in several of these states. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The following passage brings im- portant and emphatic confirmation of this: It was a brilliant stroke of genius that led Freud to the discovery that dreams are not the meaningless vagaries that they were previ- ously supposed to be, but when interpreted through the method of psychoanalysis may be found to have a logical and intelligible mean- ing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This meaning, however, is generally hidden in a mass of sym- bolism which can only be unraveled by a searching investigation into the previous mental experiences of the dreamer. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When this is done the conclusion is forced upon us, I believe, that even the most fantastic dream may express some intelligent idea, though that idea may be hidden in symbolism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
My own ob- servations confirm those of Freud, so far as to show that running through each dream there is an intelligent motive; so that the dream can be interpreted as expressing some idea or ideas which the dreamer previously has entertained. Freud and Psychoanalysis
151): I am unable to confirm [Freud’s view] that every dream can be interpreted as “the imaginary fulfillment of a wish,” which is the motive of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That sometimes a dream can be recognized as the fulfillment of a wish there can be no question, but that every dream, or that the majority of dreams are such, I have been unable to verify, even after subjecting the individual to the most exhaustive analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary I find, if my interpretations are correct, that some dreams are rather the expression of the non-fulfillment of a wish; some seem to be that of the fulfillment of a fear or anxiety. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It should be added that the wish itself often seems to him not to be “repressed” and not to be so unconscious or important as Freud would lead us to expect. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(I should have thought that this procedure would be an un- written law of academic decency.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
He has had great courage in exposing himself in this commendable way, for we now have an opportunity to com- pare our divergencies openly with his material, a procedure which will be instructive in every respect. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He succeeded in curing the patient of her dis- sociation for eighteen months, but now things seem to be going badly again, for she remained anxiously dependent on the analyst, and he found this so tiresome that he twice wanted to send her to a colleague. Freud and Psychoanalysis
164 Dream I: C [the patient’s dream-ego] was somewhere and saw an old woman who appeared to be a Jewess. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She was holding a bottle and a glass and seemed to be drinking whiskey; then this woman changed into her own mother, who had the bottle and glass, and ap- peared likewise to be drinking whiskey; then the door opened and her father appeared. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But there might be something wrong in it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“The dream scene is therefore the symbolical representation and justification of her own be- lief and answers the doubts and scruples that beset her mind” (p. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The second part of the dream, about the sticks, is cer- tainly, according to Prince, a kind of wish-fulfilment, but he says it tells us nothing, since the patient had ordered fire- 10 For the practised analyst the dream itself is so clear that it can be read directly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This, briefly, would be the meaning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I trust he will forgive me for indiscreetly breaking open the tactfully closed door, so that it may clearly be seen what kind of wish-fulfilments, which “one cannot see,” hide behind conventional discretion and medical blindness to sex, i66 Dream ~: A hill—she was toiling up the hill; one could hardly get up; had the sensation of some one, or thing, following her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In fairness to the author it should be remarked that in this case the repetition of the mistake was the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 62 169 The sentence “I must not show that I am frightened” there- more excusable since the cruci to fight the damned thing yourself”) is really very ambiguous and misleading. Freud and Psychoanalysis
i67 As the dream is very simple, we can dispense with any further knowledge of the analytical material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Things which are ap- parently quite unconscious can often be shown to be conscious in another connection, and actually to have been known. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Put in the brutal form “I will have symptoms in order to re-arouse the interest of the analyst,” it cannot be accepted, true though it is, for it is too hurtful; but she could well allow a few little associations and half-smothered wishes to be discerned in the background, such as reminiscences of the time when the analysis was so interest- ing, etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“If 1 don’t have help, I am lost” means “I hope I won’t be cured too quickly or I cannot have a relapse.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Naturally she would do anything rather than admit that she really had such wishes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But if she has a relapse she will have a renewed and more intense claim on his attention, and this is the point of the whole manceuvre. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Once again it must be emphasized that Freud has expressly stated that the true dream- thou ghts are not identical with the manifest dream-contents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Prince has not discovered the true dream-thought simply be- cause he stuck to the wording of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it may be that the material brought out by the author’s analysis will be sufficient to give us a glimpse of the latent dream-thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When the analyst ham- mers it into her head that he cannot let himself be tormented by her chatter, he does it so emphatically that his psychotherapy turns into an extremely intense form of physical treatment or torture. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This fulfils a wish which is far too shocking to be recog- nized in the decent light of day, although it is a very natural and simple thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
65 ‘74 When the patient awoke she saw the analyst still carrying out that movement: pounding’5 with a stone. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To name an action for a second time is to give it special prominence.’0 Freud and Psychoanalysis
176 It would really be incumbent on the author to present all the interim material which would finally establish the erotic meaning of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then she was in ever so many different places, but wherever she went she had to leave be- cause she was alone; they would not let her stay. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The feeling of loneliness (“she feels that she cannot be alone any more, that she must have com- pany”) is fittingly resolved by this ambiguous situation: there A CRITICAL REVIEW OF MORTON PRINCE 67 are “lone women” who are not so alone as all that, though cer- tainly they are not tolerated everywhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Does the author really believe that in these circumstances he has any scientific right to speak about the psychoanalytic dream-theory, when he withholds es- sential material from the reader for reasons of discretion? By the very fact of reporting his patient’s dream to the world he has violated discretion as thoroughly as possible, for every analyst will see its meaning at once: what the dreamer instinctively hides most deeply cries out loudest from the unconscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For anyone who knows how to read dream-symbols all precautions are in vain, the truth will out. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She waded through the cats without. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But he thinks: “The dream would rather seem to be principally a symbolical representation of her idea of life in general, and of the moral precepts with which she has endeavoured to inspire herself, and which she has endeavoured to live up to in order to obtain hap- piness” (p. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This solution, so objectionable to the conscious mind, seems thor- oughly acceptable to the unconscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
i7~). Freud and Psychoanalysis
But these are, if I may say so, two quite different kinds of helplessness, which do not sufficiently explain the condensation of the two persons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the author has not trodden this path; be has either omitted to ask himself any of these questions or answered them much too FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 72 superficially, so that this analysis too must be disqualified as “unsatisfactory.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
We must require of a critic that he carry out his in- vestigations just as thoroughly as the founder of the theory, and that he should at least be able to explain the main points of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The rest of his remarks, culminating in the ad- mission that he will never be able to see eye to eye with the psychoanalytic school, do not encourage me to make further efforts to explain the problems of dream-psychology to him or to discuss his reply. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence the mysterious scene in the cave, which is so scandalous that she will be struck blind at the sight of it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Proof of this can be found in the details of the cave scene. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A CRITICAL REVIEW OF MORTON PRINCE * 73 ‘94 It is a well-known fact to the psychoanalyst that laymen, even those with relatively little education, are able to understand the nature and rationale of psychoanalysis without undue intellec- tual difficulty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They can all understand the truths of psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They also understand very well why psychoanalysis cannot be expounded in the same convincing way as a mathematical proposition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everyone of common sense knows that a psychological proof must necessarily be different from a physical one, and that each branch of science can only offer proofs that are suited to its material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our critics, unlike earlier ones, have pro- gressed inasmuch as they try to be more serious and to strike a more moderate note. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All we know is that it is simply the quickest way to find facts which are of importance for our psychology, but which, as the history of psychoanalysis shows, can also be discovered in other more tedious and com- plicated ways. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We would naturally be happy if we possessed an analytical technique which led us to the goal even more quickly and reliably than the present method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our critics, however, will scarcely be able to help us towards a more suitable technique, and one that corresponds better to the assumptions of psycho!- Freud and Psychoanalysis
It should be obvious to every thinking person that what matters is simply and solely the empirical facts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ogy up till now, merely by contesting our findings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Unusually tidy, economical, and stubborn! Freud and Psychoanalysis
Pfui! Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such an epilogue could only be a defence either of the scientific truth which we think we can discern in psychoanalysis, and which has been so heavily attacked, or of our own scientific qualities. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But a defence of the first kind can be carried out only if the discussion takes an objective form, and if the arguments used arise from a careful study of the problem, practical as well as theoretical. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since all this impassioned wrangling was more likely to confuse than to enlighten, we have asked Dr. Karl Jung (sic) for a few closing words, which should be the more welcome for calming ruffled tempers.”—EDIToRs.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
200 The sexual indelicacies which unfortunately occupy a neces- sarily large place in many psychoanalytic writings are not to be blamed on psychoanalysis itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
No intelligent person needs to be told yet again that the psychoanalytic method of education does not Consist merely in psychological discussions of sex, but covers every department of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The goal of this education, as I have expressly emphasized in Rascher’s Yearbook, is not that a man should be delivered over helplessly to his passions but that he should attain the necessary self-control. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Would anybody of intelligence lay the blame for the faults and imperfections in the execution of a method designed for the good of mankind on the method itself? Where would surgery be if one blamed its methods for every lethal outcome? Surgery is very dangerous indeed, especially in the hands of a fool. Freud and Psychoanalysis
No one would trust himself to an unskilled surgeon or let his appendix be removed by a barber. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That there are not only unskilled psychiatrists but also laymen who play about in an irresponsible way with psychoanalysis cannot be denied, any more than that there are, today as always, unsuitable doctors and unscrupulous quacks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 8o -~-~ at times a little heated; but no one, perhaps, is so far above pub- lic opinion as not to be painfully affected by the frivolous dis- crediting of his honest scientific endeavours. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since my name is associated with psychoanal- ysis, and for some time I too have been the victim of the whole- sale condemnation of this movement, it will perhaps be asked with astonishment how it is that I am now for the first time defining my theoretical position. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It appears less as a solution, then, than as a program for more work, and more par- ticularly as an indication of the ways in which existing realities may be changed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I recognize that he and I have reached sim- ilar conclusions on various points, but here is not the place to discuss the matter more thoroughly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Another difficulty to be con- sidered is the fact that quite extraordinary misconceptions pre- vail in many quarters concerning the nature of psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At times it is almost impossible to imagine what exactly these erroneous conceptions might be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Obviously it would not be worth while to cite examples of these curiosities. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It will be better to devote time and energy to discuss- ing those problems of psychoanalysis which by their very nature give rise to misunderstandings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So as not to weary you with case histories that by now are well known, I shall content myself with refer- ring to those mentioned in Breuer and Freud’s book, which I may assume is known to you in its English translation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
zo6 So far as I know, however, it was really Charcot who, prob- ably influenced by Page’s theory of “nervous shock,” first made theoretical use of this observation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He believed something of the kind could be ob- served in those increasingly common cases of hysteria caused by accidents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The traumatic shock would be comparable, in a sense, to the moment of hypnosis, since the emotion it produced would cause, temporarily, a complete paralysis of the will during which the trauma could become fixed as an auto-suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was left for later aetiological researches to find out whether the same mechanism, or a similar one, existed in cases of hysteria which could not be called traumatic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They showed that even in cases of ordinary hysteria which had not been regarded as traumatically conditioned the same traumatic element could be found, and that it seemed to have an aetiological significance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
209 Although the discoveries of Breuer and Freud are undoubt- edly correct in point of fact, as can easily be proved by any case of hysteria, several objections can nevertheless be raised against the trauma theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For one thing, the hypothesis that a neurosis, with all its complications, can be related to events in the past—that is, to some factor in the patient’s predisposition—must seem doubtful to anyone who knows hysteria. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is equally true of the neuroses, where things will not be radically different from what they are in general pathology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An extreme theory about predisposition will be just as wrong as an extreme theory about environment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This fact, I would mention in passing, is astonishing in itself, inasmuch as we are disinclined from the start to suppose that things of such importance could ever be forgotten. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even if this doubt were justified, there would certainly be no justification for denying repression in principle on that ac- count, for there are plenty of cases where the actual existence of repressed memories has been verified objectively. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every psy~ choanalyst knows dozens of cases showing clearly that at some particular moment in the past the patient definitely did not want to think any longer of the content to be repressed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But among the second you may find cases showing a more serious retardation of development, since here the process of repression could be compared rather to an auto- matic mechanism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This difference may be connected with the question discussed above, concerning the relative importance of predisposition and environment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is pretty clear where the treatment will be more effective. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We saw, for instance, in the case of Miss Lucy R., ana- lysed by Freud,° that the aetiologically significant factor was not to be found in the traumatic scenes but in the insufficient readi- ness of the patient to accept the insights that forced themselves upon her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One patient told me, very significantly: “Je l’ai mis de côté.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the first place, the very idea that children might be sexual, and that sexual thoughts might play any part in their lives, aroused great indignation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In Germany, for example, this method of attack made it impossible to gain any credit at all for Freud’s theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those scenes of a decidedly sexual character, the sexual abuse of children, and premature sexual activity in childhood were later on found to be to a large extent unreal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You may perhaps be inclined to share the suspicion of the critics that the results of Freud’s analytical researches were therefore based on suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There might be some justifica- tion for such an assumption if these assertions had been publi- cized by some charlatan or other unqualified person. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But anyone who has read Freud’s works of that period with attention, and has tried to penetrate into the psychology of his patients as Freud has done, will know how unjust it would be to attribute to an intellect like Freud’s the crude mistakes of a beginner. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Ever since then patients have been examined under conditions in which every possible precaution was taken to ex- clude suggestion, and still the psychological connections de- scribed by Freud have been proved true in principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As against this, every doctor who treats hysteria will be able to recall cases where violent traumatic impressions have in fact precipitated a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This inner predisposition is not to be understood as that obscure, hereditary disposition of which we know so little, but as a psychological development which reaches its climax, and becomes manifest, at the traumatic moment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Now, this same lady had happened to be in St. Petersburg on the bloody 22nd of January [1905], in the very street which 8 [This case is fully reported in Two Essays on Analytical Psychology, pars. Freud and Psychoanalysis
220 The real shock evidently came from the horses. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We might con- jecture, for instance, that she once had a dangerous accident with horses. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everything about this traumatic scene has still to be explained, for, from the standpoint of the trauma theory, we are left completely in the dark. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From this it is easy to deduce that a child would be even less conscious of the character of certain actions; hence the real meaning of these experiences remains hidden from conscious- ness even in adult life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is no longer some brutal accidental impression com- ing from outside, but a sexual manifestation of unmistakable clearness actually created by the child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
People were far too ready with the facile assumption that all this had merely been suggested to the patients and was accord- ingly a highly debatable artificial product. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I need hardly point out that the progress of science is not furthered by indignation and that arguments based on the sense of moral outrage may suit the moralist—for that is his business—but not the scientist, who must be guided by truth and not by moral sentiments. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not our endeavour to put forward a paradoxical theory con- tradicting all previous theories, but rather to introduce a certain category of new observations into science. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We therefore con- sider it our duty to do whatever we can from our side to promote agreement. Freud and Psychoanalysis
cocious sexual fantasies, which seemed to be the source of the neurosis, forced Freud to assume the existence of a richly de- veloped infantile sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most one can say is that they appear to be very improbable, and that more confirma- tion and more exact study are needed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is also our reply to the objection that nothing reliable can be learnt from the psy- choanalytic method, as the method itself is absurd. Freud and Psychoanalysis
No one be- lieved in Galileo’s telescope, and Columbus discovered America on a false hypothesis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The method may for all I know be full of errors, but that should not prevent its use. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The objections to the method must be regarded as so many subterfuges until our opponents come to grips with the facts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is there that the issue should be decided —not by a war of words. Freud and Psychoanalysis
232 Many of our critics are more careful and more just, and ad- mit that we have made many valuable observations and that the psychic connections revealed by the psychoanalytic method very probably hold good, but they maintain that our conception of them is all wrong. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The alleged sexual fantasies of children, with which we are here chiefly concerned, must not be taken, they say, as real sexual functions, being obviously something quite different, since the specific character of sexuality is acquired only at the onset of puberty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is an objection that has given every thoughtful analyst plenty of cause for reflection. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Under these circumstances, critics have no right to deny our discoveries a priori. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Also, the organs of reproduction develop long before the slightest sign of their future function can be discerned. Freud and Psychoanalysis
236 So when the psychoanalytic school speaks of “sexuality,” this wider concept of the preservation of the species should be associ- ated with it, and it should not be thought that we mean merely the physical sensations and functions which are ordinarily con- noted by that word. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It might be said that in order to avoid mis- understandings one should not call the preliminary phenomena of early infancy “sexual.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
IMPORTANCE OF THE NUTRITIVE FUNCTION 237 Now although no fault can be found with Freud’s sexual terminology as such, since he logically gives all the stages of sexual development the general name of sexuality, it has never- theless led to certain conclusions which in my view are unten- able. Freud and Psychoanalysis
238 This period is characterized by the absence of any sexual function, so that to speak of manifest sexuality in infancy would be a contradiction in terms. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most we can ask is whether, among the vital functions of the infantile period, there are some that do not have the character of nutrition and growth and hence could be termed sexual. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such an assumption would be justifiable only if it were proved that the tension of a physical need, and its release by gratification, is a sexual process. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For if we ask ourselves how far the first traces of sexuality FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 104 go back into childhood, we have to admit that though sexual- ity exists implicity ab ovo it only manifests itself after a long period of extra-uterine life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not possible to separate the two modes of mani- festation or functioning of the hypothetical life-instinct and assign each of them a special path of development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If we judge by what we see, we must take into consideration the fact that in the whole realm of organic nature the life-process consists for a long time only in the functions of nutrition and growth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
239 We know, however, of other functions at the infantile stage which apparently have nothing to do with the function of nutri- tion, such as sucking the finger and its numerous variants. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS io6 Then the act of sucking the breast would be a nutritive act and at the same time a sexual act, a sort of combination of the two instincts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This seems to be Freud’s conception. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Its sexual character can be argued only by a petitio principii, for the facts show that the act of sucking is the first to give pleas- ure, not the sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am not saying this as a reproach: on the contrary, we must be glad that there are people who are courageous enough to be immoderate and one-sided. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Scientific theories are merely suggestions as to how things might be observed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As I explained earlier, the discovery of a sexual THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS - 107 fantasy-activity in childhood, which apparently had the effect of a trauma, led to the assumption that the child must have, in contradiction to all previous views, an almost fully developed sexuality, and even a polymorphous-perverse sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If its sexual interest is directed out- wards to another person, it makes but little difference to the child what that person’s sex is. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At all events the underlying idea is the same: just as the spasmogenic zone is the place where a spasm originates~ the erogenous zone is the place from which comes an afflux of sexu- ality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
SEXUAL COMPONENTS AS ENERGIC MANIFESTATIONS 246 From this point of view the later, normal, “monomorphic” sexuality is made up of several components. Freud and Psychoanalysis
During the ensuing phase he gave up all idea of marriage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
248 If we regard sexuality as consisting of a fixed heterosexual and a fixed homosexual component we shall never explain this case, since the assumption of fixed components precludes any kind of transformation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If nothing but a change of position took place, so that the homosexual component lapsed in full force into the unconscious, leaving the field of conscious- ness to the heterosexual component, modern scientific knowl- edge would lead us to infer that equivalent effects would then arise from the unconscious sphere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For this we need a dynamic hypothesis, since these permutations of sex can only be thought of as dynamic or energic processes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
His conception of components, of separate modes of functioning, began to be weakened, at first more in practice than in theory, and was eventually replaced by a conception of energy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
250 It was, therefore, urgently necessary to give an adequate ex- planation of such a change of scene. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The disappointment he met with at the moment he wanted to marry drove his libido away from its heterosexual mode of application, with the result that it assumed a homosexual form again and thus reinduced the earlier homosexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In both cases one has to ask, when one sees that a quantum of energy has disappeared, where this energy has re- emerged in the meantime? If we apply this point of view as an explanatory principle to the psychology of human conduct, we shall make the most surprising discoveries. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such doctors have a primitive way of thinking, like a savage who, seeing an eclipse of the sun, believes that the sun has been swallowed and killed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those cases known to every psychiatrist, in which a complicated system of delusions breaks out with comparative suddenness, prove that there must be unconscious psychic de- velopments that have prepared the ground, for we can hardly suppose that such things come into being just as suddenly as they enter consciousness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Through the introduction of the libido concept, we see that in adults those elementary components which seemed to be the origin and source of normal sexuality lose their importance and are reduced to mere potentialities. Freud and Psychoanalysis
How, then, are we to explain the fact that children have a polymorphous-per- verse sexuality, and that the libido activates not merely one perversion but several? if the libido, in Freud’s sense, comes into existence only at puberty, it cannot be held accountable for earlier infantile perversions—unless we regard them as “psy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Quite apart from the hopeless theoretical confusion this would lead to, we would be sinning against the methodological axiom FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 114 that “explanatory principles are not to be multiplied beyond the necessary.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Common sense will object to this, as obviously the sexual needs of children cannot possibly be the same as those of sexually mature persons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Instead of the intense sexual need after puberty there would be only a slight sexual need in childhood, gradually diminishing in intensity until, at about the first year, it is nothing but a trace. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It must be admitted, however, that these affective phenomena in children do not at all give the impression of being “in miniature”; on the contrary, they can rival in intensity those of an adult. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor should we for- get that, as experience has shown, the perverse manifestations of sexuality in childhood are often more glaring, and even seem to be more richly developed, than in adults. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An adult is rightly called perverse when his libido is not used for normal functions, and the same can reasonably be said of a child: he is polymorphousperverse because he does not yet know the normal sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
260 These considerations suggest that perhaps the amount of libido is always the same and that no enormous increase occurs at sexual maturity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This somewhat audacious hypothesis leans heavily, it is clear, on the law of the conservation of energy, ac- cording to which the amount of energy remains constant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It seems to me that this objection is justified. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This would give the infantile libido that undeniably harmless character which i’s demanded by com- mon sense. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It might be objected that these and similar activities of the oral zone reappear in later life in an undoubtedly sexual guise. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must, therefore, admit that I can find no ground for regarding the pleasure-producing activities of the infantile period from the standpoint of sexual- ity, but rather grounds to the contrary. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It seems to me, so far as I am capable of judging these difficult problems correctly, that from the standpoint of sexuality it is necessary to divide human life into three phases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
268 We saw that the difference between infantile and mature sexuality can be explained, according to Freud, by the diminish- ing intensity of sexuality in childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Rather the difference seems to be conditioned by a change in the localization of libido (if such an expression be permitted). Freud and Psychoanalysis
The necessity for this be- comes really urgent when we ask ourselves whether the intense joys and sorrows of a child in the first years of his life, that is, at the presexual stage, are conditioned solely by his sexual libido. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There is no need for me to repeat here the reasons which com- pelled me to postulate a presexual stage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For a long time now the need to give the concept of libido breathing-space and to remove it from the narrow confines of the sexual definition has forced itself on the psychoanalytical school. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We were de- ceiving ourselves when we believed that we could make the libido sexualis the vehicle of an energic conception of psychic life, and if many of Freud’s school still believe that they are in possession of a well-defined and, so to speak, concrete concep- tion of libido, they are not aware that this concept has been put to uses which far exceed the bounds of any sexual definition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 119 rapport, will be well known to you, as this is a striking disturb- ance of the reality function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 120 is that in very many cases reality disappears altogether, so that not a trace of psychological adaptation can be found in these patients. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In dementia praecox the loss of the reality function is so extreme that it must involve the loss of other instinctual forces whose sexual character must be denied absolutely, for no one is likely to maintain that reality is a function of sex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
276 (Another thing to be considered—as Freud also pointed out in his work on the Schreber case—is that the introversion of sexual libido leads to an investment of the ego which might con- ceivably produce that effect of loss of reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The anchorite’s whole endeavour is to exterminate every trace of sexual interest, and this is something that cannot be asserted of dementia praecox.7) Freud and Psychoanalysis
7 (It might be objected that dementia praecox is characterized not only by the introversion ot sexual libido but also by a regression to the infantile level, and THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 121 277 These facts have made it impossible for me to apply Freud’s libido theory to dementia praecox. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Schreber found an excellent figurative description for this phenomenon in his delusion about the “end of the world.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dynamic explana- tion is simple: we say that libido has withdrawn more and more from the external world into the inner world of fantasy, and there had to create, as a substitute for the lost world, a so-called reality equivalent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is certainly correct, but it would still have to be proved that in dementia praecox it is regularly and exclusively the erotic interest which goes into a regres- sion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It seems to me rather difficult to prove this, because erotic interest would then have to be understood as the “Eros” of the old philosophers. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But that can hardly be meant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~79 A cursory glance at the history of evolution suffices to show that numerous complicated functions, which today must be de- nied all trace of sexuality, were originally nothing but offshoots of the reproductive instinct. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Although there can be no doubt that music originally belonged to the reproductive sphere, it would be an unjustified and fantastic generalization to put music in the same category as sex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a terminology would be tantamount to treating of Cologne cathe- dral in a text-book of mineralogy, on the ground that it consisted very largely of stones. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus far our conception of libido coin- cides with Schopenhauer’s Will, inasmuch as a movement perceived from the outside can only be grasped as the manifesta- tion of an inner will or desire. Freud and Psychoanalysis
8 [‘~The Psycho-Sexual Differences between Hysteria and Dementia Praecox.”] Freud and Psychoanalysis
The decreased production of ova and sperma- tozoa set free considerable quantities of energy for conversion into the mechanisms of attraction and protection of offspring, etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We shall not be disturbed if we are met with the cry of vitalism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Suffice it to say that everything we perceive can only be understood as an effect of force. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am fully aware of the indefinitely large role played by the nutritive function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Sucking belongs by its very na- ture to the sphere of the nutritive function, but outgrows it by ceasing to be a function of nutrition and becoming a rhythmic activity aiming at pleasure and satisfaction without intake of nourishment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the course of its migrations the libido carries traces of the nutritional phase into its new field of operations, which readily accounts for the many intimate connections be- tween the nutritive and the sexual function.10 Freud and Psychoanalysis
The polymor- phism of libidinal strivings at this period can be explained as the gradual migration of libido, stage by stage, away from the sphere of the nutritive function into that of the sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus the term “perverse,” so bitterly attacked by our critics, can be dropped, Since it creates a false impression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As sexuality develops, its infantile stages, which should no longer be re- garded as “perverse” but as rudimentary and provisional, re- solve themselves into normal sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is of the essence of normal sexuality that all those early infantile tendencies which are not yet sexual should be sloughed off as much as possible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 128 294 Now that we have ascertained what is to be understood by infantile sexuality, we can follow up the discussion of the theory of neurosis, which we began in the first lecture and then dropped. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Helped by our reflections since then, we can now understand how that sexual predisposition is to be con- ceived: it is a retardation, a check in the process of freeing the libido from the activities of the presexual stage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The disturb- ance must be regarded in the first place as a temporary fixation: the libido lingers too long at certain stations in the course of its migration from the nutritive function to the sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This formula can be applied to all those infantile features which are so prevalent in neurotics that no attentive observer can have failed to notice them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more the libido is engaged in retarded activities, the more intense will the conflict be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We took this occasion to express our doubt as to the aetiological significance of the trauma, and to investigate more closely the so-called predisposition which rendered the tirauma effective. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The disinclination to face stern reality is the distinguishing feature of these fantasies; there is a lack of seriousness, a playfulness in them, wrhich sometimes frivolously disguises real difficulties, at other times~ makes moun- tains out of molehills, always thinking up fantastic ways of evading the demands of real life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We immediattely recognize in them the intemperate psychic attitude of the chiild to reality, his precarious judgment, his lack of orientation, his dislike of un- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS I 30 pleasant duties. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE TRAUMA THEORY CRITICIZED 299 If we follow the patient’s infantile fantasy-life back into earliest childhood, we find, it is true, many obviously outstand- ing scenes which might well serve to provide fresh food for this or that fantastic variation, but it would be vain to search for the so-called traumatic elements from which something patholog- ical, for instance her abnormal fantasy activity, might have orig- inated. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This assumption is extremely unlikely and becomes still more inconceivable when we consider that the story of the bolting horses may not even be true. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Be that as it may, it is almost inconceivable that an affect should remain buried for years and then suddenly explode at an unsuitable opportunity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I think that only those who regard the happenings in this world as a concatenation of errors and accidents, and who therefore be- lieve that the pedagogic hand of the rationalist is constantly needed to guide us, can ever imagine that this path was an aber- ration from which we should have been warned off with a sign- board. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is for us to rejoice and be thankful that Freud had the courage to let himself be guided along this path. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When 1 (It may not be superfluous to remark that there are still people who believe that psychologists swallow the lies of their patients. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 132 will there be an end to the incessant squabbling about who is right? One has only to look at the history of science: how many have been right, and how few have remained right! Freud and Psychoanalysis
The question that now arises is this: if the old trauma is not of aetiological significance, then the cause of the manifest neurosis is obviously to be sought in the retardation of affective development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This experience merely seems to be important with- out being so in reality, a formulation which is true of most other traumata. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They merely seem to be important because they provide occasion for the manifestation of a condition that has long been abnormal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They still worry, or rather are forced to worry, about things which should long since have ceased to be important. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The role of the parents seemed to be so powerful a factor that we were apt to blame them for all the subsequent complications in the life of the pa- tient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~ Once again we had allowed ourselves to be guided by the tendency of the patient to revert to the past, following the direction of his introverted libido. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These experiments show that very often there exists an uncon- scious concordance of association between parents and children, which can only be explained as an intensive imitation or identi- fication. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 136 that I have known cases in which any other explanation seemed to me less plausible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The small world of the child, the family milieu, is the model for the big world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more intensely the family sets it~ stamp on the child, the more he will be emotionally inclined, as an adult, to see in the great world his former small world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even very intelligent patients are incapable of seeing that from the very beginning they owe the complications of their lives as well as their neurosis to dragging their infantile emotional attitude along with them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Perhaps he will even believe himself perfectly adapted, since he may be able to grasp the situation intellectually, but that does not prevent his emo- tions from lagging far behind his intellectual insight. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is exactly the same with the neurotic, but greatly intensified. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The objection that our knowledge of mythology has been sug- gested to the patient is without foundation, because the psycho- analytic school discovered the fantasies first and only then be- came acquainted with their mythology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We are therefore obliged to assume, whether we like it or not, the existence of a non-conscious psy- chic sphere, even if only as a “negative borderline concept,” like Kant’s Ding an sich. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since we perceive effects whose origin cannot be found in consciousness, we are compelled to allow hypothetical contents to the sphere of the non-conscious, which means presupposing that the origin of those effects lies in the unconscious precisely because it is not conscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE CONCEPT OF THE UNCONSCIOUS ~a8 This way of thinking is the only possible one if we accept the axiom that “principles are not to be multiplied beyond the necessary.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was regarded as an unheard-of metaphysical assertion, something like a tenet from von Hart- mann’s Philosophy of the Unconscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The indignation was FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 140 due simply to the fact that these critics, unknown to themselves, evidently started from a metaphysical conception of the uncon- scious as an ens per se, and naïvely projected their epistemologi- cally unclarified ideas on to us. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For us the unconscious is not an entity in this sense but a mere term, about whose metaphysical essence we do not permit ourselves to form any idea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this we are unlike those arm-chair psychologists who are not only per- fectly informed about the localization of the psyche in the brain and the physiological correlates of mental processes, but can as- sert positively that beyond consciousness there are nothing but “physiological processes in the cortex.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
319 Such naIvetés should not be imputed to us. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When Freud says that the unconscious can only wish, he is describing in sym- bolical terms effects whose source is not conscious, but which from the standpoint of conscious thinking can only be regarded as analogous to wishes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So we must ask: Why does the psychoanalytic school apparently de- mand far less exacting proofs of its formulations than its oppo- nents? 321 The reason is simple. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Just as we find in our patients new and ever more astounding misconceptions about the ways and aims of psychoanalysis, so our critics display an inexhaustible ingenuity in misunderstanding. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nobody, as we have seen, has the right to assert their existence or define their quali- ties unless effects of unconscious origin are observed which can be expressed in terms of conscious symbolism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The only ques- tion is whether effects can in fact be found that comply with this expectation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So far there will be general agreement, for these things have been known for a long time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The subsequent procedure follows logically along the 1 (This might be disputed on the ground that it is an a priori assertion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must remark, however, that this view conforms to the one generally accepted working hypothesis concerning the origin of dreams: that they are derived from the ex- periences and thoughts of the recent past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
2 There you will see how extensive is the material that must be taken into account for purposes of comparison. Freud and Psychoanalysis
2 “Fin Traum, der sich selbst deutet” (1910). Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 145 usual way when conclusions are to be drawn by the comparative method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every psychological element has its special history. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That is easier in the case of larger and more complex structures. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The analysis which the liter- ary historian makes of the poet’s material is exactly comparable with the method of psychoanalysis, not excluding the mistakes that may creep in. Freud and Psychoanalysis
special form another series of memories must be collected, namely, of rites in which water is used. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The act of baptism is performed with water. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He collects the historical parallels to every part of the dream, even the remotest, and tries to reconstruct the psychological history of the dream and its underlying meanings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not doubt that there are superficial and improper applications of this method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE ASSOCIATION EXPERIMENT 335 There are many products of unconscious constellation be- sides dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is all the more surprising that, despite this, so many disturbances of the intended action should be registered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The only things that can regularly be shown to be causes of these disturbances are the partly con- scious, partly unconscious constellations caused by complexes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the majority of cases the connection of these disturbances with feeling-toned complexes can be demonstrated without diffi- culty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This objection is made, I believe, on the unconscious assump- tion that the historian who gathers material for his monograph FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 148 337 (There is, however, another objection to be considered, ~ is an imbecile, incapable of distinguishing real parallels from apparent ones and authentic reports from crude falsifications. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The slips and faults in the experiment are nothing but prototypes of the mistakes we make in everyday life, the majority of which must be regarded as due to the interference of complexes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It includes the so-called symptomatic actions— which from another point of view might equally well be called “symbolic actions”—and real slips like lapses of memory, slips of the tongue, and so on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All these phenomena are effects of un- conscious constellations and are therefore so many gateways to the realm of the unconscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS _________ 150 ~o After what I have told you about our method you may have gained rather more confidence in its scientific character, and will be inclined to agree that the fantasies which have been brought to light by psychoanalytic research are not just the arbitrary suppositions and illusions of psychoanalysts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Perhaps you will even be willing to listen patiently to what these prod- ucts of unconscious fantasy can tell us. Freud and Psychoanalysis
344 This weakening and reduction in scale of the Oedipus com- plex should not be understood as a diminution of the total sum of affect, but as indicating the smaller share of sexual affect char- acteristic of a child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The little son would like to have his mother all to himself and to be rid of his father. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But, with a little reflection, it will become clear that the tertiurn corn parationis lies precisely in the narrow restriction of the fate of Oedipus to his two parents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As you know, small children can sometimes force themselves between the parents in the most jealous way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I say “as a rule,” for we know that children can occasionally give way to their murderous impulses, not only indirectly, but in quite direct fashion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nevertheless, it is a phenomenon that can sometimes be observed in normal people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But man cannot leave his previ- ous personality and his previous objects of interest simply as they are, otherwise his libido would stagnate in the past, and this would be an impoverishment for him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
35 L Freud has a special conception of the incest complex which has given rise to heated controversy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is possible that I am not expressing myself quite correctly if I give you Freud’s view in these words. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this he agrees with Schopenhauer, who says of the egoism of the blind World- Will that it is so strong that a man could slay his brother merely to grease his boots with his brother’s fat. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He further con- siders that these prohibitions are a proof that men really do desire incest, for which reason laws were framed against it even on the primitive level. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We have seen that psycho- analytic theory started from a traumatic experience in child- hood, which later on was found to be partly or wholly unreal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it was found that the incest complex was not a spe- cial complex of neurotic people; it proved to be a component of the normal infantile psyche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To become pathogenic, it must precipitate a conflict; the complex, which in itself is inactive, must be activated and in. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The investigation of the unconscious, con- tinued over a period of ten years with the help of an increasing number of workers, gradually brought to light a mass of em- pirical material which showed that the incest complex was a highly important and never-failing element in pathological fantasy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
356 The simplest way to find an explanation for that nocturnal occurrence would be to make an exact inquiry into the circum- stances of the moment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From this I learnt that she knew a young man to whom she thought of getting engaged; she loved him and hoped to be happy with him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At first nothing more could be dis- covered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it would never do to be deterred from investiga- tion by the negative results of the preliminary questioning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are indirect ways of reaching the goal when the direct way fails. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We may take leave to doubt the statement that she was happy; for, were she really so, she would FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 158 presumably have no reason to be “nervous” and in need of a cure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An intimacy quickly sprang up be- tween them and before long there was talk of a possible engage- ment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A pain- ful moment ensued, as may be imagined, and soon she left the party in deep dejection. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient knew that her friend and rival was going off the same evening, and that Mr. A would be alone in the house. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the psychology in- augurated by Freud recognized long ago that the purposive sig- nificance of psychological acts cannot be judged by conscious motives but only by the objective criterion of their psychological result. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Today it can no longer be contested that there are un- conscious tendencies which have a great influence on a person’s reactions and on the effect he has on others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Looked at in the light of these concluding events, the whole previous history seems to be very ingeniously directed towards precisely this end, though consciously the patient was struggling against it all the time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Seen in the light of the whole material, the nocturnal scene with the horses—the starting point of the illness —seems to be only the keystone of a planned edifice. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The resemblance be- tween the two scenes is unmistakable, and in both cases the patient’s fright was very real. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Regressively reactivated reminiscences, however fantastic they may be, are as real as recollections of events which have actually happened. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At that farewell party, which pre- sented a good opportunity for her to be alone with her host, the patient shrank from the idea of turning this opportunity to her advantage, but let herself be overpowered by desires which hitherto she had never admitted. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The libido can be compared with a river which, when it meets with an obstruction, gets dammed up and causes an inundation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If this river has previously, in its upper reaches, dug out other channels, these channels will be filled up again by reason of the damming below. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They appear to be real river-beds, filled with water as before, but at the same time they have only a provisional existence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The subsidiary streams carry the water not because they were independent streams from the beginning, but because they were once stages or stations in the development of the main river-bed, passing possibilities, traces of which still exist and can therefore be used again in times of flood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
368 This image can be applied directly to the development of the uses of libido. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am therefore of the opinion that Freud is not justified in calling the infantile sex- ual manifestations “perverse,” since a normal manifestation should not be designated by a pathological term. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Similarly, the importance of the child’s preliminary exercises at sexuality disappears almost com- pletely as a rule, except for a few traces. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This incapacity for memory-reproduction dates from birth and can be understood on quite obvious biological grounds. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be a remarkable hypothesis if we were to assume that this totally different quality of infantile consciousness could be re- duced to sexual repressions on the analogy of a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a process of development would be biologically unique. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What Freud calls “infantile masturbation”—that is, all those quasi-sexual activities which we spoke about before—is said to return later as real masturbation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary, the hypothesis of the latency period proves how exactly Freud ob- served the apparent recommencement of sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As soon as we accept the idea of two or more in- stincts existing side by side, we must necessarily conclude that, if one instinct is not yet manifest, it is still present in nuce, in accordance with the old theory of encasement.2 Freud and Psychoanalysis
That this must be so is evidenced by the researches of recent years, showing that the observations concerning the childhood psy- chology of neurotics hold equally true of normal people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE AETIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ACTUAL PRESENT 373 The more deeply we penetrate into the heart of the infantile development, the more we get the impression that as little of aetiological significance can be found there as in the infantile trauma. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These views have led to a number of undoubtedly incorrect technical axioms the existence of which cannot be postulated with any certainty in Freud’s own work. Freud and Psychoanalysis
376 From what has been said it should be clear that we gain in- sight into the history of a neurosis only when we understand that each separate element in it serves a purpose. Freud and Psychoanalysis
My words are thus addressed less to Freud, who I know recognizes to some extent the final orientation of the neuroses, than to his public, who continue to argue about his views. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This statement deserves considerably more emphasis than it received there. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The point is that the regression of libido abolishes to a very large extent the aetiological significance of childhood expe- riences. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALySIS The man will be annoyed by his own cowardice and will set out to prove himself less timid on another occasion, or per- haps he will admit that with his timidity he ought never to undertake such daring ascents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He therefore uses the libido which did not attain its orig- inal aim for the useful purpose of self-criticism, and for evolving a plan by which he may yet be able, with due regard to his moral capacity, to realize his wish to climb a mountain. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~8i At bottom the man knows perfectly well that it would be cowardice, and flatly asserts that the rock face is physically un- climbable, although he can very well see that, with sufficient courage, the obstacle could be overcome. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Both were ostensibly healthy, neither showed any noticeable nervous symptoms. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At the end there was a tearful scene, and he went away in a huff. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For both, it hung by a hair whether the affair would be broken off. Freud and Psychoanalysis
393 You will ask in astonishment: But what is it that compels the patient to weave such a fantasy? You will even be inclined to suggest that the analyst forced the patient to invent it, other- wise she would never have produced such an absurd idea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
SENSITIVENESS AND REGRESSION 39’ The question now is, whence came this sensitiveness which had such unfortunate results? Analysis demonstrated the exist- ence of an extraordinarily well-developed sexuality with an in- fantile, fantastic character; further, of an incestuous fantasy about the father. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Finally we reach that im- pressive scene, that obscene act, whose improbability has al- ready been established. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not venture to doubt that there have been cases where the ana- lyst’s need to find a cause, especially under the influence of the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 174 895 As we know that the fantasy material brought out by analysis 396 It might be said—and the psychoanalytic school inclines to trauma theory, forced the patient to invent a fantasy of this kind. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the analyst, in his turn, would never have arrived at this theory had he not followed the patient’s line of thought, thus taking part in that retrograde movement of libido which we call regression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Each of these tend- encies has its psychological prehistory, and in our case it can clearly be shown that the peculiar resistance at the bottom of the patient’s critical sensitiveness was in fact bound up histori- cally with certain infantile sexual activities, and also with that so-called traumatic experience—things which may very well cast a shadow on sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This would be plausible enough, were it not that the patient’s sister had experienced pretty much the same things—including the exhibitionist—without suffering the same consequences, and without becoming neurotic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These far-reaching differences, which go back into earliest child- hood, cannot be due to accidental events but must be regarded as innate. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From this standpoint we cannot assert that our pa- tient’s peculiar prehistory was to blame for her sensitiveness at the critical moment; it would be more correct to say that this sensitiveness was inborn and naturally manifested itself most strongly in any unusual situation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only, when difficult and un- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 176 _________ usual situations arise, the advantage frequently turns into a very great disadvantage, since calm consideration is then dis- turbed by untimely affects. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not true that the impressions are forced on us unconditionally; our own predisposition conditions the impression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
is blocked will have, as a rule, quite different and very much more vivid impressions than one whose libido is organized in a wealth of activities. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The effect of regression, as practical experience shows, is so great and so impressive that one might be inclined to attribute the effect of accidental occurrences solely to the mechanism of regression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The previous his- tory certainly has a determining value, and this is intensified by regression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These considerations naturally have to be applied to infantile sexual experiences as well. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Obviously there are cases where brutal sexual experiences justify the shadow thrown on sexuality and make the later resistance to sex thoroughly com- prehensible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But we cannot attribute determining importance, in neurosis either, to impressions which normally would disap- pear and be forgotten. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In most cases where some event has had an unexpected traumatic effect, we shall in all probability find a regression, that is to say, a secondary fantastic dramatization. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE TELEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF REGRESSION question of what teleological significance should be attributed to regressive fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We might be satisfied with the hypothe- sis that these fantasies are simply a substitute for real action and therefore have no further significance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That can hardly be so. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 179 decidedly sexual fantasies often reveal their purpose quite clearly, which is to accustom the patient to the thought of his sexual destiny, and so help him to overcome his resistance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
408 In our earlier case of the lady and the horses, we saw that the symptomatological dramatization could only be understood when it was seen as an expression of the actual conflict. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the standpoint of the association experiment, neurosis appears as something quite different from what it seemed to be from the standpoint of earlier psychoanalytic theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From that stand- point, neurosis seemed to be a formation having its roots in earliest infancy and overgrowing the normal psychic structure; considered from the standpoint of the association experiment, neurosis appears as a reaction to an actual conflict, which nat- urally is found just as often among normal people but is solved by them without too much difficulty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The neurotic, however, remains in the grip of the conflict, and his neurosis seems to be more or less the consequence of his having got stuck. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We ask rather: What is the task which the patient does not want to fulfil? What difficulty is he trying to avoid? 410 If a person tried always to adapt himself fully to the condi- tions of life, his libido would always be employed correctly and adequately. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it would be very one-sided to take our stand solely on a point of principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The neurotic’s bondage to fantasies (illusions, prejudices, etc.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
As I ex- plained earlier, the fantastic prejudices and resistances may also arise, sometimes, from experiences that were not intended at all; in other words, were not deliberately sought disappoint- ments and suchlike.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
The apparent aetiology of neurosis elicited by psychoanalysis is actually, in very many cases, only an inventory of carefully selected fantasies, reminiscences, etc., Freud and Psychoanalysis
If we were able to destroy a neurosis in the same way, for instance, as a cancer is destroyed, we would be destroying at the same time a large amount of useful energy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those unfamiliar with the essen- tials of psychoanalysis will certainly have some difficulty in understanding how a therapeutic effect can be achieved when the analyst enters into the “harmful” fantasies of his patients. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4t7 This objection can be answered as follows: it all depends on the attitude the patient takes towards his fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They are sunken treasures which can only be recovered by a diver; in other words the patient, contrary to his wont, must now deliberately turn his attention to his inner life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
By way of caution, I would remark that “duties” are not to be understood here as general ethical postulates, but as duties to himself, by which again I do not mean egocentric interests—for a human being is also a social being, a fact too easily forgotten by individualists. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE TASK OF ADAPTATION 4’9 Previously, because of his illness, the patient stood partly or wholly outside life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Consequently he neglected many of his duties, either in regard to social achievement or in regard to his purely human tasks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Because no attempt was made to master any real difficulties, his libido followed the path of regression, so that fantasy largely took the place of reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But psychoanalysis follows the false tracks of fantasy in order to restore the libido, the valuable part of the fantasies, to consciousness and apply it to the duties of the present. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Conse- quently it became introverted, directed towards his inner life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This can only be done by bringing up the unconscious fantasies, together with the libido attached to them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To the patient it is all the same, and so far as he is concerned it is better for the analyst to conceal his scientific interest, lest the patient be tempted to take more pleasure than necessary in his fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The aetiological significance which is attributed to these fantasies—incorrectly, to my mind—explains why so much space is given up to the extensive discussion of all forms of fan- tasy in the psychoanalytic literature. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Theoretically the fantasies in each case are inexhaustible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The end of the regressive move- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 188 -< -.< - ment is reached when the libido seizes hold of the actualities of life and is used for the solution of necessary tasks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It will be ob- jected that the neurosis is entirely due to the incapacity of the patient to carry out these tasks, and that, by analysing the un- conscious, the therapist ought to enable him to do so, or at least give him the means of doing so. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is a pity that this cannot be said of all pa- tients. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE TRANSFERENCE 427 There is no doubt that this method owed its existence not only to a strong scientific interest but also to the personal “empathy” of the analyst, traces of which can clearly be seen in the psychoanalytic case material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud called this process the transference, be- cause the patient transferred to the analyst the fantasies that were formerly attached to the memory-images of the parents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All those sexual fantasies which cluster round the imago of the parents now cluster round him, and the less the patient realizes this, the stronger will be his unconscious tie to the analyst. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The less libido he gives to reality, the more exaggerated will be his fantasies and the more he will be cut off from the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 190 world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The less he is able to see the analyst in this way, and the more he assimilates him to the father imago, the less advantageous the transference will be and the greater the harm it will do. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this manner all the advantages of the trans- ference can be lost. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An analyst under the influence of the historical view might easily be thrown into confusion, and would have to ask himself: What is there in this case still to be analysed? These are just the cases I had in mind before, when I said it is no longer a matter of analysing the historical material, but of action, of overcoming the infantile attitude. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It has gradually proved, even, that the part of psychoanalysis so far discussed, extraordinarily interesting and valuable though it may be from a scientific point of view, is in practice far less important than what now has to follow, namely, the analysis of the transference itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 191 CONFESSION AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 43’ Before I discuss in detail this especially important part of the analysis, I should like to draw attention to a parallel be- tween the first stage of psychoanalysis and a certain cultural institution. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The tremendous feeling of relief which usu- ally follows a confession can be ascribed to the readmission of the lost sheep into the human community. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In so far as the priest is a morally elevated personality with a nat- ural nobility of soul and a mental culture to match, the institu- tion of confession may be commended as a brilliant method of social guidance and education, which did in fact perform a tre- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 192 mendous educative task for more than fifteen hundred years. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more highly developed men of our time do not want to be guided by a creed or a dogma; they want to understand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So it is not surprising if they throw aside everything they do not under- stand; and religious symbols, being the least intelligible of all, are generally the first to go overboard. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For the patient it is a singularly agreeable sensation to be un- derstood and to have a doctor who is determined to understand him at all costs, and is willing to follow him, apparently, through all his devious ways. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But psychoanalytic publications to date cannot be acquitted of the charge of sometimes showing psychoanalysis in a false light. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence the patient obtains a double ad- vantage from the transference relationship: a personality who on the one hand is expected to bestow on him a loving atten- tion in all his concerns, and to that extent is equated with father and mother, but who, on the other hand, is outside the family and thus helps him to fulfil a vitally important and difficult duty without the least danger to himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are technical publications which give the uninitiated person the impression that psychoanalysis is a more or less clever trick, productive of astonishing results. Freud and Psychoanalysis
438 The first stage of the analysis, when we try to understand, and in this way often relieve, the patient’s feelings, is responsi- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 194 439 At the same time, the patient satisfies another need, that is, 44° We must not forget, however, that for a neurotic the acquisi- ble for these therapeutic illusions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He does not need to make any effort himself, and yet someone comes to meet him more than halfway, someone with an unwonted and pe- culiar wish to understand, who does not allow himself to get bored and is not put off ~y anything, although the patient some- times does his utmost to rile him with his wilfulness and child- ish defiance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We can readily ap- preciate that he is not in the least inclined to give up all these advantages. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Accordingly, he now starts to produce numerous fantasies showing how this goal might be attained. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Eroticism plays a large role here, and is exploited and exaggerated in order to demonstrate the impossibility of Sep. Freud and Psychoanalysis
aration. Freud and Psychoanalysis
tion of an extrafamilial relationship is one of life’s duties, as it is for everyone, and a duty which till then he has either not fulfilled at all or fulfilled in a very limited way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This misunderstanding is far older than psychoanalysis, however, and so cannot be laid altogether at its door. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Patients make demands in accordance with this definition, and thus be- have no differently from most normal people, whose infantile cupidity is only prevented from reaching too high a pitch by their fulfilling their duties to life and by the satisfaction this THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 197 affords the libido, and also because a certain lack of tempera- ment does not incline them from the start to passionate be- haviour. Freud and Psychoanalysis
RESOLUTION OF THE TRANSFERENCE forces which are not merely neurotic but have a general signifi- cance for normal human beings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only cer- tain religions demanded this of the individual, and it is this that makes the second stage of analysis so very difficult. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The infantile conception of loving is getting presents from others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The basic trouble with the neurotic is that, instead of adapting himself to life in his own special way, which would require a high degree of self-discipline, he makes infantile de- mands and then begins to bargain. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It goes against the real interests of the patient to hold out these compensating advantages so enticingly; at that rate he will never be freed from his infantile cupidity and indolence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
446 Patients often try to convince themselves, by seeking out special adventures, that it is possible to go on living in an in- fantile way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is an open secret that all through the anal- ysis intelligent patients are looking beyond it into the soul of the analyst, in order to find there the confirmation of the heal- ing formulae—or its opposite. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is quite impossible, even by the subtlest analysis, to prevent the patient from taking over instinctively the way in which his analyst deals with the prob- lems of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nothing can stop this, for personality teaches more FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS i g8 448 I have frequently found that beginners look upon the trans- ~ than thick tomes full of wisdom. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All the disguises in which he wraps himself in order to conceal his own personality avail him nothing; sooner or later he will come across a patient who calls his bluff. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He will be aston- ished to see how many apparently technical difficulties vanish in this way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ference as an entirely abnormal phenomenon that has to be “fought against.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
But in that way the patient merely sinks to the lower level and be- comes inferior. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In keeping with his genius for the purely histori- cal method, Freud’s procedure is predominantly analytical. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE PROSPECTIVE FUNCTION OF DREAMS 452 In this second stage of analysis, with its hidden reefs and shoals, we owe an enormous amount to dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud’s work laid the foundation for an im- mense increase in our knowledge in regard to the determination of the manifest dream content by historical material and wish- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 200 453 The same is true of dreams, whose prospective function 454 The future tendencies of the patient are elaborated with the ful tendencies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Al- though this method is incontestably of great value we ought not to adopt this standpoint exclusively, as a one-sided historical view does not take sufficient account of the teleological signifi- cance of dreams (stressed in particular by Maeder 3). Freud and Psychoanalysis
Most startling of all is the parallelism between ethnic and schizophrenic symbols. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 203 458 In these lectures I have had to confine myself to giving you a general account of the nature of psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She suffered from bad dreams, was moody and unreliable. Freud and Psychoanalysis
During this last term she had fallen behind with her work, and she thought she had sunk in her teacher’s estimation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The boy attached himself to her more and more, and considered that he had the right to levy an occasional tribute from her in the form of a little present of money. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 205 Generally this does not last very long, although on occasion it may be maintained for a long time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She was first of all given an opportunity to talk about what it felt like to be allowed to stay in bed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everybody came to see her; best of all, she could get herself read to by Mama, from a book with the story in it of a prince who was ill and only got well again when his wish was fulfilled, the wish being that his little friend, a poor boy, might be allowed to stay with him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was explained to her that she need not be ashamed of that; on the contrary, her love was a guarantee that she would do her very best in his les- sons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not easy to explain why this should be so. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the other hand, it must be emphasized that her libido had taken vehement possession of the poor boy, and he too was someone outside the family, so that the difficulty cannot lie in transferring libido to an extra-familial object, but in some other circumstance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Primitive inertia and laziness are the primary reason for not making the effort to adapt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Accordingly, drawing back from certain tasks cannot be explained by saying that man prefers the incestuous relationship, rather he falls back into it because he shuns exertion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This would be obvious nonsense, since not only primitive man but animals too have a mighty dislike of all intentional effort, and are addicted to absolute laziness until circumstances prod them into action. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Neither of primi- tive people nor of animals can it be asserted that preference for incestuous relationships is the cause of their aversion to efforts at adaptation, for, especially in the case of animals, there can be absolutely no question of an incestuous relationship. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As a result, she got into a very unsatisfactory position with her teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The loss of her teacher’s esteem led her, on the one hand, to insult him and, on the other, into the affair with the little boy, obviously as a compensation for her lost relation- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 208 474 A point worth stressing in the story of the blackmail is its 475 The girl related a dream she had had when she was five years s~Pwiththeteac~ex~jana~ she was now given was a simple hint: she would be doing her teacher a good turn if she took pains to understand his lessons by asking questions in time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I may add that this hint had good results; from that mo- ment the little girl became the best pupil and missed no more arithmetic lessons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Non-employment of the libido makes it ungovernable. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The longer a dream remains spontaneously in the memory, the greater is the importance to be attributed to it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This fantasy is one of the commonest and can be found everywhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I know that the innumerable cases published in the psychoanalytic literature, which were definitely not influ- enced, have not been able to quash our critics’ contention that we suggest our interpretations to the patients. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The validity of a hypothesis can be seen only on the basis of the right knowledge, otherwise not at all. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Furthermore, moral law is not just an evil that has to be resisted, but a necessity born from the innermost needs of man. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This impulse to domestication and civilization is lost in the dim, unfathomable depths of man’s evolutionary history and can never be conceived as the consequence of laws imposed from without. Freud and Psychoanalysis
489 In the analysis of the dream she made the following remark: “I would like to be taller than my father, because then he would have to obey me.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dream also fulfils the natural wish of the child to be “big,” i.e., grown-up, and to have children playing at her feet. Freud and Psychoanalysis
had to be extended over two sittings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is not the general rule but it may be excused here by the practical need for abbreviation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What could that mean?” It was explained to her that Sleeping Beauty had to wait for a hundred years in an enchanted sleep until she could be set free. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The unconscious came out with just this example, and this cannot be mere chance but is somehow char- acteristic of the situation at that moment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This reason was the comparison or partial identification of herself with Sleeping Beauty; in other words, in the psyche of the child there was a complex which found expression in the Sleeping Beauty motif. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As a further example of an in- comprehensible fairytale she cited Snow White, who lay en- closed in a glass coffin, in the sleep of death. Freud and Psychoanalysis
it contains even clearer indications of the myth of the seasons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In analysing dreams we have to look out for these seeming accidents, for in psychol- ogy there are no blind accidents, much as we are inclined to assume that these things are pure chance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the fact that the little girl chose Sleeping Beauty as an example we must conclude that there was some fundamental reason for this in the psychology of the child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6 It is the cause of all that smutty talk among children, and of mutual attempts at enlightenment which naturally turn out to be very nasty and often ruin the child’s imagination for good. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be far better for children to learn the facts of life cleanly and in good time, so that they would not need to be enlightened in ugly ways by their playmates. Freud and Psychoanalysis
st’pra, pars. Freud and Psychoanalysis
EIGHTH INTERVIEW 505 The eighth interview proved that this was indeed the case. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In view of the whole psychological constellation previously described, the stork must unquestionably be given a psychosexual interpreta- tion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We know from other experiences that those unconscious strata which once produced mythological formations are still active in modern individuals and are un- ceasingly productive. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I thought he was going to mix something with it like syrup, which babies grow from, and Mama would have to drink it.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
TENTH INTERVIEW taneous description of infantile theories about fertilization and birth, which could now be dismissed as settled. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This idea is archaic and highly myth- ological. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She developed a crush on her teacher, and this senti- mental indulgence in starry-eyed fantasies obviously played a greater role than the thought of the increased efforts which such a love really demanded. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Consequently, her attention fell off, and her work suffered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This version had its own symptomatic phe- nomenology thoroughly in accord with Freudian theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5’4 We have now got so far with our analysis that we can cast a glance back at the case as a whole. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We found, behind the neu- rotic symptoms, complicated emotional processes that were un- 8 [Cf. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This upset her former good relationship with the teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For when an individual consciously or unconsciously lets his libido draw back from a necessary task, the unutilized (so-called “repressed”) libido provokes all sorts of accidents, within and without—symptoms of every description which force themselves on him in a disagreeable way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It might be said that the child, with her fantasy-spinning nature, saw her father too much in the teacher, and consequently developed incestuous resistances against him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even if the analysis had proved she really did have incestuous resistances against her teacher owing to the transference of the father-imago, these resistances would only have been secondarily blown-up fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The girl, acting on her fantasy that children were “sicked up,” fre- quently tried to induce nausea and vomiting. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here, as with the Bataks, the primary condition is the incest relationship. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The psychoanalyst naturally makes his anamnesis as carefully as any other specialist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The impossibility of such an undertaking would quickly be demonstrated. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They know that the psychoanalyst’s method of working is dia- metrically opposed to that of the hypnotist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The principles of psycho- out of this passive attitude and make him use his common sense trary. Freud and Psychoanalysis
527 An attempt has also been made to compare psychoanalysis with the ratiocinative method of Dubois,2 which is an essentially rational procedure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What I would like to stress here is simply its difference in principle from psycho- analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She now thought that if she could have yet another child she would be helped still further. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He observed that the first symptoms of neurosis became noticeable when he had to overcome a particu- lar difficulty in his career. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She knew, however, that she could not have any more children, so she tried to devote her energies to philan- thropic interests. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 234 to be treated by him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
536 If, then, a patient does not dream from the beginning or ceases to dream, he is keeping back material which would be capable of conscious elaboration. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here the relationship between analyst and patient may be considered one of the chief obstacles. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For this reason I maintain that a doctor must himself be analysed before he prac- tises analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Otherwise analysis may easily be a great disap- pointment to him, because he can, under certain circumstances, get absolutely stuck and then lose his head. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If you are sure of your own psychology you can confidently tell your pa- tient that he does not dream because there is conscious material still to be dealt with. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I say you must be sure of yourself at such moments, for the criticisms and unsparing judgments to which you sometimes have to submit can be excessively disturbing to one who is unprepared to meet them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
537 I have told you that, in the first instance, dreams need be used only as a source of material for analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is the best and most cautious procedure, especially for the be- ginner in psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That would be a superstitious prac- tice based on the assumption that dreams have well-established symbolic meanings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
54° First I will show how, in accordance with the hitherto pre- vailing point of view, this dream may be translated sexually. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We know that incest fantasies play a prominent role in the life of a neurotic, hence the image “with my mother and sister” could be understood as a hint in this direction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus translated, the dream would be a clear fulfil- ment of so-called infantile wishes, which, as you know, are an important part of Freud’s dream-theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
549 As regards the handling of the symbolism, we learn from this example that there can be no dream-symbols whose mean- ings are fixed in every detail, but, at most, a frequent occur- rence of symbols with fairly general meanings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The discovery of its prospective or final meaning is particularly important when the analysis is so far advanced that the eyes of the patient are turned more readily to the future than to his inner world and the past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So far as the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 238 55’ The above-mentioned formula, according to which the sex- 552 These statements are based, as you will have observed, on a specifically sexual meaning of dreams is concerned, experience has led me to lay down the following practical rules: 55° If dream-analysis at the beginning of the treatment shows that the dreams have an undoubtedly sexual meaning, this meaning is to be taken realistically; that is, it proves that the sexual problems of the patient need to be subjected to a careful • review. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But if a dream that comes at a later stage of the analysis has, let us say, an incest fantasy as its essential content—a fantasy that we have reason to consider disposed of—concrete value should not under all circumstances be attached to it; it should be regarded as symbolic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient’s salvation does not lie in thrusting him back again and again into primitive sexuality; this would leave him on a low cultural level whence he could never obtain free- dom and complete restoration to health. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Retrogression to a state of barbarism is no advantage at all for a civilized human being. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the practical reasons that have im- pelled us not to take the symbolic value of these sexual fantasies into consideration arise from the fact that a genuine realistic value must be attached to the abnormal sexual fantasies of a neurotic in so far as he allows his actions to be influenced by them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They must not be destroyed by reducing them to their primitive sexual roots, but made to serve biological ends as psychologically valuable factors. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is hardly necessary for me to remark that I do not mean in- oculating him with belief in a religious or philosophical dogma; I mean simply that there must be built up in him that same psychological attitude which was characterized by the living belief in a religious or philosophical dogma on earlier levels of culture. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~ In spite of the fact that Freud’s theory of neurosis has been worked out in great detail, it cannot be said to be, on the whole, very clear or easy to understand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It soon became evident that the sexual trauma could not be the real cause of the neurosis, for the simple reason that the trauma was found to be almost universal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Moreover, on further investigation it be- came quite obvious that even if a trauma had actually occurred it was not always responsible for the whole of the neurosis, al- though it does sometimes look as if the structure of the neurosis depended entirely on the trauma. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If a neurosis were the in- evitable consequence of the trauma it would be quite incom- prehensible why neurotics are not incomparably more numerous than they are. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the standpoint of this theory, the neurotic appears to be entirely dependent on his infantile past, and all his troubles in later life, his moral con- flicts and his deficiencies, seem to be derived from the powerful influences of that period. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The numerous statements of neurotics affirming the existence of infantile sexual fantasies are worthless in so far as they attribute an aetiological significance to them, for the same fantasies can be found in normal individuals as well, a fact which I have often proved. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is only the fixation which seems to be characteristic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Psychoanalysis reveals the unconscious presence of nu- merous fantasies which have their roots in the infantile past and are grouped round the so-called “nuclear complex,” which in men may be designated as the Oedipus complex, in women as the Electra complex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He is far more influenced by this complex than the normal person; many ex- amples in confirmation of this can be found in every one of the recent psychoanalytic histories of neurotic cases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The psychological determination of a neu- rosis is only partly due to an early infantile predisposition; it must be due to some cause in the present as well. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And if we carefully examine the kind of infantile fantasies and occur- rences to which the neurotic is attached, we shall be obliged to agree that there is nothing in them that is specifically neurotic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Normal individuals have pretty much the same inner and outer experiences, and may be attached to them to an astonishing degree without developing a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fact that the neurotic seems to be markedly influenced by his infantile conflicts shows that it is less a matter of fixation than of the peculiar use which FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 246 I 566 I therefore suggest that psychoanalytic theory should be 567 All psychological phenomena can be considered as manifesta- he makes of his infantile past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Subjectively and psychologically, this energy is conceived as desire. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Catilina, 7, trans. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From this stage the libido slowly develops through numerous variants of the act of sucking into the sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Similar effects can be observed in cases where there is no disturbance of the nutritive function but, instead, a regressive revival of reminiscences from the dis- tant past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For the neurotic there is no established way of life, because his aims and tasks are apt to be of a highly individual character. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For this peculiarity in the neurotic predisposition it will always be impossible to find a psychological aetiology, because it is anterior to all psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In so far as infantile impressions are of obvious importance in normal people they will be equally influential in neurosis, but they have no aetiolog- ical significance; they are reactions merely, being chiefly sec- ondary and regressive phenomena. Freud and Psychoanalysis
570 For these reasons I no longer seek the cause of a neurosis in FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 248 the past, but in the present. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I ask, what is the necessary task which the patient will not accomplish? The long list of his in- fantile fantasies does not give me any sufficient aetiological ex- planation, because I know that these fantasies are only puffed up by the regressive libido, which has not found its natural out- let in a new form of adaptation to the demands of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The psychological trouble in neurosis, and the neurosis itself, can be formulated as an act of adaptation that has failed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This formulation might reconcile certain views of Janet’s with Freud’s view that a neu- rosis is, in a sense, an attempt at self-cure—a view which can be and has been applied to many other illnesses. Freud and Psychoanalysis
By means of psychoanalysis the connection be- tween his conscious mind and the libido in the unconscious is re-established. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence, when I met with failures, I had to ask myself who or what was to blame, I alone, because I did not know how to apply the “correct psychoanalytic method,” or perhaps the method itself, which might not be suitable in all cases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor can everyone suc- ceed in interpreting his own dreams without outside help. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1917). Freud and Psychoanalysis
But still more fruitful, it seems to me, is your other suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You conceive the tasks of psycho- analysis to be much deeper than I had ever imagined: it is no longer a question of getting rid of troublesome pathological symptoms, but of the analysand learning to know himself com- pletely—not just his anxiety experiences—and on the basis of this knowledge building up and shaping his life anew. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And in- deed, we must rate those doctors wise—worldly-wise in every sense—who know how to surround themselves with the aura of a medicine-man. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The medical exorcist betrays by his whole demeanour his full appreciation of CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) From Dr. Jung 255 28 January 1913 that psychic component when he gives the patient the opportuni- ty of fixing his faith firmly on the mysterious personality of the doctor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The enuresis stopped, and I thereupon informed the young lady that, instead of Wednesday, I would not see her again for hypnosis till the following Satur- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 256 T CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I thought of my wise old woman and asked, “When did it come back?” She (unsuspect- ing): “Wednesday night.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
I tried to hypnotize the girl; she went into fits of laughter and held up the hypnosis for twenty minutes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The effect was immediate. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On Saturday she arrived with a cross face, boding disaster. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But I did not intend to pander to this annoying romance, so I said, “It would be quite wrong to continue the treatment under these circumstances. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(I have discussed these matters in detail in my lectures on the theory of psychoanaly- sis.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
Who can draw sharp distinctions here? To a critical intelligence it is un- thinkable that suggestibility and suggestion can be avoided in the cathartic method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) 259 patient (imponderabilia though they may be) than the rehears- ing of old traumata.5 Freud and Psychoanalysis
~86 Because I know that, despite all rational safeguards, the pa- tient does attempt to assimilate the analyst’s personality, I have laid it down as a requirement that the psychotherapist must be just as responsible for the cleanness of his hands as the surgeon. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I even hold it to be an indispensable prerequisite that the psy- choanalyst should first submit himself to the analytical process, as his personality is one of the main factors in the cure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Equally I agree with your view that the old “apothecaries’ messes,” as well as the Lourdes cures or those of the mental healers, Christian Scientists, and persuasionists, are to be at- tributed to faith in the miracle-worker rather than to any of the methods employed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I think this an- swer will satisfy your question. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He tried to analyse my dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Many times I have had the opportunity of seeing that the analyst is successful with his treatment just so far as he has succeeded in his own moral development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
588 You answer several of my questions in a decidedly affirmative tone, taking it as proved that in cures by the cathartic method the main role is played by faith in the analyst and his method and not by “abreacting” the real or imaginary traumata. Freud and Psychoanalysis
596 To take an example, a patient afflicted with a washing mania was sent to me after a year’s psychocathartic treatment with Dr. X. The symbolic meaning of her washing ceremonies had previously been explained to her, but she became more and more agitated during the “abreaction” of alleged traumata in childhood, because she had persuaded herself by auto-sugges- tion that she was too old to be cured, that she saw no “images,” etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
593 Perhaps I ought to have sought out the psychoanalytic con- nections between the enuresis and her psychosexual disposition, explained it to her, etc., Freud and Psychoanalysis
but I couldn’t, the girl had only the short Easter holidays for treatment: so I just hypnotized her and the trouble vanished. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In my last letter I purposely left the practical needs of the doctor out of account, chiefly in order to show you on what grounds one might be moved to give up hypnotic therapy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Your remarks on the doctor’s dilemma—whether to be a magician or a scientist—bring us to the heart of the matter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I strive not to be a fanatic—though there are not a few who accuse me of fanaticism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I struggle merely for the recognition of methods of research and their results, not for the application of psychoanalytic methods at all costs. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After all, it is not the practitioner who will have to bear the brunt, but the investigator and possibly his patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
My liberalism, as you see, extends even to Christian Science. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is surely high time to stop this running down of every new idea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I was a medical practi- tioner quite long enough to realize that practice obeys, and must obey, other laws than does the search for truth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As I said to you in my last letter: “A truth is a truth, when it works.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
But I deem it most uncalled for that Frank, a practising doctor, should cast aspersions on research in which he cannot participate—the very line of research to which he owes his own method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6o6 When once psychoanalysis has been applied in a suitable case, it is imperative that rational solutions of the conflicts should be found. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If a man cannot get on with his wife, he naturally thinks the conflict would be solved if he mar- ried someone else. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When such marriages are examined they are seen to be no solution whatever. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I know many colleagues whose experience is the same, even men engaged exclusively in practical work. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is scarcely credible that an altogether inferior method would meet with so much sup- port. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The old Adam enters upon the new marriage and bungles it just as badly as he did the earlier one. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Similarly, the familiar conflict between “instinct and conven- tional morality” must be solved in such a way that both factors are taken sufficiently into account, and this again is possible only through a change of character. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6ii This example serves to show that the road to Truth leads through a series of comparative observations, the results of which must be controlled with the help of freely selected experi- ments until seemingly well-grounded hypotheses and theories can be put forward; but these hypotheses and theories will fall to the ground as soon as a single new observation or a single new experiment contradicts them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Absolute truth, however, would be accessible only to omniscience, having knowledge of all possible concatenations and combinations; but that is not possible for us, because the number of concatenations and combinations is infinite. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Should new concatenations be discovered, new combinations be built up, the picture changes and with it the whole range of knowledge and action. Freud and Psychoanalysis
613 These are commonplaces, but one must continually repeat them when one sees how life is always made bitter for the inno- vators in every scientific field, and now especially so for th followers of the psychoanalytic school. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Therefore the investigator must fight tirelessly, ap- pealing to logic and honesty, for freedom of research in all fields, and must not allow despots of whatever political or re- ligious persuasion to advance “reasons of expediency” in order to destroy or even restrict this freedom. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Finally, we must make an end of the dictum of the Middle Ages, philoso- phia ancilla theologiae, as well as the founding of university chairs in favour of this or that political or religious party. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everyone admits these commonplaces so long as it is a matter of “academic” discussion, but only so long; as soon as a concrete case has to be considered, sympathies and antipathies rush to the forefront and darken judgment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All fanaticism is the enemy of science, which above all things must be independent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
614 And when we turn from the search for Truth back to thera- peutics, we see immediately that here again we are in agreement. Freud and Psychoanalysis
How large a part is played in all this by suggestion? I can hardly believe that suggestion can be avoided altogether till the patient feels really freed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6i6 But in order to adjust himself to all circumstances the pa- tient must have strengthened himself “from within.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
6i8 “Ii n’y a pas de maladies, ii n’y a que des malades,” said a French doctor whose name escapes me. Freud and Psychoanalysis
are out of the question. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To what new revolutions in daily life does not every new scientific discovery lead: how absurdly small FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 268 was the beginning of the first theory of electricity, how incon- ceivably great the results! Freud and Psychoanalysis
All one can say is that very frequently, right at the beginning, a number of resistances have to be overcome, re- sistances against both the method and the analyst. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Patients who have no notion of psychoanalysis must first be given some un- derstanding of the method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With those who already know some- thing of it there are very often misconceptions to be set right, and also all those objections to be answered which are levelled by scientific criticism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When the conscious material is exhausted you go on to dreams, which give you the subliminal material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When the conscious is emptied then come the dreams, which as you know are the chief object of analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With- out this, the work will only be bungled. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For example, I had thought (strengthened in this view by my own experience of suggestion therapy) that the transference to the analyst might be an essential condition of the patient’s cure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Neurotics never get well for love CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) It is best to let the patients talk freely and to confine yourself How the analysis is to be conducted and what is to be said I do not know what else to tell you beforehand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You cannot make recipes out of psychoanalysis! Freud and Psychoanalysis
But you write: “We psychoanalysts do not bank on the patient’s faith, but on his criticism.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
As against this Stekel writes (“Aus- gänge der psychoanalytischen Kuren,” Zentralblatt für Psycho- analyse, III, 1912—13, p. 176): “Love for the analyst can become a force conducive to recovery. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But what determines whether he will be more active or more passive in his “second” life? In your opinion, does this deter- mining factor appear spontaneously in the course of analysis, and should the analyst carefully avoid tilting the balance to one side or the other by his influence? Or will he, if he does not re- frain from canalizing the patient’s libido in a definite direction, have to renounce the right to be called a psychoanalyst at all, and is he to be regarded as a “moderate” or a “radical”? (Fürt- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 274 muller, “Wandlungen in der Freud’schen Schule,” Zentralblatt, III, p. 191.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
635 With regard to enlightening the patient about the psycho- analytic method before beginning the analysis, you appear to be in agreement with Freud and Stekel: better too little than too much. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In particular, the problem of the therapeutic effect of psycho- analysis is bound up with the most difficult questions of all, so that it would indeed be astonishing if we had already reached final certitude. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If it were the goal, many cures, it is true, would be pos- sible, but also many failures might result which could be avoided. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The goal is to educate the patient in such a way that he will get well for his own sake and by reason of his own de- termination, and not in order to procure his analyst some kind of advantage—though of course it would be absurd from the therapeutic standpoint not to allow the patient to get well be- cause he simply wants to do his analyst a good turn. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The “you must and shall be saved” attitude is no more to be commended in the therapy of the neu- roses than in any other department of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A far stronger motive for recovery—also a far healthier and ethically more valuable one—is the patient’s thorough in- sight into the real situation, his recognition of things as they are and how they should be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am not op- posed, as you know, to suggestive influence in general, but merely to doubtful motivations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A man must be able to enjoy life, otherwise the effort of living is not worth while. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Psychoanalysis is only a means for removing the stones from the path of develop- ment, and not a method (as hypnotism often claims to be) of putting things into the patient that were not there before. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is better to renounce any attempt to give direction, and simply try to throw into relief everything that the analysis brings to light, so that the patient can see it clearly and be able to draw suitable conclusions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He should rather be put in a position to take his own life in hand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Experience has convinced me that patients rapidly be- gin to make use of ideas picked up from psychoanalysis, as is also apparent in their dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In such cases one would have to exclude at most telepathic thought-reading. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But if YOU concede this possibility, you would have to subject many other things to a rigorous scrutiny, including judicial verdicts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Ana- lytic “suggestions” merely distort the expression, but not the content, as I have seen countless times. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Were it not so, sug- gestion therapy would be in every sense the most effective and rewarding and easiest therapy, a true panacea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It often happens, for instance, that sexual situations which ap- peared in earlier dreams in symbolic form will appear “un- disguised” in later ones—once more, be it noted, in symbolic form—as analysable expressions for ideas of a different nature hidden behind them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Deception is so obviously disadvantageous to himself that he can scarcely avoid relinquishing such a course for good. Freud and Psychoanalysis
651 The technique of analysis we can best postpone for oral discussion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence it would be a kind of “mimicry,” by which the patient seeks to escape the analyst who is driving him into a corner and for the mo- ment seems to him an enemy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Until at last, through the joint work of patient and analyst—the former spontaneously yielding up his psychic content, the latter only interpreting and explain- ing—the analysis succeeds in bringing so much light into the darkness of the patient’s psyche that he can see the true relation- ships and, without any preconceived plan of the analyst’s, draw the right conclusions and apply them to his future life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus the not infrequent dream of inces- tuous cohabitation is by no means an “undisguised” content, but a dream as freshly symbolic and capable of analysis as all others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And you add: involuntary analytic suggestions will leave this content intact, but the expression, Proteus-like, can be distorted without limit. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~ All this is very clear to me because it is only an application to psychoanalytic procedure of a principle which should be CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) From Dr. Lo~ 281 23 February igi~ generally valid: Never do violence to Nature! Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence I also see that the psychoanalyst must follow his patient’s apparently “erring ways” if the patient is ever to arrive at his own convic- tions and be freed once and for all from infantile reliance on authority. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We ourselves as individuals have learnt and can only learn by making mistakes how to avoid them in the future, and mankind as a whole has created the conditions for its present and future stages of development quite as much by following the crooked path as by keeping to the straight one. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But this form of transference must be destroyed in so far as the aim of analysis is the patient’s moral autonomy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
None the less, we would be doing our neurotic patients a grievous wrong if we tried to force them all into the category of the co- erced. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Among neurotics, there are not a few who do not require any reminders of their social duties and obligations, but are born and destined rather to be bearers of new cultural ideals. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For in this way we train them only to be obedient children and thereby strengthen the very forces that made them ill—their conservative backwardness and submission to author- ity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Adler’s psychology does much greater justice to this situation than Freud’s. Freud and Psychoanalysis
66i The psychological process of transference—whether negative or positive—consists in a “libidinal investment” of the personal- ity of the analyst, that is to say he stands for an emotional value. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I can only regard it as a misconception to judge the child-relationship retrospectively as a merely sexual one, even though a certain sexual content can- not be denied. Freud and Psychoanalysis
66~ Recapitulating, I would like to say this of the positive trans- ference: The patient’s libido fastens on the person of the analyst in the form of expectation, hope, interest, trust, friendship, and love. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Culture can never be understood as reaction to environment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That shal- low explanation can safely be left to the past century. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Among our patients we observe so many so-called immoral impulses that the thought involuntarily forces itself on the psychotherapist how it would be if all these desires were gratified. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You will have seen from my earlier letters that these desires should not be taken too seriously. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We should never forget that what today seems cant contemporary problem may serve to make clear to you why we so often find among our patients people who, because of their spiritual and social gifts, are quite specifically called to take an active part in the work of civilization—that is their bi- to us a moral commandment will tomorrow be cast into the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 288 melting-pot and transformed, so that in the near or distant fu- ture it may serve as a basis for new ethical formations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We all have far too much the standpoint of the “nothing but” psychology, that is, we still think that the new future which is pressing in at the door can be squeezed into the framework of what is already known. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the past nothing can be altered, and in the present lit- tle, but the future is ours and capable of raising life’s intensity to the highest pitch. Freud and Psychoanalysis
7, appendix; see n. 4, infra).—EmToRs.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
6); “The Psychology of Dreams” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS ON ANALYTICAL PSYCHOLOGY” Lecture I, untitled, and Lecture II, “The Familial Constellations” First Edition 290 the two schools but would mention only the following: The Viennese School adopts an exclusively sexualistic standpoint while that of the Zurich School is symbolistic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This deserves particular emphasis, because there are two types of psychology, the one following the princi- ple of hedonism, the other the power principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The philosophi- cal counterpart of the former type is scientific materialism and of the latter the philosophy of Nietzsche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
677 Thus, it is obvious that every psychological symbol has two aspects and should be interpreted in accordance with both prin- ciples. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It should especially be noted that a new chapter on “The Conception of the Unconscious”3 has been added. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It cannot be disputed that, psychologically speaking, we are living and working day by day according to the principle of directed aim or purpose as well as that of causality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What is plainly directed towards a goal cannot be given an exclusively causalistic explanation, otherwise we should be led to the con- clusion expressed in Moleschott’s famous dictum: “Man ist was er isst” (Man is what he eats). Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since this relation is fixed, and according to the causal point of view must neces- sarily be so, looked at logically the order may also be reversed, Finality is also a point of view, and it is empirically justified by the existence of series of events in which the causal connection is indeed evident but the meaning of which only becomes intel- ligible in terms of end-products (final effects). Freud and Psychoanalysis
The causal explanation must be mechanistic if we are not to postulate a metaphysical entity as first cause. Freud and Psychoanalysis
PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS” 295 explanation is “true,” it would be the sort of truth which is ex- ceptionally tiresome and rigidly limited in scope. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A similar state- ment would be that the genital glands cannot function without adequate nourishment, the inference being that sexuality is a subsidiary function of nutrition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That would be an obvious contradiction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
296 T 690 PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS” Obviously, I consider both these points of view necessary, the causal as well as the final, but would at the same time stress that since Kant’s time we have come to realize that the two view- points are not antagonistic if they are regarded as regulative principles of thought and not as constituent principles of the process of nature itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Previously the person- ality appeared to be unique and as if rooted in nothing; but now, associated with the individually acquired causes of the complex, there was found to be a general human precondition, the inherited and inborn biological structure which is the instinctual basis of every human being. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here are to be found those forces which offer the most obstinate resistance to reason and will, thus accounting for the conflicting nature of the complex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
October 1948 3 “[(Why this should be so) only the Genius knows—that companion who rules the star of our birth, the god of human nature, mortal though he be in each single life, and changeful of countenance, white and black.”—Horace, Freud and Psychoanalysis
695 The significance of the father in moulding the child’s psyche may be discovered in quite another field—the study of the fam- ily.7 Freud and Psychoanalysis
303 CLEANTHES Difference for fathers and sons: Difference for mothers and daughters: FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS Non-related men Non-related women Related men Related women 304 THE FATHER IN THE DESTINY OF THE INDIVIDUAL 305 The mother seems to play a less important role. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The associations were classified on the Kraepelin-Aschaffenburg scheme as simplified and modified by important sign of a conflicting relationship to the object. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To the extent 8 [Orig.: Freud and Psychoanalysis
7°3 A well-preserved woman of 55, dressed poorly but carefully, with a certain elegance, in black; hair carefully arranged; a polite, rather affected manner, fastidious in speech, devout. Freud and Psychoanalysis
but dares not acknowledge her sexuality.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient consulted his second brother, who was also in Paris, and who urgently tried to dis- suade him from handing over the money, because it would only be squandered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He promised her (although he possessed nothing) that he would take charge of the children and bring them up. Freud and Psychoanalysis
case, the family constellation proved to be by far the stronger, so that the narrow field of neurosis was all that was left over for the struggling individuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this as in the previous. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She stated that all these things were without foundation, she herself was surprised at them, and had to admit that her husband was quite right when he insisted that it was all “stuff and nonsense.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Husband and father-in-law, as may easily be imagined, did not get on at all. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And now she wanted most of all to die, so that she could be with her father. Freud and Psychoanalysis
726 Here, as in the foregoing case, it must be clearly understood that the patient was not at all feeble-minded. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Oh, she wailed, her husband was not nearly as nice as her father, she could do anything with her father, but not with her husband. Freud and Psychoanalysis
from the psychanalytic standpoint 17 “Throughout we believe ourselves to be the masters of our deeds. Freud and Psychoanalysis
16 [Orig.: Freud and Psychoanalysis
But review- ing our lives, and chiefly taking our misfortunes and their consequences into consideration, we often cannot account for our doing this act and omitting that, making it appear as if our steps had been guided by a power foreign to us. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Were this power really in our hands and subject to our will, we would be so crushed with re- sponsibility that no one in his right senses would dare to have children. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more a father identifies with the archetype, the more unconscious and irre- sponsible, indeed psychotic, both he and his child will be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
bears the blame for his fate in his own char- acter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 316 THE FATHER IN THE DESTINY OF THE INDIVIDUAL 73’ An eight-year-old boy, intelligent, rather delicate-looking, the parents are long since dead. Freud and Psychoanalysis
[We are always trying not to admit the child’s sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dream shows that the mother-child relationship is menaced by Unconscious- ness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Because man has a dim premonition of this original situation behind his individual experience, he has always tried to give it generally valid expression through the universal motif of the divine hero’s fight with the mother dragon, whose purpose is to deliver man from the power of darkness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Not without cause, therefore, does modern theology speak of the liberating effect of “inner” or “personal” experience, for always the ardour of love transmutes fear and compulsion into a higher, freer type of feeling. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 320 closely to her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
25 The legend offers a psychologically correct explanation: it does not attribute superhuman evil to Raguel, it distinguishes between man and daemon, just as psychology must distinguish between what the human individual is and can do and what must be ascribed to the congenital, instinctual system, which the individual has not made but finds within him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We would be doing the gravest injustice to Raguel if we held 24 (Cf. Freud and Psychoanalysis
744 (The potentialities of the archetype, for good and evil alike, transcend our human capacities many times, and a man can appropriate its power only by identifying with the daemon, by letting himself be possessed by it, thus forfeiting his own hu- manity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An excellent example of this kind of father- constellation can be found in Brill’s recently published “Psychological Factors in Dementia Praecox” (1908). Freud and Psychoanalysis
[In my experience it is usually the father who is the decisive and dangerous object of the child’s fantasy, and if ever it happened to be the mother I was able to discover behind her a grandfather to whom she belonged in her heart. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is to be hoped that experience in the years to come will sink deeper shafts into this obscure territory, on which I have been able to shed but a fleeting light, and will discover more about the secret workshop of the demon who shapes our fate, of whom Horace says: “Scit Genius natale comes qui temperat astrum, Naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum, Quodque caput, vultu mutabilis, albus et ater.’] Freud and Psychoanalysis
Whenever science inclines towards dogma and shows a tendency to be impatient and fanati- cal, it is concealing a doubt which in all probability is justified and explaining away an uncertainty which is only too well founded. Freud and Psychoanalysis
747 I emphasize this unfortunate state of affairs not because I want to make a critical attack on Freud’s theories, but rather to point out to the unbiased reader the significant fact that Freudian psychoanalysis, apart from being a scientific endeavour and a scientific achievement, is a psychic symptom which has proved to be more powerful than the analytical art of the master himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As Maylan’s book on “Freud’s tragic complex” 2 has shown, it would not be at all difficult to derive Freud’s tendency to dogmatize from the premises of his own personal psychology —indeed, he taught this trick to his disciples and practised it more or less successfully himself—but I do not wish to turn his own weapons against him, In the end no one can completely outgrow his personal limitations; everyone is more or less im- prisoned by them—especially when he practises psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
748 I find these technical defects uninteresting and believe it is dangerous to lay too much stress on them, as it diverts attention from the one important fact: that even the loftiest mind is most limited and dependent just at the point where it seems to be freest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud is borne along by a particular current of thought which can be traced back to the Reformation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Some day we shall be able to 2 [Freuds tragischer Komplex: Eine Analyse der Psychoanalyse (1929).—Enrroas.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
Already at the time of the Reforma- tion the conscious mind had begun to break away from the meta- physical certainties of the Gothic age, and this separation be- came more acute and widespread with every passing century. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such people can never keep their mouths shut and, because of the weakness of their conviction and their fear of isolation, must always flock together in proselytizing bands, thus at least mak- ing up in quantity for their doubtful quality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For this reason Adler’s “individual psy- chology” can no longer be included in the concept of “psycho- analysis.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
He will find them extremely stimulating, and in addition he will make the valuable discovery that exactly the same case of neurosis can be explained in an equally convincing way from the standpoint of Freud or of Adler, despite the fact that the two methods of explanation seem diametrically opposed to one another. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is a question of deep experience and not an intel- lectual conjuring-trick. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am of course very well aware that, without insight into the past and without an integration of significant memories that have been lost, nothing new and viable can be created. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But I consider it a waste of time and a misleading prejudice to rummage in the past for the alleged specific causes of illness; for neuroses, no matter what the original circumstances from which they arose, are conditioned and maintained by a wrong attitude which is present all the time and which, once it is recognized, must be ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 329 corrected now and not in the early period of infancy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is in very truth the eternally living, creative, germinal layer in each of us, and though it may make use of age-old symbolical images it nevertheless intends them to be understood in a new way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
763 If, to all these considerations, one adds the further fact that I distinguish between extraverts and introverts, and again dis- tinguish each of them by the criterion of its most differentiated function (of which I can clearly make out four), it will be evi- dent that hitherto my main concern as an investigator in the field of psychology has been to break in rudely upon a situation which, seen from the other two standpoints, is simple to the point of monotony, and to call attention to the inconceivable complexity of the psyche as it really is. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But would any physiol- ogist assert that the body is simple? Or that a living molecule of albumen is simple? If the human psyche is anything, it must be of unimaginable complexity and diversity, so that it cannot ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 331 possibly be approached through a mere psychology of instinct. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Young people, who are very far from knowing who they really are, would run a great risk if they obscured their knowledge of themselves still further by letting the “dark night of the soul” pour into their immature, labile consciousness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most we may be able to do is misunderstand them, but we can never rob them of their power by denying them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Beside this picture I would like to place the spectacle of the starry heavens at night, for the only equivalent of the universe within is the universe without; and just as I reach this world through the medium of the body, so I reach that world through the medium of the psyche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is precisely the most subjective ideas which, being closest to nature and to our own essence, deserve to be called the truest, But: “What is truth?” 771 For the purposes of psychology, I think it best to abandon the notion that we are today in anything like a position to make statements about the nature of the psyche that are “true” or “correct.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our psychology is the more or less successfully formulated confession of a few indi- viduals, and so far as each of them conforms more or less to a type, his confession can be accepted as a fairly valid description of a large number of people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What Freud has to say about sexuality, infantile pleasure, and their conflict with the “reality principle,” as well as what he says about incest and the like, can be taken as the truest ex- pression of his personal psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Yet to do so was necessary, as may be inferred from what I have said above; for had he critically examined his own foundations he would never have been able to put his peculiar psychology so naïvely on view as he did in The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I say “I try,” for who can be sure that he has freed himself from all of his unconscious assumptions? I try to save myself from at least the crassest preju- dices, and am therefore disposed to recognize all manner of gods provided only that they are active in the human psyche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not doubt that the natural instincts or drives are forces of propulsion in psychic life, whether we call them sexuality or the will to power; but neither do I doubt that these instincts come into collision with the spirit, for they are continually col- liding with something, and why should not this something be called “spirit”? I am far from knowing what spirit is in itself, and equally far from knowing what instincts are. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I know well enough that every word I utter carries with it something of my- self—of my special and unique self with its particular history and its own particular world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Knowledge rests not upon truth alone, but upon error also. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not the children of the flesh, but the “children of God,” who know freedom. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Whoever cannot see this aspect of the human psyche is blind, and whoever chooses to explain it away, or to “en- lighten” it away, has no sense of reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Otherwise a vicious circle is set up, and this is in fact what Freudian psychology appears to do. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“On Psychic Energy,” p.ars. 14ff. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 338 forward to the children that have sprung from our flesh—”incest” with the past and “incest” with the future, the original sin of perpetuation of the “family romance.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
At least, they never find the key to this knowledge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Orig- inal: “Ratschlage für den Arzt bei der psychoanalytischen Be- handlung.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nothing in this book should be construed to represent the views of CNN or any other news organization for which I have done reporting. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He would be the person guiding us to bin Laden if we got the green light to meet him. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One had the sense that he would be very calm under fire. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Despite the years he had spent in Europe, Ali could be somewhat re- ductive in his views. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Au’s parting comment, delivered matter-of-factly, was that we should speak in code on the phone. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We were on. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(He even rented a house in Afghanistan’s war-torn capital, Kabul, where he would go on vaca- tion.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The em- bassy seemed to be under siege, which in some ways it was. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That would mean a drive along the Grand Trunk Road, where you are more likely to be killed than you are in the middle of the civil war inside neighboring Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Testaments to this distinctive style of driving can be seen in the numerous burned-out vehicles that lie by the side of the road. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A good soldier and a true Christian.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This buffer zone, known as the Khyber Agency, is a holdover from the days when Britain ruled the North- West Frontier. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then we drove through the outskirts of Pe- shawar, arriving at a checkpoint where a sign announced: ATTENTION: ENTRY OF FOREIGNERS IS PROHIBITED BEYOND THIS POINT. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Soviets had destroyed thousands of such villages, creating five million refugees and killing at least a million Afghans, out of a prewar population of fifteen million or so.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Our lodgings would be the Spinghar Hotel, named after the snow- capped mountains that dominated the view to the south. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just before we arrived, Taliban officials had con- vened a clerical kangaroo court in the Spinghar’s dining room and ruled that the hotel should be commandeered. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Occasionally the owner could be seen walking through the hotel, a dazed expression on his face. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I asked Khaled al-Fawwaz, bin Laden’s London contact, what present regime in the world most resembled his vision of how an Islamic state should be run, he said the Taliban were “getting there.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In my hotel in Jalalabad I met two men who wanted to talk. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They were working on growing theii Taliban-mandated beards, but the beards looked suspiciously well- trimmed to be truly Taliban-certified. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As she reached us she nodded and, in a clear, amused voice said in English, “Hello. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was not unfriendly, but businesslike, asking if he could take a look at our camera and sound equipment. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Things looked up again when the media adviser said that we could shoot the interview on his hand-held digital camera. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
16 I Prologue Bin Laden’s men left nothing to chance: we were not even to bring oui watches. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After driving through a long tunnel, Mi finally broke the silence, saying almost apologetically: “This is the point in the journey when guests are told if they are hiding a tracking device, tell us now and it will not be a problem.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Could I be absolutely sure neither of them had such a device? I assured him we were clean. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In places, the road seemed to be just the rock bed of a mountain stream; elsewhere, improvements had been made to the track. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Don’t be afraid,” said their leader, a burly Saudi, who politely asked us to get out of the car. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dressed in a turban, white robes, and a green camouflage jacket, he walked with a cane and seemed tired, less like a swaggering revolu- tionary than a Muslim ascetic. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
that Muslims will be victorious in the Arabian peninsula and that God’s religion, praise and glory be to Him, will prevail in this peninsula. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is a great hope that the revelation unto Muhammad will be used for ruling.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We do not guarantee their safety.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
With a simple look at the U.S. behaviors, we find that it judges the be- havior of the poor Palestinian children whose country was occupied: if they throw stones against the Israeli occupation, it says they are terror- ists, whereas when the Israeli pilots bombed the United Nations building in Qana, Lebanon, while it was full of children and women, the U.S. stopped any plan to condemn Israel.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There is no light pollution or smog in Afghanistan, so the heavens can be seen in their natural state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After a struggle, the details of which will never be known, the jet went down southeast of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania at 10:10 A.M., killing all on board. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Until that grim morning, the average American was statistically more likely to be killed by a bolt of lightning than an act of terrorism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In New Delhi that same month, two men detained by Indian police said they were planning to blow up the busy visa section of the U.S. embassy on the orders of a bin Laden lieutenant. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The charge that “Arab rulers worship the God of the White House” is made over images of the Saudi royal family meet- ing American leaders such as Colin Powell. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“If you don’t fight,” says bin Laden, “you will be punished by God.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It was attacked, he says, because “it was considered to be the biggest intelligence-gathering center in East Africa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Toward the tape’s end, bin Laden implies that there will be more action against the United States: “The victory of Islam is coming. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
So it should not be surprising that bin Laden’s top aide is a physi- cian from an upper-class Egyptian family, or that his former media representative in London was a Saudi entrepreneur, born in Kuwait, who worked in the import-export business. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Testifying before the Senate in 1999, the CIA director, George Tenet, observed that bin Laden “and his global network of lieutenants and associates remain the most immediate and serious threat” of terrorism directed against the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Similar adulation could be heard at a conference I attended in London in the spring of 2000: before an audience of several hundred en- thralled men and wom~n, the keynote speaker lauded bin Laden as “this man who sacrificed his life for Islam.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The story went on to ex- plain that the Saudi exile was suffering from heart problems and possi- bly cancer. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
to attend a meeting of terrorists planning attacks on tourists in Egypt; and that in Yemen he “controls the principal routes of qat, the hallu- cinogenic leaf which is consumed in the Horn of Africa and the south- ern part of the Arabian peninsula.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Finally, he is libel proof: one can say pretty much anything about him and know one isn’t going to be sued. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An- other is as the ideologue for a larger group of thousands of holy warriors around the globe who may not be part of his organization, but who look to him for guidance and inspiration. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Finally, when announcing those American missile strikes, Clinton administration officials from the president down painted bin Laden as the mastermind of every conceivable ter- rorist attack in recent memory, a dastardly villain out of a James Bond movie—a portrait that in the light of the events of September 11 may be almost understated. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But bin Laden is perhaps better un- derstood as the Pied Piper ofjihad; his invitation to holy war resonates among disaffected and underemployed Muslim youths from Algeria to Pakistan to California, leading them to sacrifice themselves in a con- flict that cannot be won in any conventional sense. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“They wouldn’t be if I had enough money and explosives,” came the reply.~’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On May 18, 2000, Atta applied for an American visa at the U.S. em- bassy in Berlin. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Azzam.com Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Middle Eastern terrorist groups of the 1970s and 1980s needed the patronage of states to supply the money and infrastructure that allowed them to do business. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden, however, is an individual with deep enough pockets to operate largely without sponsorship, while a rapidly global- izing world, propelled by new technologies, allows his message to be taken up with a click of a mouse by holy warriors from Azerbaijan to Yemen. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The transnational character of Holy War, Inc., and its embrace of Western technologies, can also be seen in the wars that have racked Chechnya, in southern Russia, since 1994. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While the foot soldiers of Holy War, Inc. have now gone global, dis- persed in dozens of countries around the world, the ideological roots and formative experiences of those holy warriors can generally be found in one place, Afghanistan, to which many of them were drawn during the Soviet-Afghan war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
like Afghanistan, bin Laden’s adopted home on and off over the past two decades, Hadramawt might as well be in the Middle Ages. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As soon as I saw the centuries-old skyscrapers of the town of Shibam, rising sheer from the desert floor as high as fifteen stories, it hit me: Here was why Osama’s father made his fortune in construction. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Osama was the seventeenth son of Mo- hammed, who sired fifty or so sons and daughters by several wives. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to someone authorized by the family to speak to me, the bin Ladens do not consider Osama’s mother to be part of their family, because she was divorced from Osama’s father decades ago. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Ironically, that base was built in the middle of the Saudi desert as the result of two bombing attacks on fa- 46 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The influence of these men on bin Laden cannot be underestimated—it’s as if Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman’s brother had taught him about capitalism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
True Muslims must free themselves from the “clutches of jahili society,” and the only way to do that is byjihad. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the Vietnam war, by contrast, a re- porter could go to the front lines in a U.S. helicopter and be back at the hotel swimming pool later the same day, sipping a cold one. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Indeed, if any conflict deserved to be called a just jihad, the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan surely was. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The machinery would be used to build rough roads, dig tunnels into the mountains for shelter, and construct rudimentary hospitals.M Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Initially the house was simply a way station for those who would be sent for train- ing with one of the Afghan factions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Azzam was both the ideological godfather and the global recruiter par excellence of Muslims drawn to the Afghan jihad; he would exert a strong pull on bin Laden by virtue of his Islamic credentials and greater experience of the world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Soon dismissed because he fought with university authorities over their secular attitudes, he moved to Saudi Arabia to teach. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And it was not simply from Afghanistan that the infidels had to be expelled.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The base had its own PR de- partment. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This base would be used by al-Qaeda in the 1990s. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Jawal Ismail recalls that by about December 1984, bin Laden had become an important figure in the jihad effort. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A slightly rotund, balding man dressed innocuously in a blue car coat, Deraz sipped a glass of orange juice in a hotel lobby a stone’s throw from the Nile as he told me about his life and how it had intersected with bin Laden’s. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1989 he was approached to be- come part of al-Qaeda, which planned to continue holy wars beyond the Afghan conflict. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As we shall see, those charges are overblown and are not supported by the evidence. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The CIA took the lead in arming the —The Koran, 3:169 63 Were bin Laden and his Afghan Arabs a creation of the U.S. gov- ernment? Various books and multiple news reports have Afghans, and from a strategic point of view that operation was a bril- liant success. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Simpson’s Afghan escort turned down the request, and bin Laden was to be found later on a camp bed, weeping in frustration. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Brigadier Mohammad Yousaf, who ran ISI’s Afghan operation be- tween 1983 and 1987, explains with admirable clarity the relationship between the CIA and the Afghan mujahideen, or holy warriors: “The foremost function of the CIA was to spend money. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
However, in one strange episode, the CIA did help an important recruiter for the Afghan Arabs, the Egyptian cleric Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, who would eventually be convicted for his role in con- spiring to blow up New York City landmarks such as the United Na- tions complex and the Holland Tunnel. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This is not to say the CIA did not make a significant tactical error during the Afghan war by allowing all the decisions about the funding and prosecution of the conflict to be made by the Pakistanis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The most important element of the plan was “plausible deniability.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The only possible conduit to the rebels was through Pakistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
some $3 billion of American taxpayers’ money, the CIA also handed the Pakistanis complete control of how the funds were distributed.22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There were questions that he might be a Soviet agent. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“37Abu Mahaz took the position that all formerly Muslim lands, including Spain, should be returned to the fold of Islam. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Massoud would be mortally wounded by two Arab assassins posing as television reporters on September 9, 2001, only forty-eight hours before the World Trade Center towers were destroyed—an ominous portent. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Given that Hekmatyar was a disaster for American policies and Massoud would have been infinitely preferable, why did the CIA not intervene with Pakistan’s ISI to change the situation? The answer seems to be a combination of willful ignorance and a tendency to take the Pakistani assessment of the situation in Afghanistan at face value. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a 1993 interview, Robert Gates defended the Agency’s Afghan policy in the confident tone of a high school debating champion: “Their approach [the Pakistanis] was that the assistance would be fun- neled to those groups that were fighting most effectively against the Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Soviet war could be taken into Pakistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was less concerned about the technology giveaway” Vince Cannistraro says there were also concerns at the Agency that the Afghans would not be able to handle the sophisticated Stinger. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And then you have to be very sure of your intended target—exactly which plane you are shooting at and who is on the plane.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But, ladies and gentlemen, it was not just words. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Both would be used by the group.’° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Arriving there in April 1991, he then sent a letter to his family telling them that he would not be able to return home. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At the same time he organized training camps at which hundreds of his followers could be tutored in paramili- tary tactics. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda members bought trucks from Russia and tractors from Sb- vakia to be used for the group’s companies, and went on business trips to Hungary, Croatia, China, Malaysia, and the Philippines.20 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That was a secret; to know of the group’s existence you had to be a member. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The force of 28,000 American troops had been ordered there by then- President Bush in the first week of December 1992 as part of a U.N. mis- sion to feed starving Somalis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
U.N. and Ameri- can commanders determined that attacking Mohamed Aidid, the most powerful clan leader, was the best way to establish peace. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But it may never be clear who ex- actly these tribesmen were, and whether they actually fought against American soldiers. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A CD-ROM version of it went on sale in the bazaars of Pakistan in the mid-1990s.~5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
and the American pull-out from Beirut, they will be the same method, to force the United States out of Saudi Arabia.”50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Thanks be to God, many people responded favorably to our fatwa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A bomb in a fuel truck parked outside the The Koran and the Kalashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 87 Khobar Towers military complex in Dhahran set off a huge explosion that killed nineteen U.S. servicemen and injured hundreds of others. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It turned out to be not an attack but an exercise de- signed to keep the new recruits on their toes. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Forcing bin Laden to leave for Afghanistan would turn out to be a lit- tle bit like the German High Command sending Lenin to Russia dur- ing World War I: while the policy might have resulted in short-term gains for the Germans, it set the stage for the creation of Germany’s most implacable enemy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From Afghanistan bin Laden was—and is—able to func- tion unimpeded, attracting Muslim militants to a country that is be- coming the modern world’s first jihadist state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The journey to Afghanistan also had a profound spiritual impor- tance for bin Laden: it recalled for him the Prophet Muhammad’s em- igration, or h~jra, from Mecca to Medina in the seventh century. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban’s leader, Mullah Muhammad Omar, sent a delegation after his arrival to assure bin Laden that the Taliban would be honored to pro- tect him because of his role in the jihad against the Soviets.5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I found him to be sincere, simple, not trying to impress. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the declaration bin Laden states: “The Muslims have realized they are the main target of the aggression of the coalition of the Jews and the Crusaders [his term for the West]. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden ex- plains that this contravenes a hadith, or saying, of the Prophet Muhammad, who said on his deathbed: “If Allah wills and I live, God willing I will expel the Jews and the Christians from Arabia.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Your brothers in the country of the two sacred places and in Palestine request your support. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Based upon this and in order to obey the Almighty, we hereby give all Muslims the following judgment: The judgment to kill and fight Americans and their allies, whether civil- ians or military, is an obligation for every Muslim who is able to do so in any country.. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bernard Lewis, a professor of Middle Eastern history at Princeton University, points out that one of the Prophet’s immediate successors, the Caliph Umar, issued a “final and irreversible decree” that Jews and Christians be evicted from the “holy land of Hijaz,” the region where the holy From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The DecLaration of War / 9 7 cities of Mecca and Medina are located, based on the words of the Prophet: “Let there be no two religions in Arabia.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What about the call to expel American troops from the Arabian peninsula? The answer, discomfiting to many Westerners, is that Mus- lim tradition does provide justification for bin Laden’s call. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Akthar Raja, a London- based lawyer who specializes in defending Muslims, says: “Give back what is ours, leave Saudi Arabia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although he may be well read in the Koran, even his stoutest defenders would have to acknowledge that bin Laden is not a religious scholar and does not have the authority to deliver afatwa on his own. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He began by noting that a number of his followers had been arrested in Saudi Arabia in January in possession of an American Stinger missile and a number of SA-7 surface-to-air missiles, a further indication that al-Qaeda had 100 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The family now has several hundred members, and some of their businesses are intertwined with those of the al-Saud ruling family itself, which generally hides be- hind layers of nominees to disguise its interests. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Certain family members may still provide him with money that rightfully belongs to him, from the estate of his father. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On a street running along the Kabul River, dozens of tiny shops do a thriving business, their proprietors sitting cross-legged be- hind vast bundles of afghanis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We do not differentiate between those dressed in military uniforms and civilians: they are all targets,” he said, predicting a “black day for America.”2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
To replace him, one of the leaders of al-Qaeda’s Kenya cell, Haroun Fazil, was dispatched to Nairobi in 1997. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Fazil was born in 1972 on the Comoros Islands off the coast of Africa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Three months be- fore the bombing, he was finally told his mission: to be a martyr in an anti-American operation in Africa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-’Owhali also met the man who was to be his fellow martyr in the suicide operation, a young Saudi known as Azzam whom he had known in Afghanistan.2° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The fax said that American interests would shortly be at- tacked because of help the United States had given in extraditing a key member of the Jihad group from Albania to Egypt in June.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bomb was set to explode the morning of Friday, August 7, be- tween 10:30 and 11 A.M., so that observant Muslims, who make up ap- proximately a third of the Kenyan population, would likely be worshipping at their mosques.24 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He could not walk and, buried under a pile of debris, he could not be rescued for two days. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
She died before she could be freed.29 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although Mohamed never got used to the bitter cold of the Afghan winter, he was given the gamut of training: religious indoctrination and tuition in the use of weapons, including surface-to-air missiles and explosives.38 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed seems typical of the type of person al-Qaeda will recruit to be a go-fer on the ground, once a terrorist mission is under way. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed says he was not told by more senior members of al-Qaeda what the target of their attack in Tanzania might be. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
However, it defies common sense to think that Mohamed was not generally aware that the bomb would be used against an American target. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
he was apparently interrogated by our security people and he did make a confession.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But Aibright trusted Sheehan and believed that he would energize the counterter- rorism program. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For the next two years Sheehan would bring his considerable en- ergy and intellect to bear on the effort to bring bin Laden to justice. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the 1970s and 1980s Ameri- can agencies gathered intelligence about terrorists sponsored by states such as Syria, Libya, and Iran. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In addition, nine months before the Nairobi attack, an Egyptian named Mustafa Mahmoud Said Ahmed walked into the embassy and told intelligence officials there was a plan afoot to use stun grenades to divert the attention of embassy security guards so that a truck bomb could be driven into the underground parking garage of the embassy, precisely al-Qaeda’s plans for attacking the building. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just as there had been attacks on U.S. embassies in two countries, there would be attacks against bin Laden-related targets in two countries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(No doubt Bush administration officials have Operation Infinite Reach very much in mind as they embark on what appears at this writing to be a long-range and multifaceted plan of action in response to the events of September 11.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A senior Pakistani official told me that the United States gave Paki- stan no warning that its airspace would be used for the cruise missile attacks on Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Still, the operation was es- 120 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden is a fairly shrewd operator, so after spending five years planning the attacks on the U.S. embassies, just about the last place he would be likely to hang his turban is the site from which he had told the world about his plans to attack Americans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An Afghan reporter working for a Western news agency arrived at the camp complex a day after the strikes and said it was a scene of utter destruction; all the buildings, including the camp mosque, had collapsed. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Taliban officials would not comment on the story, although they did not deny it. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although the strikes in Afghanistan did hit bin Laden’s camps, the only casualties were locals and some low-level militants. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
All would turn out to be false or seriously flawed. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The plant did indeed do business with Iraq, but only for veterinary medicines, a shipment of which the United Nations had approved in January 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The crème de la crème of the U.S. military, these soldiers attend the John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center for classes on such esoteric subjects as “psy-ops” (how to conduct psychological operations against an enemy); and it’s a measure of Ali Mohamed’s talent and dedication that within a year or so, as a sergeant, he was teaching seminars there himself’ Special Forces soldiers are dispatched to tackle the riskiest missions: During the Gulf War, its units went deep inside Iraq, where they guided American bombers to targets, and they were quickly deployed to Afghanistan to hunt down bin Laden following the Trade Center attacks.2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When Mo- hamed returned bearing trophies, among them a tactical map, “He also brought back a Russian Special Forces belt and gave it to me,’ said Anderson. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While engaged in what appeared to be a pedestrian existence (running an import-export business), he was living a life of high intrigue. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Whatever the case, he might ultimately prove to be the best witness yet against the top man himself: Ali Mohamed links bin Laden directly to the embassy bombings. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He can be heard in a 1988 video telling a crowd of several hundred that “blood and martyrdom are the only way to create a Muslim society.”47 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Shalabi was instrumental in helping the militant Egyptian cleric Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman get settled in the United States in 1990, leasing a house for him in the Bay Ridge area of Brooklyn.5° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahman was very unhappy about this because he wanted to support other causes, and that’s where the tension began.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Shalabi sent his wife and three-year-old daughter back to Egypt and was himself making plans to travel to Pakistan a day or so before he was killed.5~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
pened to be an American citizen, el-Hage was born in Lebanon in 1960 into a Catholic family but converted to Islam before moving to the United States.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1978, he settled in Lafayette, Louisiana—a slight, bearded, shaggy-haired urban planning student at the Univer- sity of Louisiana.57 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Ramzi Yousef can be traced back to Afghanistan,” said Vincent Cannistraro, who ran the CIA’S Counter Terrorist Center between 1988 and 1990. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Yousef would be captured a year latei by FBI agents in Islamabad, Pakistan; among his possessions was the address of a bin Laden guesthouse.84 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Despite his life of petty crime, Ressam was a regular worshipper at Montreal mosques.’°3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Around this time, al-Qaeda experimented with cyanide in the hope it could be introduced into the air intakes of U.S. government build- ings. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Unsurprisingly, the dog expired within At the camp, a cell of Ressam’s fellow Algerians agreed that, after their training, they would meet up in Canada, an agreeable base be- cause of the relative ease with which one can enter the United States from it.’°9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
142 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
B. Yeats, “The Second Coming” 143 Maulvi Hafeezullah, an official in the Taliban’s Foreign Ministry, attacked the pile of chocolate doughnuts with gusto. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The coup was met with near universal ap- plause.’2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I have two children. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“It’s still possible,” he said. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was so typically Pakistani: the de- sire to be hospitable whatever the circumstances. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Despite the Ramadan observances, Pakistan does have a secular side. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In mid-November 1999, a series of well-coordinated rocket attacks on the U.S. embassy, the U.N. compound, and the American cultural center had been launched by unidentified terrorists who apparently objected to the imminent sanctions on Afghanistan for continuing to harbor bin Laden.’8 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The act of collective worship woven into the fabric of daily life is something we have almost entirely lost in the West. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I smiled blandly as Hotaki continued. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Dollars only.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As I waited for the visa to be issued, I read a list of rules addressed to journalists planning to visit Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then you could stay only at the Interconti- nental Hotel, in Kabul, and you had to use a government-provided “guide” and driver (who were to be paid in dollars, of course). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We were both eager to talk about the recent coup in Pakistan: one of the first to be arrested had been the information minister, Mushahid Hussein, who some con- sidered to be the real brains behind the now deposed government of Nawaz Sharif. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
His ease with the media could be explained by his previous job as a newspaper editor, where he had once been Rahimullah’s boss. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For the privilege of staying at his zero-star hotel, the clerk charged me the outrageous fee of eighty dollars a night—a sum that approximates the yearly income of the average Afghan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Khmer Rouge called this paradise the Year Zero. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Minor details—such as a program of governance that would get Afghanistan back on its feet after two decades of war—were of little interest to the Taliban. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In stark contrast, the Taliban have decreed that women should neither work, nor be educated, nor even be seen by anyone outside their immediate families.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban tended to regard the major cities as “occupied territories,” Sodoms and Gomor- rahs that needed to be punished for past transgressions, and so en- forced their edicts more harshly there. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban were reluctant to acknowledge these changes officially; no individual wanted to weaken his Islamist credentials by appearing too “liberal.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And the shift in Taliban policy should not be exaggerated: education for girls still ended at the age of twelve. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1999 there were other shifts as well. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“This house be- longed to my father and other members of the Jewish community,” he said. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“If I leave, the house will be seized by the Taliban. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I was greeted warmly at the gate by the assistant commander, Mullah Khan Jan, who explained that he had only had his job for the past month. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The prison held a total of 1,800 in- mates, divided into four categories: “political”; “prisoners of war” from the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance; common criminals; and those picked up by the Vice and Virtue police. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
the minister of planning, Qari Din Mohammad Hanif. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A vivid sign of the country’s poverty could be seen in the minister’s office: my freezing breath. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A week be- fore he was toppled by General Musharraf’s coup, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared: “We have with us solid evidence that there exist training camps in Afghanistan which are training terrorists and sending them into Pakistan to kill our people.”69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In June 2000, Paid- stan’s military government gave the Taliban a list of eighteen camps believed to be training Pakistani militants, and the Taliban actually closed two camps near Kabul—although local residents said that the militants had simply moved north to fight against the Northern Al- liance.7° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In sum, most of the Taliban’s military training camps continued to function despite the denials of Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed Mut- tawakil, who told CNN in January 2000, less than accurately, “We don’t need any camps or any other people to be trained. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No terrorist group had attacked a U.S. naval warship before, so the bombing was an enormous shock to the Pentagon. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The leader of the young gunmen offered Omar Sharif his weapon as recompense, an offer declined on the grounds that the matter would then have to be taken up by their respective sheikhs and could develop into a major hassle. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The movie opens with a scene of a huge mob of Yemenis, some secret- ing automatic weapons, who besiege and then storm the American embassy in San’a. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Busi- nesses adhere to an unusual schedule, opening in the afternoon and closing as late as three A.M. I was surprised to find downtown San’a at midnight to be as lively as Manhattan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And Yemen can genuinely claim to be an emerging democracy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While Yemen is the poorest country on the Arabian Peninsula, the streets of San’a are choked with Mercedes and Toyota Land Cruisers: somebody is making the riyals.9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Its president since 1978, Lieutenant General Au Abdallah Salih, has instituted a fascinating type of political system The HoLy Warriors of Yemen / 1 7 1 that, for want of a better term, might be called despotic democracy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No business could be conducted before sitting down to a vast spread of lamb, chicken, sal- ads, soups, and a dessert of Yemeni honey (supposedly an aphrodisiac) slathered over a dome of pastry, all of which the sheikh insistently heaped on my plate. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Army of Aden (IAA), had trained with al-Qaeda, and after an intense two-hour firefight with security forces, four hostages and three kid- nappers lay dead.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If this were indeed Shakespeare, Abu Hamza would be the Fool who wanders in and out of the drama making observations either absurd or pertinent or both. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He is not to be found in Yemen but thousands of miles to the north, in London, where he is the imam of the Finsbury Park Mosque, just up the road from the stadium of the legendary London soccer team Arsenal. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What would be the approximate cost in U.S. $s to stay with the Taliban for at least one year?” To which a reply comes: “Just apply for a Pakistani tourism visa which lasts 90 days. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I can’t imagine your overall spending to be more than $2,000.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During this period, Abu Hamza appeared on a satellite channel broadcast all over the Middle East and called for the killings of “nonbelievers” in Yemen.52 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I thought, ‘This is not going to be a normal day’ We didn’t understand what was happening. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Quin said her training as a scientist helped her to assess the situation from a logical point of view and kept her calm. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The most pressing question remains: Was there a relationship be- tween Abu Hassan and Islamist elements in the Yemeni government? Tantalizing glimpses of such collusion came out during the kidnapping trial, among them the testimony of a driver employed by the tour com- pany He testified that Abu Hassan had made a satellite phone call to General All Muhsin al-Ahmer, a relative of President Salih who is re- ported to have met with bin Laden in Afghanistan in the eighties.~~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
76 The solution to the mys- tery died with Abu Hassan, who was executed almost exactly a year be- fore the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The religious sig- nificance would hardly have escaped the bombers: dying on this day is said to be a sign of Allah’s grace. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The symbolism surely pleased him. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The reference to the “blessed night,” in my opinion, sug- gests that the tape was recorded during the month of Ramadan, perhaps even on January 3 as the Yemen plotters were finalizing their plans to at- tack The Sullivans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As I have said, bin Laden prepares his attacks with an eye to the calendar. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This time there would be no failures. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moldering back issues of Commando magazine featuring Nazis shout- ing “Surrender or die, English pig dog” jostle with books on etiquette asking: “For day parties—bridge or whist for example—is it just one table of friends, or is it to be a grander affair with two or more tables?” The shock wave from the Cole explosion blew out the windows in Hakim’s solid stone Victorian building. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The easily defensible peninsula had been selected as the base of operations for American officials investigating the Cole blast. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was about as good an arrangement as could be expected, but results were at best spotty. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Seven months later, in June 2001, the remaining FBI agents in the country pulled out, not only be- cause of terrorist threats but also because of continued disputes with the Yemenis about how to conduct the investigation.”2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Those who carried out the attack be- lieve, like bin Laden, that the presence of American “infidels” in the holy land of the Arabian Peninsula is a crime against God. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
had arrested the half-dozen or so men directly implicated, and felt that was as far as it was prepared for the investigation to go. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We talk about the bin Laden organization, but it is really a bin Laden alliance. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
official, Washington, 1998 195 When Ahmed Ressam, the would-be bomber of Los Angeles Inter- national Airport, stepped off the ferry from Canada at Port Ange- A recent book about globalization posits a new class of world citi- zen: the “cosmocrats,” who are as comfortable in London or Hong Kong as in their hometowns in, say, Ireland or Nigeria.2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda has also attracted followers in the United States—in New York, Boston, Texas, Florida, Virginia, and California; and in the United Kingdom—in London and Manchester. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda members are bona fide world travelers. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda’s global scope is further under- lined by calls made from bin Laden’s satellite phone, a notebook- computer-sized device purchased from a New York—based company in 1996 for $7,500. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The argument can be made that a group of Egyptian jihadists took over bin Laden’s organization rather than the other way around. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Jthad must be used “to establish the reign of God on earth and eliminate the reign of man.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The afternoon free, I decided to look in on the Jews and Copts whom some of al-Zayyat’s client ba~e had, in the past, felt it their religious duty to attack. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The effect of the exte- rior was marred by a gaggle of heavily armed, bulletproof-vested po- lice, but the inside was, if anything, more depressing: there was only a single old woman—one of two or three hundred Jews left in Cairo, she said. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“One of the crimes of America,” he said, “is that she claims she is the protector of democracy and protector of religions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Phone records show him to have been in regular contact with al-Qaeda at times when bin Laden was issuing calls for violence against Americans, and Khaled did play a role in disseminating those calls to the media. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The car-importing business that Khaled set up in Kenya was just that, and when it failed it was shut down.62 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As for paying for Ali Mohamed’s expenses in Nairobi, there’s no proof that Khaled even knew why Mohamed was in town. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Some wore kaffiyehs and combat jackets; others, the woolen cap that marked them as veterans, would-be or oth- erwise, of the Afghan holy war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They told me they didn’t mind dying. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Those prayers were about to be answered. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Peter, sir, I have driven in snow be- fore, but never falling snow like this.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One took me to a senior official, a burly man in his late twenties dressed in a camouflage jacket and a brown woolen hat. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Over tea and cakes he told me how he came to be a Kashmiri militant. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I just know that many will be killed, many will be taken prisoner, and there will be much 102 Khattab added to his fearsome reputation when a series of bombs blew up apartment buildings across Russia in September 1999, killing nearly three hundred people, attacks which authorities blamed on him and his partner in holy war, Basayev. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Other details of his past have been murky. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The vandals were among us now, responsible for the deaths of some five thousand Ameri- As to America, I say to it and its people afew words: I swear to God that America will not live in peace before peace reigns in Palestine, and before all the army of infidels depart the land of Muhammad, peace be upon him. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The airwaves quickly filled with blathering bloviators, who called this an attack on “the American way of life,” on the very idea of the United States and its culture. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That being said, are the attacks the opening barrage in what Har- vard professor Samuel Huntington famously predicted would be a “clash of civilizations”? “Cultural communities are replacing Cold War blocs,” he wrote, “and the fault lines between civilizations are becom- ing the central lines of conflict in global politics.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Such clashes, he predicted, would be the future ruptures of history. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But “age-old hatreds” are not sufficient ex- planations for warfare and genocide. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A more accurate predictor of post—Cold War rivalries, then, is good old nationalism, as could be seen in Kosovo. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And their antipathy to the radical jihadist organizations that seek to overthrow them appears to be shared by their people; as support for extremist organizations declines, moderate Islamist groups that are willing to work within the existing political framework have become increasingly popular. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The journalist Genevieve Abdo argues that the roots of the moder- ate Islamist movement can be found in groups such as Egypt’s profes- sional unions and that the movement has already made strides towards securing power.’4 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The development of Islamjst movements working within a demo- cratic framework should not be surprising. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Will bin Laden’s group, and those holy warriors who continue to arrive in Afghanistan for jihad training, follow the Assassins into the history books as a bloody footnote? Or might their holy wars achieve something more? That will, of course, depend on how well the American-led coali- tion deals with bin Laden and with al-Qaeda as a whole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The traditional tools of intelligence gathering, which would once have been deployed against a rival like the Soviet Union, are not terribly ef- fective against al-Qaeda. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An important one is ISI, Pakistan’s military intelligence agency, which had a role in the Taliban’s rise to power—although such information might be unreliable, as many ISI officers are broadly sym- pathetic to the Taliban. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Northern Alliance can field be- tween 15,000 and 30,000 troops if the United States and its allies em- bark on a land war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Perhaps most disturbing, the group is armed with Stinger missiles, which would certainly be deployed against American helicopters and low-flying jets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As discussed in chapter 4, during the early nineties the group made determined efforts to secure uranium of the type that could be used in a nuclear bomb. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But even radioactive waste could be an effective ter- ror weapon. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That said, al-Qaeda would be dealt a severe blow if bin Laden were ushered from this world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A senior U.S. counterterrorism official told me something after the 1998 African embassy bombings that re- mains true today: “If he [bin Laden] were to depart the scene tomor- row, there would be serious fractures in al-Qaeda a year or two later. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It remains to be seen whether the ideas espoused by al-Qaeda and bin Laden will end up in what President George W Bush has called “his- tory’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the meantime, we can be certain that al-Qaeda is planning an- other attack on an American target in a place no one expects. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Will it be somewhere in Israel? The Midwest? Europe? No one knows except the group of men huddled around bin Laden in some drafty cave in Afghanistan—burning with desire to avenge themselves against Amer- ica for its various perceived insults to Islam. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the great Jewish prophet—recognized by Muslims and Chris- tians alike—observed two thousand years ago: “Blessed are the peace- makers, for they shall be called the children of God.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Many people kindly gave of their time to be interviewed, and most of them are credited by name in the text. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Pam and John were the ideal bosses in every respect. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Wrestling well over a thousand unruly footnotes into shape would turn out to be as problematic a task as meeting bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Finds bin Laden an Elusive Target: Even If He’s Located, Catching Terrorist Will Be Complicated,” USA Today, March 1, 2001; bin Laden interview by Al-Jazeera, June 1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
p. 116. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In an interview bythe author, a Pakistani official said that the government believed there would be a meeting at the camp on the twentieth. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
67. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
William C. Rempel, “Saudi Tells of Deal to Arrest Terror Suspect: Afghans Backpedaled on Hand-over of bin Laden After U.S. Embassy Blasts, Riyadh Official Says,” Los Angeles Times, August 8, 1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Khan uses the figure of 500 deaths. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
74. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
21. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
War especially imposes an urgency that is probably incompatible with philosophy as a serious enterprise. Just and Unjust Wars
Sometimes this was due to the excitement of the moment and the pressures of partisanship, but it also had a more serious cause. Just and Unjust Wars
What is crucial is that we disputed it, knowingly or unknowingly, every time we criticized American conduct in Vietnam. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence this book, which may be taken as an apology for our occasional carelessness and a vindication of our fundamental enterprise. Just and Unjust Wars
The UN Charter was supposed to be the constitution of a new world, but, for reasons that have often been discussed, things have turned out differently.’ Just and Unjust Wars
And because the UN sometimes pretends that it already is what it has barely begun to be, its decrees do not command intellectual or moral respect— except among the positivist lawyers whose business it is to interpret xl’ PREFACE PREFACE them. Just and Unjust Wars
Policy-oriented lawyers are in fact moral and political philosophers, and it would be best if they presented themselves that way. Just and Unjust Wars
Or, alternatively, they are would-be legislators, not jurists or students of the law. Just and Unjust Wars
My starting point is the fact that we do argue, often to different purposes, to be sure, but in a mutually comprehensible fashion: else there would be no point in arguing. Just and Unjust Wars
Though these justifications and judgments cannot be studied like the records of a criminal court, they are nevertheless a legitimate subject of study. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence I must say something about my own use of language. Just and Unjust Wars
For the rest, when I talk of law, I am referring to the moral law, to those general principles that we commonly acknowledge, even when we can’t or won’t live up to them. Just and Unjust Wars
The exposure of hypocrisy is certainly the most ordinary, and it may also be the most important form of moral criticism. Just and Unjust Wars
We are rarely called upon to invert new ethical principles; if we did that, our criticism would not be comprehensible to the people whose behavior we wanted to condemn. Just and Unjust Wars
In doing that, I have tried to be accurate and fair,. Just and Unjust Wars
I address it directly, and resolve or fail to re- solve it, in Part Four; and the resolution, if it works, must be rele- vant also to the choices faced in politics generally. Just and Unjust Wars
I will always be glad of the cooling skepticism of Stanley Hoffmann and Judith Shklar. Just and Unjust Wars
The proverb, all’s fair, is invoked in defense of conduct that appears to be unfair. Just and Unjust Wars
And one urges silence on the law when one is engaged in activities that would otherwise be called unlawful. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is also a general account of war as a realm of necessity and duress, the purpose of which is to make discourse about particular cases appear to be idle chatter, a mask of noise with which we conceal, even from ourselves, the awful trüth. Just and Unjust Wars
Melos was a Spartan colony, and its people had “therefore refused to be subject, as the rest of the islands were, unto the Athenians; but rested at first neutral; and afterwards, when the Athenians put them to it by wasting of their lands, they entered into open war.” Just and Unjust Wars
We for our part will not pretend that, having defeated the Persians, our empire is deserved; you must not claim that having done no injury to the Athenian people, you have a right to be let alone. Just and Unjust Wars
The neutrality of Melos “will be an argument of our weakness, and your hatred of our power, among those we have rule over.” Just and Unjust Wars
It will inspire rebellion throughout the islands, wherever men and women are “offended with the necessity of subjection”—and what subject is not offended, eager for freedom, resentful of his conquerors? ‘When the Athenian generals say that men “will everywhere reign over such as they be too strong for,” they are not only describing the desire for glory and command, but also the more narrow neces- sity of inter-state politics: reign or be subject. Just and Unjust Wars
They face a harsher necessity: yield or be destroyed. Just and Unjust Wars
The Melians, on the other hand, are too weak to conquer. Just and Unjust Wars
but unfit to be spoken by Athenians . Just and Unjust Wars
REALITY OF WAR - Against “Realism” they were used to defend, and thinks we might have missed it had he permitted the generals to speak as they probably in fact spoke, weaving “fair pretenses” over their vile actions. Just and Unjust Wars
We are to undet- stand that Athens is no longer itself. Just and Unjust Wars
The dialogue between the generals and the magistrates is a liter- ary and philosophical construction of Thucydides. Just and Unjust Wars
There were some Athenians, at least, who had doubtš about that, and more who doubted that the empire had to be a uniform system of domination and subjection (as the policy adopted for Melos suggested). Just and Unjust Wars
And for the participants ~n the debate, the outcome is not going to be determined “by a necessity of nature,” but by the opinions they hold or come to hold as a result of the arguments they hear and then by the decisions they freely make, individually and collectively. Just and Unjust Wars
But the claim can only be made afterwards, for inevitability here is mediated by a process of polit- ical deliberation, and Thucydides could not know what was in- evitable until that process had been completed. Just and Unjust Wars
and began to consider what a great and cruel decree it was, that not the authors only, but that the whole city should be destroyed.” Just and Unjust Wars
It is the appeal to interest that triumphs—as has often been pointed out—though it should be remembered that the occasion for the appeal was the repentance of the citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
The second claim is closely related to the first. Just and Unjust Wars
It refers to no purposes that we can make our ownand to no goals that we can share with others. Just and Unjust Wars
For One calleth wisdom, what another calleth fear; and one cruelty what another justice; one prodigality, what another magnanimity etc. Just and Unjust Wars
When the Melians insist that their cause is just,. Just and Unjust Wars
The cruelty of the Athenians consisted in seeking to punish not only the authors of the rebellion but others as well, and Cleon agreed that that would indeed be cruel. Just and Unjust Wars
“Let not the fault be laid upon a few, and the people absolved. Just and Unjust Wars
I must say this or that, and at many points in a long argument this or that will be true or false. Just and Unjust Wars
In Chapter XXI of Leviathan, Hobbes urges that we make allowance for the “natural timorous- ness” of mankind. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose we sometimes do behave that way, but it is not the case (nor does Hobbes, when it comes to cases, suppose that it is) that the judgments we make can only be understood in these terms. Just and Unjust Wars
and we have to provide concrete evidence that the story is true. Just and Unjust Wars
They argue about what ought to be done. Just and Unjust Wars
Every confused and cowardly commander describes his hesitations and panics as part of an elabordte plan; the strategic vocabulary is as available to him as it is to a competent commander. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be a great triumph * Hence we can “unmask” strategic discourse just as Thucydides did with moral discourse. Just and Unjust Wars
“When armies fight, there is on one side, or both a running away; yet when they do it not out of treachery, but fear, they are not esteemed to do it unjustly, but dishonorably.” Just and Unjust Wars
It is only when their substantive content is fairly clear that moral and strategic terms can be used imperatively, and the wisdom they embody expressed in the form of rules. Just and Unjust Wars
One might construct out of such commands a moral or a stratègic war plan, and then it would be important to notice whether or not the actual conduct of the war conformed to the plan. Just and Unjust Wars
It should be read alongside some strategic anal- ysis of Waterloo like that of Major General Fuller, who views the battle as an organized series of maneuvers and counter-maneuvers.10 Just and Unjust Wars
He suggests that strategic imperatives have been ignored; he looks for lessons to be learned. Just and Unjust Wars
It is by the assignment of such meanings that we make war what it is—which is to say that it could be (and it probably has been) something different. Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt the moral reality of war is not the same for us as it was for Genghis Khan; nor is the strategic reality. Just and Unjust Wars
But when the outcry of’ the lackeys and boys which ran away for fear of the Frenchmen . Just and Unjust Wars
Historical Relativism Against this view, however, Hobbist relativism is often given a social or historical form: moral and strategic knowledge, it is said, changes over time or varies among political communities, and so what appears to me as ignorance may look like understanding to someone else. Just and Unjust Wars
Since slaughter is the killing of men as if they were animals—it “makes a massacre,” wrote the poet Dryden, “what was a war”—it cannot often be called necessary. Just and Unjust Wars
In exactly the same way, we might regard the battle plan of the French commander as strategically problematic, because it accepted the risks of a frontal assault on a prepared position. Just and Unjust Wars
They usually find it preferable to stress the painfulness of decision-making; it is one of the burdens of office, and it is best if the burdens appear to be borne. Just and Unjust Wars
In moral life, ignorance isn’t all that common; dishonesty is far more so. Just and Unjust Wars
Even those soldiers and statesmen who don’t feel the agony of a problematic decision generally know that they should feel it. Just and Unjust Wars
Harry Truman’s flat statement th,at he never lost a night’s sleep over his decision to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima is not the sort of thing political leaders often say. Just and Unjust Wars
Wherever we find hypocrisy, we also find moral knowledge. Just and Unjust Wars
And if my own readers find my arguments incomprehensible and bizarre, that will not be because of the impossibility of moral discourse or the inconstant signification of the words I use, but because of my own failure to grasp and expound our common morality. Just and Unjust Wars
The second is adverbial: we say that the war is being fought justly or unjustly. Just and Unjust Wars
The next chapter introduces Part Three, where I will discuss the legitimate means of warfare, the substantive rules, and show how these rules apply in combat conditions and how they are modi- fied by “military necessity.” Just and Unjust Wars
The Logic of War Why is it wrong to begin a war? We know the answer all too well. Just and Unjust Wars
Then, per- haps, the best way to describe the crime of war is simply to say that there are no limits at either of these points: people are killed with every conceivable brutality, and all sorts of people, without distinction of age or sex or moral condition, are killed. Just and Unjust Wars
It is his eafly definitions (rather than his later qualifica- 22 THE MORAL REALITY OF WAR The Crime of War lions) that have shaped the ideas of his successors, and so it is worth considering them in some detail. Just and Unjust Wars
What re- sults is a “reciprocal action,” a continuous escalation, in which neither side is guilty even if it acts first, since every act can be called and almost certainly is pre-emptive. Just and Unjust Wars
War, he writes, “may be a thing which is sometimes war in a greater, sometimes in a lesser degree.” Just and Unjust Wars
And again, “There can be wars of all degrees of importance and energy, from a war of extermination down to a mere state of armed observation.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
In this or that struggle, we endure (or commit) this or that brutality, which can always be described in concrete terms. Just and Unjust Wars
The same questions can be introduced in another way. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the social and històrical conditions that “modify” war are not to be considered as accidental or external to war itself, for war is a social creation. Just and Unjust Wars
As both anthopological and historical accounts suggest, they can de- cide, and in a considerable variety of cultural settings they have decided, that war is limited war—that is, they have built certain notions about who can fight, what tactics are acceptable, when battle has to be broken off, and what prerogatives go with victory 24 T~ MoRAL, REALITY OF WAR The Crime of War into the idea of war itself.* Just and Unjust Wars
Here the case is the same as with other human activities (politics and commerce, for example): it’s not what people do, the physical motions they go through, that are crucial, but the institutions, practices, conventions that they make. Just and Unjust Wars
Limited war is always specific to a time and place, but so is every escalation, including the escalation beyond which war is hell. Just and Unjust Wars
War is not usefully described as an act of force without some specification of the context in which the act takes place and from which it derives its.meaning. Just and Unjust Wars
The Lhnit of Consent Some wars are not hell, and it will be best to begin with them. Just and Unjust Wars
Here is a “contention by arms” that has often captured the imagination, not only of children, but also of romantic adults. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of mercenaries and professional soldiers is more com- plex and needs to be examined with some care. Just and Unjust Wars
Wars had to be won, as two of the condottieri wrote, “rather by industry and cunning than by actual clash of arms.”8 Just and Unjust Wars
But, * \Ve can glimpse the mood of the happy warrior in a letter that Rupert Brooke wrote to a friend at the very beginning of World War I, before he knew what it would be like: “Come and die. Just and Unjust Wars
It’ll be great fun.” Just and Unjust Wars
Ruskin makes this point well when he tells his aristocratic warriors: “Remember, whatever virtue and goodliness there may be in this game of war, rightly played, there is none when you. Just and Unjust Wars
The distinction is too gross; in fact there are intermediate positions; but the more a soldier fights be- cause he is committed to a “common cause,” the more likely we are to regard it as a crime to force him to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
Mercenaries are professional soldiers who sell their services on the open market, but there are other professionals who serve only their own prince or people and, though they may earn their bread by soldiering, disdain the name of mercenary. Just and Unjust Wars
For the state decrees that an army of a certain size be raised, and it sets out to find the necessary men, using all the techniques of coercion and persuasion at its dis- posal. Just and Unjust Wars
“Hitherto soldiers had been costly, now they were cheap; battles had been avoided, now they were sought, and how- ever heavy were the losses, they could rapidly be made good by the muster-roll.”3 Just and Unjust Wars
Political self-determination is not, judging from twentieth cen- tury history, an adequate substitute, though it isn’t easy to think of one that would be better. Just and Unjust Wars
It is best described by paraphrasing Trotsky’s aphorism about the dialectic: “You may not be interested in war, but war is interested in you.” Just and Unjust Wars
The stakes are high, and the interest that military organizations take in an indi- vidual who would prefer to be somewhere else, doing something 29 else, is frightening indeed. Just and Unjust Wars
For in one sense at least, soldiers in battle and nonparticipating civilians are not so different: the soldiers would almost certainly be nonparticipants if they could. Just and Unjust Wars
When soldiers believe themselves to be fighting against aggres- sion, war is no longer a condition to be endured. Just and Unjust Wars
The experience of war as hell generates what might be called a higher ambition: one doesn’t aim to settle with the enemy but to defeat and punish him and, if not to abolish the tyranny of war, at least to reduce the probability of future oppression. Just and Unjust Wars
General Sherman and the Burning of Atlanta We are now in a position to understand what Sherman had in mind when he first announced that war is hell. Just and Unjust Wars
He made such judgments freely, and he surely thought of himself as a righteous soldier. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor ìs he the only general to think that if his cause is just he can- not be blamed for the death and destruction he spreads around him—for war is hell. Just and Unjust Wars
It is the Clausewitzian idea of limitlessness that is at work here, and if that idea is right, there would indeed be no response to Sherman’s argument. Just and Unjust Wars
That’s why General Sherman, though he insisted that the cruelty of war could not be refined, claimed nevertheless to be refining it. Just and Unjust Wars
,“ he wrote, “whether it be more humane to fight with a town full of women [and children] at our back or to remove them in time to places of safety among their own friends and people.” Just and Unjust Wars
When we focus exclusively on the fact of aggression, we are likely to lose sight of that responsibility and to talk as if there were only one morally relevant decision to be made in the course of a war: to attack or not to attack (to resist or not to resist). Just and Unjust Wars
Even in hell, it is possible to be more or less humane, to fight with or without restraint. Just and Unjust Wars
We must try to understand how this can be so. Just and Unjust Wars
But the tyranny of war is no more limitless than is political tyranny. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose that it survives today: some sense of military honor is still the creed of the professional soldier, the sociological if not the lineal descend- ent of the feudal knight. Just and Unjust Wars
The military code is reconstructed under the conditions of modern warfare so that it comes to rest not on aristo- cratic freedom but on military servitude. Just and Unjust Wars
While it may be an example of what Marxists call “false consciousness” that they do not blame the ruling class of their own or of the enemy country, the fact is that their condemnation focuses most immediately on the men with whom they are engaged. Just and Unjust Wars
soldier, though his war may well be criminal, is nevertheless as blameless as oneself. Just and Unjust Wars
They are entitled to kill, not anyone, but men whom we know to be victims. Just and Unjust Wars
They can try to kill me, and I can try to kill them. Just and Unjust Wars
Both sides fought for love of a fight, out of a sense of duty or, more probably, for money has . Just and Unjust Wars
“It was Rommel who burned the Com- mando Order issued by Hitler on 28 October 1942, which laid down that all enemy soldiers encountered behind the German line were to be killed at once. Just and Unjust Wars
Is such a man a comrade? Can one treat him with courtesy, can one shake his hand? These are the fine points of moral conduct; I do not know how they might be re- solved, though I am sympathetic with Eisenhower’s resolution. Just and Unjust Wars
But I am sure, nevertheless, that Rommel should be praised for burning the Commando Order, and everyone who writes about these matters seems equally sure, and that implies something very important about the nature of war. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be very odd to praise Rommel for not killing prisoners unless we simultaneously refused to blame him for Hitler’s aggres- sive wars. Just and Unjust Wars
there is nothing to justify the killing and these murders are not to be distinguished from those of any other lawless robber bands.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
For otherwise he is simply a criminal, and all the fighting he does is murder or attempted murder, whether he aims at soldiers in battle or at prisoners or at civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
But where the war is illegal . Just and Unjust Wars
We still have misgivings in his case, and will continue to have them, for he was more than just unlucky in his “Tsar and country.” Just and Unjust Wars
It might, however, be thought a matter of individual volition whether particular men join the army and participate in the war. Just and Unjust Wars
Catholic writers have long argued that they ought not to volunteer, ought not to serve at all, if they know the war to be unjust. Just and Unjust Wars
It takes courage to doubt these reasons, or to doubt them in public; and so long as they are only doubted, most men will be persuaded (by arguments something like Vitoria’s) to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
But it isn’t elitist merely to recognize the existence of authority structures and socialization processes in the political community, and it may be morally in. Just and Unjust Wars
Without the equal right to kill, war as a rule-governed activity would disappear and be replaced by crime and punishment, by evil conspiracies and military law enforcement. Just and Unjust Wars
That disappearance seems to be heralded by the United Nations Charter, where the word “war” does not appear but only “aggression,” “self-defense,” “international en- forcement,” and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
My chief concern is with the second, for there the formulation and reformulation of the rules reach to one of the hardest questions in the theory of war—that is, how those victims of war who can be attacked and killed are to be distinguished from those who cannot. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t believe that this question must be an- swered in this or that specific way if war is to be a moral condition. Just and Unjust Wars
It is necessary, however, that at any particular moment there be 4’ an answer. Just and Unjust Wars
Rules specifying how and when soldiers can be killed are by no means unimportant, and yet the morality of war would not be radically transformed were they to be abolished altogether. Just and Unjust Wars
The arrows fly less accurately than they would if they were feathered; they can be dodged; few men are killed.’8 Just and Unjust Wars
It is clearly a good rule, then, that arrows not be feathered, and we may fairly condemn the warrior who first arms himself with the superior and forbidden weapon and hits his enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
Yet the man he kills was liable to be killed in any case, and a collective (intertribal) decision to fight with feathered arrows would not violate any basic moral principle. Just and Unjust Wars
The case is the same with all other rules of this kind: that soldiers be preceded into battle by a herald carrying a red flag, that fighting always be broken off at sunset, that ambushes and surprise attacks be pro- hibited, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Any rule that limits the intensity and duration of combat or the suffering of soldiers is to be welcomed, but none of these restraints seem crucial to the idea of war as a moral con- dition. Just and Unjust Wars
It is most dramatically ex- emplified when war is actually a combat between military cham- They are also susceptible to the kind of reciprocal violation legitimized by the* doctrine of reprisal: violated by one side, they can be violated by the other. Just and Unjust Wars
Eut this does not seem to be true of the other sort of rules, described below. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence, the details of noncombatant immunity are likely to seem as arbitrary as the rules that determine when battles should start and stop or what weapons may be used. Just and Unjust Wars
here is an example from an ancient Indian text, according to which the following groups of people are not to be subjected to the exigencies of battle: “Those who look on without taking part, those afflicted with grief . Just and Unjust Wars
Once again, war is a social creation. Just and Unjust Wars
They are more important by far, but similarly subject to social revision. Just and Unjust Wars
War is so awful that it makes us cynical about the possibility of restraint, and then it is so much worse that it makes us indignant at the absence of restraint. Just and Unjust Wars
Prisoners of war have a right to try to escape—they cannot be punished for the attempt—but if they kill a guard in order to escape, the killing is not an act of war; it is murder. Just and Unjust Wars
Only because there is no escape from hell, it might be said, have we labored to create a world of rules within it. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely it would be foolish then to fight according to the rules. Just and Unjust Wars
The all- important task would be to win. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is always important to win, for victory can always be described as an escape from hell. Just and Unjust Wars
It should be allowable, with that view, to employ all means save those that are absolutely objectionable.”8 Just and Unjust Wars
Must its provisions, must this particular provision be obeyed? When victory means the defeat of aggression, the question is not only important; it is painfully diffi- cult. Just and Unjust Wars
This refusal of differentiation makes it difficult to mark off the relative serious- ness of aggressive acts—to distinguish, for example, the seizure of a piece of land or the imposition of a satellite regime from con- quest itself, the destruction of a state’s independence (a crime for which Abba Eban, Israel’s foreign minister in 1967, suggested the name “policide”). Just and Unjust Wars
The state that does resist, whose soldiers risk their lives and die, does so because its leaders and people think that they should or 52 For never two such kingdoms did contend Without much fall of blood, whose guiltless drops Are every one a woe, a sore complaint ‘Gainst him whose wrongs gives edge unto the swords That makes such waste in brief mortality. Just and Unjust Wars
“A conqueror,” writes Clausewitz, “is always a lover of peace (as Bonaparte always asserted of himself); he would like to make his entry into our state unopposed; in order to prevent this, we must choose war . Just and Unjust Wars
Individual rights (to life and liberty) underlie the most important judgments that we make about war. Just and Unjust Wars
How these rights are themselves founded I cannot try to explain here. Just and Unjust Wars
If they are not natural, then we have invented them, but natural or invented, they are a palpable feature of our moral world. Just and Unjust Wars
States’ rights are simply their collective form. Just and Unjust Wars
The process of collectiviza- tion is a complex one. Just and Unjust Wars
But this is consent of a special sort. Just and Unjust Wars
State rights are not constituted through a series of transfers from individuál men and women to the sovereign or through a series of exchanges among individuals. Just and Unjust Wars
Aggression is morally as well as physi- cally coercive, and that is one of the most important things about it. Just and Unjust Wars
During the next several decades, the question was frequently asked, whether a French attack aimed at regaining the lost lands would be justified. Just and Unjust Wars
When this change has taken place, the moral effect of the unjust transfer must be regarded as obliterated; so that any attempt to recover the transferred territory, becomes itself an aggression... Just and Unjust Wars
And territorial integrity is a fuuction of national cx- istence, not of nationalization (any more than of private owner- ship). Just and Unjust Wars
When land is in fact empty and available, the answer must be that it is not aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
But what if the land is not actually empty but, as Thomas Hobbes says in Leviathan, “not sufficiently inhabited”? Hobbes goes on to argue that in such a case, the would-be settlers must “not exterminate those they find there but constrain them to inhabit closer together.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
It must be added, however, that what is at stake is not only the lives of individuals but also the common life that they have made. Just and Unjust Wars
Now, the boundaries that exist at any moment in time are likely to be arbitrary, poorly drawn, the products of ancient wars. Just and Unjust Wars
The mapmakers are likely to have been ignorant, drunken, or corrupt. Just and Unjust Wars
Within that world, men and women (let us assume) are safe from attack; once the lines are crossed, safety is gone. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t want to sug- 57 gest that every boundary dispute is a reason for war. Just and Unjust Wars
As we experience it, that society might be likened to a defective building, founded on rights; its superstructure raised, like that of the state itself, through political conflict, cooperative activity, and commercial exchange; the whole thing shaky and un- stable because it lacks the rivets of authority. Just and Unjust Wars
Police powers are distributed among all the members. Just and Unjust Wars
And these members have not done enough in the exercise of their powers if they merely contain the aggression or bring it to a speedy end—as if the police should stop a murderer after he has killed only one or two people and send him on his way. Just and Unjust Wars
Resistance is important so that rights can be maintained and future aggressors deterred. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the second presumption: when fighting breaks out, there must always be some state against which the law can and should be enforced. Just and Unjust Wars
Someone must be responsible, for someone decided to break the peace of the society of states. Just and Unjust Wars
No war, as medieval theologians explained, can be just on both sides.1° Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it poses a radical challenge to the coOventions: if aggression can be resisted, and at least some- times successfully resisted, without war, it may be a less serious crime than has commonly been supposed. Just and Unjust Wars
The second case is illustrated by those wars that Marxists call “imperialist,” which are not fought between con- querors and victims but between conquerors and conquerors, each side seeking dominion over the other or the two of them com- peting to dominate some third party. Just and Unjust Wars
In a recent . Just and Unjust Wars
~ The theory of aggression first takes shape under the aegis of the domestic analogy. Just and Unjust Wars
I am going to call that primary form of the theory the legalist paradigm, since it consistently reflects the con- ventions of law and order. Just and Unjust Wars
Later on, I will suggest that our judgments about the justice and injustice of particular wars are not entirely determined by the paradigm. Just and Unjust Wars
We begin with the familiar world of individuals and rights, of crimes and punish- ments. Just and Unjust Wars
i. States are the members of this society, not private men and women. Just and Unjust Wars
A state cannot be said to be forced to fight unless the necessity is both obvious and urgent. Just and Unjust Wars
There must actually have been a wrong, and it must actually have been received (or its receipt must be, as it were, only minutes away). Just and Unjust Wars
Once the aggressor state has been militarily repulsed, it can also be punished. Just and Unjust Wars
The conception of just war as an act of punish- ment is very old, though neither the procedures nor the forms of punishment have ever been firmly established in customary or posi- tive international law. Just and Unjust Wars
‘Whether the state as a whole or only particular persons are the proper objects of punishment is a harder question, for reasons I will consider later on. Just and Unjust Wars
Until wars are really fought with pawns, inanimate objects and not human beings, warfare cannot be iso- lated from moral life. Just and Unjust Wars
If the Prussians are victorious, then the centralization of staté power will be favorable to the cenfralization of the working class. Just and Unjust Wars
Even the most advanced members of the German work- ing class would not be willing to kill French workers for the sake of German unity or to risk their own lives merely in order to en- hance the power of their party (or of Marx’~s theory!) Just and Unjust Wars
Nothing that he did, however, can plausibly be said to have threátened the terri- torial integrity or political sovereignty of France; nothing that he did forced the French to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
Some six weeks later, the war of defense was over, Germany was triumphant at Sedan, Bonaparte a prisoner, his empire overthrown. Just and Unjust Wars
It has little in common with Marx’s philosophic pronouncements on morality and little in common with the reflections on international politics that fill his letters. Just and Unjust Wars
but this was not the effect of Marxism, at least not with regard to international warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
66 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Law and Order in International Society The Argument for Appeasement The war of 1870 is a hard case because, with the exception of those French liberals and socialists who challenged Bonaparte and those German social-democrats who condemned the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, none of its participants are very attractive. Just and Unjust Wars
But in the context of international politics, an alternative utilitarian argument is almost always available. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is a claim that might have been met through some sort of autonomy within the Czech state or through boundary changes considerably less drastiò than those that Hitler demanded at Munich. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, Hitler’s goals reached far beyond the vindication of a right, and Chámberlain and Daladier knew this, or should have known it, and surrendered anyway.24 Just and Unjust Wars
But appeasement, by the victim or the others, would not necessarily be immoral—this is Vann’s argument—and there might even be a duty to seek peace at the expense of justice. Just and Unjust Wars
Then appeasement would be, quite simply, a failure to resist evil in the world. Just and Unjust Wars
For there can be no doubt that Nazism represented the rule of violence~ and that its true character was sufficiently known at the time. Just and Unjust Wars
And there can be no doubt that Czechoslovakia was surrendered to Nazism in 1938; the remnants of its territory and sovereignty could not be defended—at least not by the Czechs— and that, too, was known at the time. Just and Unjust Wars
Now that is exactly what the Munich agreement was. Just and Unjust Wars
But the situation of Finland a few months later was different. Just and Unjust Wars
The first question cannot be answered flatly either way; the choice belongs to the Finns. Just and Unjust Wars
But against all this must be set the vindication of Finnish independence. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor can its value be measured even now; it involves national pride and self-respect as much as freedom in policy-making (which no state possesses absolutely and Finland, since 1940, to a lesser degree than many). Just and Unjust Wars
If the Finnish war is commonly thought to have been worthwhile, it is because independence is not a value that can easily be traded off.* Just and Unjust Wars
Our values would also have been diminished, however, had Stalin quickly overwhelmed the Finns and then treated them as the Athenians did the Melians. Just and Unjust Wars
The new borders established in March 1940 were far worse than those that had been offered to Finland four months earlier; thousands of Finnish soldiers (and a greater number of Russians) were dead; hundreds of thousands of Finnish civilians were driven from their homes. Just and Unjust Wars
* ~~ is probably less important, then, that these calculations be rightly made (since we cannot be sure what that would mean) than that they be made by the right people, One might usefully compare the decisions of the Melians and the Finns in this regard. Just and Unjust Wars
Both individuals and states can rightfully defend themselves against violence that is imminent but not actual; they can fire the first shots if they know themselves about to be attacked. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus the argument of Secretary of State Daniel Webster in the Caroline case of 1842 (the details of which need not concern us here): in order to justify pre-emptive violence, Webster wrote, there must be shown “a necessity of self-defense . Just and Unjust Wars
Webster’s for- mula seems to be the favored one among students of international law, but I don’t believe that it addresses itself usefully to the experience of imminent war. Just and Unjust Wars
There is often plenty of time for deliberation, agonizing hours, days, even weeks of deliberation, when one doubts that war can be avoided and wonders whether or not to strike first. Just and Unjust Wars
Imagine a spectrum of anticipation: at one end is Webster’s rç- flex, necessary and determined; at the other end is preventive war, an attack that responds to a distant danger, a matter of foresight and free choice. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the decision to begin at least resembles the decision to fight a preventive war, and it is important to distinguish the criteria by which it is defended from those that were once thought to justify prevention. Just and Unjust Wars
75 Preventive War and the Balance of Power Preventive war presupposes some standard against which danger is to be measured. Just and Unjust Wars
But in his Enquiy Concerning the Principles of Morals (Section III, Part I), Hume writes: “The rage and violence of public war: what is it but a suspension of justice among the warring parties, who perceive that this virtue is now no longer of any use or advantage to them” Nor is it possible, according to Hume,’ that this suspension itself be just or unjust; it is entirely a matter of necessity, as in the (Hobbist) state of nature where individuals “consult the dictates of self-preservation alone.” Just and Unjust Wars
It requires of the * The line is from David Hume’s essay “Of the Balance of Power,” where Hume describes three British wars on behalf of the balance as having been “begun with justice, and even, perhaps, from necessity.” Just and Unjust Wars
I would have considered his argument at length had I found it possible to place it within his philosophy. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument is utilitarian in form; it can be summed up in two propositions: (1) that the balance of power actually does pre- serve the liberties of Europe (perhaps also the happiness of Euro- peans) and is therefore worth defending even at some cost, and (z) that to fight early, before the balance tips in any decisive way, greatly reduces the cost of the defense, while waiting doesn’t mean avoiding war (unless one also gives up liberty) but only fighting on a larger scale and at worse odds. Just and Unjust Wars
We need to make judgments about our neighbor’s intentions, and if such judgments are to be pos- sible we must stipulate certain acts or sets of acts that will count as evidence of malignity. Just and Unjust Wars
These stipulations are not arbitrary; they are generated, I think, when we reflect upon what it means to be threat- ened. Just and Unjust Wars
Not merely to be afraid, though rational men and women may well respond fearfully to a genuine threat, and their subjective experience is not an unimportant part of the argument for antici- pation. Just and Unjust Wars
That standard must refer to the threatening acts of some neighboring state, for (leaving aside the dangers of natural disaster) I can only be threatened by someone who is -threat- ening me, where “threaten” means what the dictionary says it means: “to hold out or offer (some injury) by way of a threat, to declare one’s intention of inflicting injury.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
- - The War of the Spanish Succession Writing in the 1750s, the Swiss jurist Vattel suggested the following criteria for legitimate prevention: “Whenever a state has given signs of injustice, rapacity, pride, ambition, or of an imperious thirst of rule, it becomes a suspicious neighbor to be guarded against: and at a juncture when it is on the point of receiving a formidable augmentation of power, securities may be asked, and on its making any difficulty to give them, its designs may be prevented by force of arms.”5 Just and Unjust Wars
The mere augmentation of power, it seems to me; cannot be a warrant for war or even the beginning of warrant, and for much the same reason that Bacon’s commercial expansion (“embracing of trade”) is also and even more obviously insufficient. Just and Unjust Wars
For both of these suggest developments that may not be politically designed at all and hence cannot be taken as evidence of intent. Just and Unjust Wars
As Vattel says, Anjou had been invited to his throne “by the [Spanish] na- tion, conformably to the will of its last sovereign”—that is, though there can be no question here of democratic decision-making, he had been invited for Spanish and not for French reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
?“~ Nor is Louis’ refusal to make promises relating to some future time to be taken as evidence of design—only, perhaps, of hope. Just and Unjust Wars
They don’t recog- nize the problem that killing and being killed poses. Just and Unjust Wars
(How 79 many of the British soldiers who shipped to the continent with Marlborough ever returned? Did anyone bother to count?) But the point is an important one anyway, for it suggests why people have come to feel uñeasy about preventive war. Just and Unjust Wars
It is inevitable, of, course, that political calculations will some- times go wrong; so will moral choices; there is no such thing as perfect security. Just and Unjust Wars
In the first case, we confront an army recognizably hostile, ready for war, fixed in a posture of attack. Just and Unjust Wars
The line between legitimate and illegitimate first strikes is not going to be drawn at the point of imminent attack but at the point of sufficient threat. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument may be made more clear if I compare these criteria to Vattel’s. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, they believed themselves justified in attacking first by the dramatic events of the previous weeks. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be possible, of course, to look further back still, to the whole course of the Arab-Jewish conflict in the Middle East. Just and Unjust Wars
Wars undoubtedly have long political and moral pre-histories. Just and Unjust Wars
It follows from this that Israel had no right of anticipation since it had no right of self- defense. Just and Unjust Wars
The Egyptian military buildup continued, and on May 22, President Nasser announced that the Straits of Tiran would henceforth be closed to Israeli shipping. Just and Unjust Wars
The war might then be dated from May 22, and the Israeli attack of June ~ described simply as its first military incident: wars often begin before the fighting of them does. Just and Unjust Wars
If it can sometimes be justified by reference to previous events, it neverthe- less has to be justified. Just and Unjust Wars
In a major speech on May 29, Nasser made that justification much easier by announcing that if war came the Egyptian goal would be nothing less than the destruction of Israel. Just and Unjust Wars
For all the excitement and fear that their actions generated, it is unlikely that the Egyptians intended to begin the war them- selves. Just and Unjust Wars
Nasser would almost certainly have regarded it as a great victory if he could have closed the Straits and main- tained his army on Israel’s borders without war. Just and Unjust Wars
But it would be difficult in this case to make an argument for its necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
Egypt was in the grip of a war fever, familiar enough from European history, a celebration in advance of expected victories. Just and Unjust Wars
I have already argued that fear by itself establishes no right of anticipation. Just and Unjust Wars
He said this often enough, but it is also and more importantly true that his military moves served no other, more limited goal. Just and Unjust Wars
The formula is permissive, but it implies restrictions that can usefully be unpacked only with reference to particular cases. Just and Unjust Wars
But what those measures might be, or how long they must be tried, cannot be a matter of a priori stipulation. Just and Unjust Wars
When we do that we are ac- knowledging that there are threats with which no nation can be expected to live. Just and Unjust Wars
It is obvious, for example, that measures short of war are preferable to war itself whenever they hold out the hope of similar or nearly similar effectiveness. Just and Unjust Wars
A general rule containing words like “seriously” opens a broad path for human judgment—which it ~s, no doubt, the purpose of the legalist paradigm to narrow or block altogether. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is a fact of our moral life that political leaders make such judgments, and that once they are made the rest of us do not uniformly condemn them. Just and Unjust Wars
The burden of proof falls on any political leader who tries to shape the domestic arrangements or alter the conditions of life in a foreign country. Just and Unjust Wars
The precise nature of this right is nicely worked out by John Stuart Mill in a short article published in the same year as the treatise On Liberty (1859) and especially useful to us because the individual/community analogy was very much in Mill’s mind as he wrote.’ Just and Unjust Wars
Though Mill’s argument can be cast in utilitarian terms, the harshness of his conclusions suggests that this is not its most appropriate form. Just and Unjust Wars
The Millian view of self-determination seems to make utilitarian calculation unnecessary, or at least subsidiary to an understanding of communal liberty. Just and Unjust Wars
Self-determination, then, is the right of a people “to become free by their own efforts” if they can, and noniritervention is the principle guaranteeing that their success will not be impeded or their failure prevented by the intrusions of an alien power. Just and Unjust Wars
It has to be stressed that there is no right to be protected against the consequences of domestic failure, even against a bloody repres- sion. Just and Unjust Wars
A recent American commentator, eager to be helpful, has argued that Mill’s position involves “a kind of Darwinian definition [The Origin of the Species was also published in 1859] of self-determination as survival of the fittest within the national boundaries, even if fittest means most adept in the use of force.”3 Just and Unjust Wars
And “the only test. Just and Unjust Wars
No one can, and no one should, do it for them. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, of course, not every independent state is free, but the recognition of sovereignty is the only way we have of establishing an arena within which freedom can be fought for and (sometimes) won. Just and Unjust Wars
It is this arena and the activities that go on within it that we want to protect, and we protect them, much as we protect individual integrity, by marking out boundaries that cannot be crossed, rights that cannot be vio- lated. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet the ban on boundary crossings is not absolute—in part because of the arbitrary and accidental character of state bound- aries, in part because of the ambiguous relation of the political community or communities within those boundaries to the govern- ment that defends them. Just and Unjust Wars
Despite Mill’s very general account of self-determination, it isn’t always clear when a community is in fact self-determining, when it qualifies, so to speak, for noninter- vention. Just and Unjust Wars
Mill believed that there were incompetent peoples, barbarians, in whose interest it was to be conquered and held in subjection by foreigners. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be more exact, from Mill’s standpoint, to formulate the relevant principle in this way: always act so as to recognize and uphold communal autonomy. Just and Unjust Wars
International society can no longer be divided into civilized and barbarian halves; any line drawn on developmental principles leaves barbarians on both sides. Just and Unjust Wars
Secession The Hungarian Revolution For many years before 1848, Hungary had been a part of the Hapsburg Empire. Just and Unjust Wars
In the course of the war, the new government shifted leftwards; in April 1849, a republic was proclaimed under the presidency of Lajos Kossuth.4 Just and Unjust Wars
Writing ten years later, Mill argued that the British should have responded to this intervention with an intervention of their own.6 Just and Unjust Wars
The problem with a secessionist movement is that one cannot be sure that it in fact represents a distinct community until it has rallied its own people and made some headway in the “ardu- ous struggle” for freedom. Just and Unjust Wars
The mere appeal to the principle of self-determination isn’t enough; evidence must be provided that a community actually exists whose members are committed to independence and ready and able to determine the conditions of their own existence.7 Just and Unjust Wars
The Katangan controversy of the early 196os suggests the possible difficulties of such cases—and invites us to worry also about the motives of intervening states. Just and Unjust Wars
But what was missing in Katanga was a genuine national movement capable, on its own, of “arduous struggle.” Just and Unjust Wars
So justice and prudence are (with a certain worldly relish) set in opposition to one another in a way that Mill never imagined they could be. Just and Unjust Wars
He thought, naively perhaps, that the world would be more orderly if none of its political communi- ties were oppressed by foreign rule. Just and Unjust Wars
He even hoped that Britain would one day be powerful enough, and have the necessary “spirit and courage,” to insist “that not a gun [should] be fired in Europe by the soldiers of one Power against the revolted subjects of an- other,” and to put itself “at the head of an alliance of free peo- ples . Just and Unjust Wars
But the relation between virtue and prudence in such cases is not easy to make out. Just and Unjust Wars
A state contemplating in- tervention or counter-intervention will for prudential reasons weigh the dangers to itself, but it must also, and for moral reasons, weigh the dangers its action will impose on the peòple it is designed to benefit and on all other people who may be affected. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus far prudence can be, and has to be, accommodated within the argument for justice. Just and Unjust Wars
But it should be said that this deference to third party rights is not at the same time a deference to the local political interests of the great powers. Just and Unjust Wars
An inter- vention is not just if it subjects third parties to terrible risks: the subjection cancels the justice. Just and Unjust Wars
And clearly, an American threat of atomic war in 1956 would have been morally as well as politically irresponsible. Just and Unjust Wars
So it is with regard to wars between states, but in civil wars there seem to be very good (Millian) reasons for making it obligatory. Just and Unjust Wars
In such cases, the lawyers commonly apply a qualified version of the self-help test.1° Just and Unjust Wars
Some military re- sponse is probably required at such moments if the values of inde- pendence and community are to be sustained. Just and Unjust Wars
He would have to have some notions about the value of the fight, and given the ordinary conditions of domestic society, those would be strange no- tions for him to have., Just and Unjust Wars
Fortunately, it seems to be ac- cepted by virtually no one and need not detain us here. Just and Unjust Wars
Had the new regime been able to rally sup- port at home, Vietnam today would have joined the dual states of Germany and Korea, and Geneva 1954 would be remembered only as the setting for another cold war partition. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument might be put more narrowly: a government that receives economic and technical aid, military supply, strategic and 98 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Interventions side of the bond and hence no genuine bond at all. Just and Unjust Wars
It must be the case that it survives because of the outside help it receives and for no other, no local reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
The Saigon regime was so much an American creature that the U.S. government’s claim to be committed to it and obligated to ensure its survival is hard to understand. Just and Unjust Wars
If one were writing a legal brief, these matters would be critically important, for the Anierican claim is that the North Vietnamese were illegally supporting a local insurgency, with both men and material, at a time when the U.S. was still providing only economic assistance and military supply to a legitimate gover~nment. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be better to say that the U.S. was literally propping up a government—and shortly a series of gov- ernments—without a local political base, while the North Viet- namese were assisting an insurgent movement with deep roots in the countryside. Just and Unjust Wars
Some notion of symmetry is relevant here, though it cannot be fixed absolutely in arithmetic terms. Just and Unjust Wars
When a state sets out to maintain or restore the integrity of a local struggle, its military activity should be roughly equivalent to that of the other intervening states. Just and Unjust Wars
We can help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as advisors, but they have to win it—the people of Vietnam against the Commu- nists . Just and Unjust Wars
Though an event like the Nazi holo- caust is without precedent in human history, murder on a smaller scale is so common as to be almost ordinary. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand— or perhaps for this very reason—clear examples of what is called “humanitarian intervention” are very rare.’8 Just and Unjust Wars
* It is not necessarily an argument against humanitarian inter- vention that it is, at best, partially humanitarian, but it is a reason to be skeptical and to look closely at the other parts. Just and Unjust Wars
Cuba, 1898, and Bangladesh, 1971 Both these cases might be taken up under the headings of na- tional liberation and counter-intervention. Just and Unjust Wars
Here there is, or ought to be, no question of mixed motives: the only purposc is to rescue these people towards whom the intervening power has a special comO mitment. Just and Unjust Wars
Interventions designed to rescue citizens threatened with death in a foreign country have conventionally been called humanitarian, and there is no reason to deny them that name when life and death are really at issue. Just and Unjust Wars
Given such help, it was said, the insurgent forces would grow, the Spaniards could not long hold out, and the Cubans would be left to reconstruct their country (with American help) and manage their own affairs.22 Just and Unjust Wars
In his standard account of the war, Ad- miral Chadwick boasts of its relative bloodlessness: “War of itself,” he writes, “cannot be the great evil; the evil is in the horrors, many of which are not necessarily concomitant . Just and Unjust Wars
The Cuban insurgents made three requests of the United States: that we recognize their provisional government as the legitimate government of Cuba, that we provide their army with military supplies, and that American warships blockade the Cuban coast and cut off the supplies of the Spanish army. Just and Unjust Wars
But President McKinley and his advisors did not believe the Cubans capable of managing their own affairs, or they feared a radical reconstruction. Just and Unjust Wars
The two revisionist principles reflect a com- mon commitment: that intervention be as much like noninter- vention as possible. Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt, strategic as well as moral interests underlay this policy: Pakistan, India’s old enemy, was significantly weakened, while India itself avoided becoming responsible for a desperately poor nation whose internal politics was likely to be unstable and volatile for a long time to come. Just and Unjust Wars
For moral choices are not simply made; they are also judged, and so there must be criteria for judgment. Just and Unjust Wars
If these are not provided io6 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Interventions by the law, or if legal provision runs out at some point, they are nevertheless contained in our common morality, which doesn’t run out, and which still needs to be explicated after the lawyers have finished. Just and Unjust Wars
They have other things to worry about and may well be required to repress their normal feelings of indignation and outrage. Just and Unjust Wars
And given that one can make a persuasive argument in terms of those convictions, I don’t think that there is any moral reason to adopt that posture of passivity that might be called waiting for the UN (waiting for the universal state, waiting for the messiah . Just and Unjust Wars
Would the rest of the members of the U.N. be compelled to stand by and watch this operation merely because [the] requisite decision of U.N. organs was blocked and the operation did not involve an “armed attack” on any [member state] . Just and Unjust Wars
The second, third, and fourth revisions of the paradigm have this form: states can be invaded and wars justly begun to assist secessionist movements (once they have demonstrated their repre- sentative character), to balance the prior interventions of other powers, and to rescue peoples threatened with massacre. Just and Unjust Wars
And the revisions must be under- stood to include the constraints. Just and Unjust Wars
Since the constraints are often ignored, it is sometimes argued that it would be best to insist on an absolute rule of nonintervention (as it would be best to insist on an absolute rule of a nonanticipation). Just and Unjust Wars
But the absolute rule will also be ignored, and we will then have no standards by which to judge what happens next. Just and Unjust Wars
The formula is, once again, permissive, but I have tried in my discussion of par- ticular cases to indicate that the actual requirements of just inter- ventions are constraining indeed. Just and Unjust Wars
What does it mean not to have died in vain? There must be purposes that are worth dying for, outcomes for which soldiers’ lives are not too high a price. Just and Unjust Wars
But many wars end without any such dramatic ending, and many war aims can be achieved well short of destruction and overthrow. Just and Unjust Wars
We need to seek the legitimate ends of war, the goals that can rightly be aimed at. Just and Unjust Wars
These will also be the limits of a just war. Just and Unjust Wars
It is commonly said of just war theory, however, that it does not in fact draw this line at any point short of destruction and overthrow, that the most extreme military argument and the “moralist” argument coincide in requiring that war be fought to its ultimate end. Just and Unjust Wars
Once they are won, or once they are within political reach, the fighting should stop. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers killed beyond that point die need- lessly, and to force them to fight and possibly to die is a crime akin to that of aggression itself. Just and Unjust Wars
Their argument was less general and ultimately less subversive of conventional morality. Just and Unjust Wars
What is objectionable about democratic idealism, as the realists describe it, is that it sets goals that cannot possibly be reached, for which soldiers can only die in vain. Just and Unjust Wars
111 The worst of those “injuries.. Just and Unjust Wars
It would have been more precise had he said that the Allies were not bound te the German government, for the German people, the greater nûm- ber of them, at any rate, must be included under the rubric of “civi- lization.” Just and Unjust Wars
If they cannot stipulate conditions above those established in the law, it is nevertheless true that the la~ recognizes rights—the right not to be tortured, for example—which are theirs as human beings and as citizens, whatever their crimes. Just and Unjust Wars
For all his idealism, Wilson fought a limited war; his ideals set the limits. Just and Unjust Wars
(Whether these were the right limits or not is anothei question.) Just and Unjust Wars
What it does mean, he went on, is that “if we are bound, we arc bound by our own consciences to civilization. Just and Unjust Wars
112 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION War’s Ends, and the Importance of Winning Nations have similar rights in international society, above all the right not to be “blotted out,” deprived forever of sovereignty and freedom. Just and Unjust Wars
Even domestic crimi- nals, with whom the authorities don’t usually negotiate, nevel surrender unconditionally. Just and Unjust Wars
Pending the- establishment of a post-Nazi and an anti-Nazi regime, the Germans were to be placed in political tutelage: it is a consequence of their failure to overthrow Hitler themselves, the chief of the ways in which they were collectively held responsible for the injuries he and his followers caused to other nations. Just and Unjust Wars
But that cannot be done because deterrence doesn’t work in international as it does in domestic society: the number of actors is far smaller; their deeds are not stereotyped and reiter- ated; the lessons of punishment are interpreted very differently by 115 those who administer and by those who receive them; and in any case, they soon become irrelevant as circumstances change.’5 Just and Unjust Wars
Short of the most severe and extraordinary measures—extermination, exile, political dismemberment—an enemy state, like an aristocratic clan, and un- like a common criminal, cannot be entirely deprived of the power of renewed activity. Just and Unjust Wars
But such measures can never be defended, and so enemy states must be treated, morally as well as strategically, as future partners in some sort of international order. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not quite right, then, to describe the conquest and occupation of Germany and the trial of Nazi leaders as so many (unavailing) efforts to deter future aggressors. Just and Unjust Wars
And it is right to say, as many people said at the time, that the war against Nazism had to end with such a reaffirma- tion if it was to end meaningfully at all. Just and Unjust Wars
They depend upon mutual understandings; they are comprehensible only within a world of shared values. Just and Unjust Wars
The decision to cross is not at all easy to figure out, but it seems to be an example of military hubris far more than of demo- cratic idealism. Just and Unjust Wars
“The aggressor’s forces should not be permitted to take refuge behind an imaginary line,” Ambassador Austin told the UN, “because that would recreate the threat to the peace . Just and Unjust Wars
It is not implausible to suggest that the North Koreans had no right to a military sanc- tuary and that attacks across the 38th parallel with the limited purpose of preventing their regroupment might be justified. Just and Unjust Wars
But it would be strange for Americans to answer that question in the affirmative, since we had formally branded the North Korean attempt to unify the country by force a criminal aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
It does this even if its meth- ods are democratic (“free elections and that sort of thing”), be- cause it replaces a regime which the people of the conquered nation had not themselves sought to replace—indeed, for which they had recently fought and died. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument at this point might be put in terms of propor- tionality, a doctrine often said to fix firm limits to the length of wars and the shape of settlements. Just and Unjust Wars
On the othei hand, it is characteristic of arguments of this sort that an equally strong case could have been made on the other side, simply by enlarging our conception of the purposes of the war. Just and Unjust Wars
The move is typical, and it can be countered only with a moral claim: that the Trojan warriors have no right to put a whole city at risk for the sake of their own honor, It is not that the sacrifice is greater than the god, but that the men, women, and children likely to be sacrificed are not necessarily believers in the god and don’t share in the worship. Just and Unjust Wars
‘Tis mad idolatry To make the service greater than the god. Just and Unjust Wars
Troilus quickly switches the argument from Helen herself to the honor of the Trojan warriors, and so wins the debate, for the value of honor seems indeed to dwell in particular wills. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the rights and limits fixed by the argument for justice: resistance, res- toration, reasonable prevention. Just and Unjust Wars
It will often require a fairly deci- sive military defeat to persuade aggressor states that they cannot succeed in their conquests. Just and Unjust Wars
And further military action may be necessary before a peace settlement can be worked out that provides even minimal security for the victim: disengagement, demilitarization, arms control, external arbitration, and so on.’~’ Just and Unjust Wars
If this falls short of the “punishment of aggression,” it has to be said that military defeat is always punishing and that the preven- tive measures I have listed are also penalties, indeed, collective penalties, insofar as they involve a certain derogation of state sovereignty. Just and Unjust Wars
The idea, it should be said, is more readily traceable to Clausewitz than to Woodrow Wilson; it is anyway a silly idea, since it offers no defini- tion of victory. Just and Unjust Wars
Given that meaning, it can safely be said that the maxim is historically as well as morally false. Just and Unjust Wars
In the heated debates over Americá’s Korean war, those political and military figures favoring the expansion of the conflict frequently cited the maxim: in war there is no substitute for victory. Just and Unjust Wars
But the maxim is right in another sense. Just and Unjust Wars
Here there appear to be tensions and even contradictions that are internal to the argument for justice. Just and Unjust Wars
Once we have agreed upon the character of aggression, and of those threats of war that constitute aggression, and of those acts of colonial oppression and foreign interference that justify interven- tions and counter-interventions, we have also made it possible to identify enemies in the world: governments and armies that can rightly be (and perhaps should be) resisted. Just and Unjust Wars
And if it isn’t always true that their leaders ought to be punished for their crimes, it is vitally im- portant that they not be allowed to benefit from them. Just and Unjust Wars
If they can rightly be resisted, they should also be successfully resisted. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the temptation to fight by any meanš—which brings us up against what I have described in Part One as the fundamental dualism of our conception of war. Just and Unjust Wars
The contrast is readily explicated; we have only War’s Means, and the Importance of Fighting Well 127 to think about the following sorts of cases. Just and Unjust Wars
The case is in fact no differ- ent from what it would be if the second soldier shot the first. Just and Unjust Wars
Neither man is a criminal, and so both can be said to act in self- defense. Just and Unjust Wars
And we must ask “how the duties of a belligerent, fighting in the name of justice, and under the restraints of morality, are to be determined.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
Any act of force that contributes in a significant way to winning the war is likely to be called permissible; any officer who asserts the “conduciveness” of the attack he is planning is likely to have his way. Just and Unjust Wars
Once again, proportionality turns out to be a hard criterion to apply, for there is no ready way to establish an inde- pendent or stable view of the values against which the destruction of war is to be measured. Just and Unjust Wars
Our moral judgments (if Sidgwick is right) wait ‘upon purely military considerations and will rarely be sustained in the face of an analysis of battle conditions or cam- paign strategy by a qualified professional. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be difficult to condemn soldiers for anything they did in the course of a battle or a war that they honestly believed, and had good reason to believe, was necessary, or important, or simply useful in determining the outcome. Just and Unjust Wars
If it were made effec- 129 tive in practice, it would eliminate a great deal of the cruelty of war. Just and Unjust Wars
to be warranted by thé exigen- cies of the situation.”3 Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t know if it was made out of any deep concern for human life; perhaps Roberts was thinking only of his honor as a general (who does not send his men to be slaughtered), or perhaps he was worried about the capacity of the troops to renew the fighting on the following day. Just and Unjust Wars
The war convention invites soldiers to calcu- late costs and benefits Only up to a point, and at that point it establishes a series of clearcut rules—moral fortifications, so to speak, that can be stormed only at great moral cost. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t think that these restrictions have ever been expounded in utilitarian fashión, though it is no doubt a good thing that they be expounded and that military conduct be shaped to their requirements. Just and Unjust Wars
It might be said that if every war in a series extending indefinitely into the future were to be fought with no other limits than those proposed by Sidgwick, the consequences for mankind would be worse than if every war in that same series were fought within limits fixed by some additional set of prohibitions.* Just and Unjust Wars
Hence any- thing should be permitted that is useful and proportionate to the * The alt~rnative utilitarian argument is that of General von Moltke: additional prohibitions merely drag out the fighting, while “the greatest kindness in war is to bring it to a speedy conclusion.” Just and Unjust Wars
If both sides fight at a lower level of restraint, the war may be shorter or longer; there isn’t going to be any general rule. Just and Unjust Wars
And if restraints have broken down in one war, they are unlikely to be maintained in the next~ so any immediate benefits probably won’t show up in the balance over time. Just and Unjust Wars
For if we are (at least formally) indifferent as to which side wins, we must assume that these activities will in fact be resumed and with the same or similar actors. Just and Unjust Wars
And if that is to be possible, the war must be fought, as Sidgwick says, so as to avoid “the danger of provoking reprisals and of causing bitterness that will long outlast” the fight- ing.5 Just and Unjust Wars
The bitterness that Sidgwick has in mind might, of course, be the consequence of an outcome thought to be unjust (like the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine Ifl 1871), but it may also result from military conduct thought to be unnecessary, brutal or unfair, or simply “against the rules.” Just and Unjust Wars
An analogy might be drawn, once again, with a family 132 THE WAR CONVENTION War’s Means, and the Importance of Fighting Well feud, its origin long forgotten, its justice no longer at issue. Just and Unjust Wars
The utility of fighting limited wars is of two sorts. Just and Unjust Wars
It is probably true that any limits will be useful here, so long as they are in fact commonly accepted. Just and Unjust Wars
But no limit is accepted sim- ply because it is thought that it will be useful. Just and Unjust Wars
The war convention must first be morally plausible to large numbers of men and women; it must correspond to our sense of what is right. Just and Unjust Wars
For otherwise we would not know which obstacle out of the infinite number that are conceivable, and the very large number that are historically recorded, is to be the subject of our debates. Just and Unjust Wars
Beyond the minimal limits of “conduciveness” and proportionality, it simply confirms our customs and conventions, whatever they are, or it suggests that they be overridden; but it does not provide us with customs and conventions. Just and Unjust Wars
Human Rights The Rape of the Italian Women The importance of rights may best be suggested if we look at an historical example placed, as it were, on the margin of Sidgwick’s argument. Just and Unjust Wars
To offer her as bait to a mercenary soldier is to treat her as if she were not a person at all but a mere object, a prize or trophy of war. Just and Unjust Wars
into a shrill nagging of claims and counter-claims - - .“ Just and Unjust Wars
And she ap- plies her argument to a case very much like ours: “if a young girl is being forced into a brothel she will not talk about her rights. Just and Unjust Wars
I can sum up their substance in terms I have used before: no one can be forced to fight or to risk his life, no one can be threatened with war or warred against, unless through some act of his own he has surrendered or lost his rights. Just and Unjust Wars
The immediate problem is that the soldiers who do the fighting, though they can rarely be said to have chosen to fight, lose the rights they are supposedly defending. Just and Unjust Wars
They gain war rights as combatants and potential pris- oners, but they can now be attacked and killed at will by their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
“Soldiers are made to be killed,” as Napoleon once said; that is why war is hell.* Just and Unjust Wars
But even if we take our standpoint in hell, we can still say that no one else is made to be killed. Just and Unjust Wars
The enforcement of these restraints is one of the forms of law enforcement in international society, and the law can be en- forced even by criminal states against “policemen” who deliberately * In quoting this sentence I do not mean to endorse the military nihilism it represents. Just and Unjust Wars
But it rests more deeply on a certain view of noncombatants, which holds that they are men and women with rights and that they cannot be used for some military purpose, even if it is a legitimate purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is often said that it cannot be made at all, for soldiers are only coerced civilians, and civilians are willing supporters of their armies in the field. Just and Unjust Wars
And then it cannot be what is due to the victims but only what is necessary for the battle that determines our judgments of wartime conduct. Just and Unjust Wars
But even if we describe it as the disdain of an officer and a gentleman for conduct that appears to be unmanly or unheroic, Graves’s “dislike” still depends upon a morally important recogni- tion. Just and Unjust Wars
I had to decide quickly. Just and Unjust Wars
He said that we should have killed the fellow, since his friends would now be told precisely where our trenches were. Just and Unjust Wars
An enemy has to be described differently, and though the stereotypes through which he is seen are often grotesque, they have a certain truth. Just and Unjust Wars
The case might be different if we imagine this man to be a wholehearted soldier. Just and Unjust Wars
He is engaged in war-making just as I am en- gaged in writing this book; he thinks about it all the time or at the oddest moments. Just and Unjust Wars
But this is an unlikely picture of an ordinary soldier. Just and Unjust Wars
The same idea is obviously at work in the code j Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity fire, prays for a minor wound, a voyage home, a long rest. Just and Unjust Wars
It [is] like shooting of military conduct that Francis Lieber drafted for the Union Army in the American Civil War: “Outposts, sentinels, pickets are not to be fired upon, except to drive them in. Just and Unjust Wars
~“8 Now, a war is easily imaginable in which this idea was extended, so that only soldiers actually fighting, hundreds against hundreds, thousands against thousands, as Lussu says, could be attacked. Just and Unjust Wars
Such a war would be constituted as a series of set battles, formally or informally an- nounced in advance, and broken off in some clear fashion. Just and Unjust Wars
The pursuit of a defeated army could be allowed, so neither side need be denied the possibility of a decisive victory. Just and Unjust Wars
But perpetual harass- ment, sniping, ambush, surprise attack—all these would be ruled out. Just and Unjust Wars
“No other term than murder,” wrote an English student of war, “expresses the kill- ing of a lone sentry by a pot shot at long range. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if one grants the right of states and armies and individual soldiers to reduce their risks, a particular course of action would be necessarý to that end only if no other course improved the odds of battle at all. Just and Unjust Wars
There will be choices to make, and these are moral as well as military choices. Just and Unjust Wars
If the convention did not discriminate in this way, it would have little impact upon the actual fighting of wars and battles; it would simply be a code of expediency—which is what Sidgwick’s twofold rule is likely to come to, under the pressure of actual warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
“Reason of war” can only justify the killing of people we already have reason to think aire liable to be killed. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of the “naked soldier” is resolved in this way: soldiers as a class are set apart from the world of peaceful activity; they are trained to fight, provided with weapons, required to fight on com- mand. Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt, they do not always fight; nor is war their personal enterprise. Just and Unjust Wars
It is harder to understand the extension of combatant status be. Just and Unjust Wars
The development of military technology, it might be said, has dictated it, for war today is as much an economic as a military activity. Just and Unjust Wars
Vast numbers of workers must be mobilized before an army can even appear in the field; and once they are engaged, soldiers are radically dependent on a continuing stream of equip- ment, fuel, ammunition, food, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
How can this be justified? Here again, the judgments we make de- pend upon our understanding of the men and women involved. Just and Unjust Wars
We are all immune to start with; our right not to be attacked is a feature of normal human relationships. Just and Unjust Wars
yond the class of soldiers, though in modern war this has been common enough. Just and Unjust Wars
It is a great temptation, then, to attack the enemy army behind its own lines, especially if the battle itself is not going well. Just and Unjust Wars
But to attack behind the lines is to make war against people who are at least nominally civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
This is a plausible line, I think, though it may be too finely drawn. Just and Unjust Wars
They ought not to be attacked if their activities can be stopped, or their products seized or destroyed, in some other way and without significant risk. Just and Unjust Wars
Under the naval code, for example, mer- chant seamen on ships carrying military supplies were once regarded as civilians who had, despite the work they were doing, a right not to be attackëd, for it was possible (and it sometimes still is) to seize their ships without shooting at them. Just and Unjust Wars
But whenever seizure without shooting ceases to be possible, the obligation ceases also and the right lapses. Just and Unjust Wars
The history of submarine warfare nicely illustrates this 146 THE WAR CONVENTION i Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity process, through which groups of civilians are, as it were, incorpo- rated into hell. Just and Unjust Wars
Submarine Warfare: The Laconia Affair Naval warfare has traditionally been the most gentlemanly form of fighting, possibly because so many gentlemen went into the navy, but also and more importantly because of the nature of the sea as a battlefield. Just and Unjust Wars
The only comparable land environment is the desert; these two have in common the absence or relative absence of civilian inhabitants. Just and Unjust Wars
The purity is marred, however, by the fact that the sea is extensively used for transport. Just and Unjust Wars
Shortly after the outbreak of the war, the British Admiralty armed its merchant vessels, in many cases convoyed them with armed escort, gave orders to send position reports upon sighting submarines, thus integrating merchant vessels into the warning system of naval intelligence. Just and Unjust Wars
On October i, ~ the Admiralt~ announced [that] British merchant ships had been ordered to ram U-boats if possible. Just and Unjust Wars
But this argument, by itself, is not a very good one. Just and Unjust Wars
The “Laconia order” reached much further than this, however, for it suggested that seamen helpless in the sea, unlike wounded soldiers on land, need not be helped once the battle was over. Just and Unjust Wars
Radar and the airplane had turned the wide seas into a single battlefield, and unless the submarine immediately began evasive maneuvers, it was or might be in great trouble.’5 Just and Unjust Wars
The lives of the submarine crew would be endangered, Doenitz claimed, and the probability of detection and attack increased by this or that extent, if they attempted to rescue their victims. Just and Unjust Wars
They were told that they would be picked up by destroyers a few days later. Just and Unjust Wars
I should think that if such a refusal, under similar circumstances, could be attributed to the “Laconia order,” Doenitz would indeed be 149 guilty of a war crime. Just and Unjust Wars
There are some people, however, who are safe against that co- erciveness, or who ought to be safeguarded against it, and these people also have a part in the Laconia affair. Just and Unjust Wars
He directed the German commanders to confine their rescue efforts to the Italian prisoners; the British soldiers and their families were to be set adrift. Just and Unjust Wars
It was this spectacle of women and children abandoned at sea, and the subsequent order that seemed to re- quire its repetition, that was widely thought to be outrageous— and rightly so, it seems to me, even though “unrestricted” sub- marine warfare was by then commonly accepted. Just and Unjust Wars
A rescue effort undertaken for the sake of noncombatants can be broken off temporarily because of an attack, but it cannot be called off in advance of any attack merely because an attack may occur (or recur). Just and Unjust Wars
Now they must be helped. Just and Unjust Wars
Double Effect The second principle of the war convention is that noncombat- ants cannot be attacked at any time. Just and Unjust Wars
They can never be the ob- jects or the targets of military activity. Just and Unjust Wars
I have tried to argue that what is then required is not that the battle be stopped, but that some degree of care be taken not to harm civilians— which means, very simply, that we recognize~ their rights as best we can within the context of war. Just and Unjust Wars
But what degree of care should be taken? And at what cost to the individual soldiers who àre in- volved? The laws of war say nothing about such matters; they leave the cruelest decisions to be made by the men on the spot with reference only to their ordinary moral notions or the military traditions of the army in which they serve. Just and Unjust Wars
Occasionally one of these soldiers will write about his own decisions, and that can be like a light going on in a dark place. Just and Unjust Wars
But we had to be very careful in this village as there were civilians in some of the cellars. Just and Unjust Wars
4) the evil effect; it must be justifiable under Sidgwick’s proportionality rule. Just and Unjust Wars
The “good” and evil effects that come together, the killing of soldiers and nearby civilians, are to be defended only insofar as they are the product of a single intention, directed at the first and not the second. Just and Unjust Wars
But we have to worry, I think, about all those unintended but foreseeable deaths, for their number can be large; and subject only to the proportionality rule—a weak constraint—double effect provides a blanket justification. Just and Unjust Wars
More- over, they were clearly the only ones he intended; civilian deaths would have served no purpose of his own. Just and Unjust Wars
154 THE WAR CONVENTION Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity Now there is another way to fight, though it is only open to soldiers who have had a “soldierly” training and who are not “roadbound” in their habits. Just and Unjust Wars
“Every enemy shot re- leased a deluge of destruction.” Just and Unjust Wars
And that is a legitimate concern. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not just that they can’t kill a lot of innocent people. Just and Unjust Wars
Double effect is defensible, I want to argue, only when the two outcomes are the product of a double intention: first, that the “good” be achieved; second, that the foreseeable evil be reduced as far as possible. Just and Unjust Wars
So the third of the conditions listed above can be restated: at the acceptable effect; the evil effect is not one of his ends, nor is it a means to his ends, and, aware of the evil involved, he seeks to minimize it, accepting costs to himself. Just and Unjust Wars
Simply not to intend the death of civilians is too easy; most often, under battle cQnditions, the intentions of soldiers are focused nar- rowly on the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
What can this mean? Do civilians have a right not only not to be attacked but also not to be put at risk to such and such a degree, so that imposing a one-in-ten chance of death on them is justified, while imposing a three-in-ten chance is unjustified? In fact, the degree of risk that is permissible is going to vary with the nature of the target, the urgency of the moment, the available technology, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
It is best, I think, to say simply that civil- ians have a right that “due care” be taken.’4 Just and Unjust Wars
But if the work is urgently required by the imminent danger of an explosion on a neighboring street, the standards may be relaxed and my rights not violated. Just and Unjust Wars
Whenever there is likely to be a second effect, a second intention is morally re~ quired. Just and Unjust Wars
* Since judgments of “due care” involve calculations of relative value, urgency, and so on, it has to be said that utilitarian arguments and rights arguments (relative at least to indireçt effects) are not wholly distinct. Just and Unjust Wars
Even after the highest possible standards of care have been accepted, the probable civilian losses may still be disproportionate to the value of the target; then the attack must be called off. Just and Unjust Wars
We can move some way toward defining the limits of that second intention if we consider two more wartime examples. Just and Unjust Wars
But even if the target is very important, and the number of innocent people threatened relatively small, they must risk soldiers before they kill civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
They would have shared that responsibility with the Germans—in part because the Germans had attacked and conquered France, but also (and more importantly for our immediate purposes) because they had mobilized the French economy for their own strategic ends, forc- ing French workers to serve the German war machine, turning i THE WAR CONVENTION Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity French factories into legitimate military targets, and putting the adjacent residential areas in danger. Just and Unjust Wars
The question of direct and indirect effect is complicated by the question of coercion. Just and Unjust Wars
But it raises issues that I have not yet addressed and that are most dramatically vis- ible when we turn to another, and a much older, kind of warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, that is what it is meant to be like. Just and Unjust Wars
It also leads us to see that there are moral questions that must be answered before .the Just and Unjust Wars
A city can indeed be defended against the will of its citizens— by an army, beaten in the field, that retreats within its walls; by an alien garrison, serving the strategic interests of a distant com- mander; by militant, politically powerful minorities of one or an- other sort. Just and Unjust Wars
Clearly, such leaders cannot be con- demned under the principle of double effect. Just and Unjust Wars
But they can be condemned nevertheless—so long as the inhabitants of the city de- cline to be defended. Just and Unjust Wars
Polit- ical integration and civic discipline make for cities whose inhabi- tants expect to be defended and are prepared, morally if not always materially, to endure the burdens of a siege. Just and Unjust Wars
What of the attackers? I assume that they offer surrender on terms; that is simply the collective equivalent of quarter and should always be available. Just and Unjust Wars
First, the strongholds of the city can be bom- barded and the walls stormed. Just and Unjust Wars
But surrender is refused. Just and Unjust Wars
Machiavelli was enthusiastic about this strategy, but it never be- came accepted military practice. Just and Unjust Wars
Had Alexander acted from such motives, and then taken Leucadia by storm, the incidental death of any of the evacuees would still be his special responsibility, since he had forcibly ex- posed them to the risks of war. Just and Unjust Wars
The commander of the be- sieging army is not conceived to be, and does not think himself to be, responsible for those people who have always lived in the city —who are there, šo to speak, naturally—nor for those who are there voluntarily, who sought the protection of city walls, driven only by the general fear of war. Just and Unjust Wars
The hard question is whether the line can be drawn differ- ently without ruling out sieges altogether. Just and Unjust Wars
In the long history of siege warfare, this question has a specific form: should civilians be allowed to leave the city, saving themselves from starvation and re- lieving pressure on the collective food supply, after it has been 164 THE WAR CONVENTION War Against Civilians: Sieges and Blockades invested? More generally, isn’t locking them into the besieged city morally the same as driving them in? And if it is, shouldn’t they be let out, so that those that remain, to fight and starve, can really be said to have chosen to remain? During the siege of Jerusalem, Titus ordered that any Jews who fled the city were to be crucified. Just and Unjust Wars
The legal norm is the status quo.7 Just and Unjust Wars
But I want to turn now to a modem example, for these questions were directly addressed by the Nuremberg courts after World War II. Just and Unjust Wars
The Right to Leave The Siege of Leníngrad When its last road and rail links to the east were cut by advanc- ing German forces, on September 8, 1941, Leningrad held over three million people, of whom about 200,000 were soldiers.9 Just and Unjust Wars
Until large-scale convoys could be organized (in January 1942), however, only a slow trickle of people were able to escape. Just and Unjust Wars
Artillery was to be used “to prevent any such attempt at the greatest possible distance from our own lines by opening fire as early as possible, so that the infantry is spared . Just and Unjust Wars
But if we assume that the German effort was at least partially successful, many would-be escapees, hearing of the shelling or the shooting, must have remained in the city. Just and Unjust Wars
The benefit to the besieged army would be the same in either case. Just and Unjust Wars
But when the defenders are to be waited out, sub- jected to slow starvation, the precederits are different. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument that needs to be made against both Gourko and von Leeb is suggested by the terms of the German order of Sep- tember i 8. Just and Unjust Wars
Would it have been acceptable under the laws of war to inform the commander of the besieged city that they would be held without food, systematically starved, until he surrendered? No doubt, the judges would have found this ‘unacceptable, (even though they sometimes recognized the right to kill hostages). Just and Unjust Wars
The systematic starvation of civilians under siege is one of those military acts which “though permissible by custom, is a glaring violation of the principle by which custom professes to be governed.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
The only justifiable practiçe, I think, is indicated in the Talmudic law of sieges, summed up by the philosopher Maimonides in the twelfth century (whose version is cited by Grotius in the seven- teenth): “When siege is laid to a city for the purpose of capture, it may not be surrounded on all four sides, but only on three, in order to give an opportunity for escape to those who would flee to save their lives . Just and Unjust Wars
How is it possible to “surround” a city on three sides? Such a sentence, it might be said, could only appear in the literature of a people who had neither a state nor an army of their own. Just and Unjust Wars
It makes, however, the crucial point: that in the direness of a siege, people have a right to be refugees. Just and Unjust Wars
And then it has to be said that the besieging army has a responsibility to open, if it possibly can, a path for their flight. Just and Unjust Wars
Civilians per- forming essential services for the army will not, of course, be per- mitted to leave; they are in effect conscripted. Just and Unjust Wars
At this point, the argument needs to be made more general. Just and Unjust Wars
We want to know how civilians came to be in militarily exposed positions: what force was used against them, what choices they freely made. Just and Unjust Wars
There are a wide range of possibilities: then share responsibility for the resulting deaths, even though they do no killing themselves; commander of the defending army; posed position and killed, in which case it doesn’t matter whether the killing is a direct effect or a side effect of the attack, for it is a crime either way; “natural” place, and then the principle of double effect comes into play and siege by starvation is morally unacceptable; and those that remain can justifiably be killed, directly or indirectly. Just and Unjust Wars
It is precisely this handicap that siege 1) that they are coerced by their ostensible defenders, who must 2) that they consent to be defended, and so clear the military 3) that they are coerced by their attackers, driven into an ex- 4) that they are attacked but not coerced, attacked in their ;) that they are offered free exit by their attackers, after which 69 commanders have in the past refused to accept. Just and Unjust Wars
The city’s food supply will now last so much longer. Just and Unjust Wars
It doesn’t make siege operations entirely im- practical, only somewhat more difficult—given the ruthlessness of the modern state, one has to say, marginally more difficult; for the presence of large numbers of civilians in a besieged city is unlikely to be allowed to interfere with the provisioning of the ar~T1y; and, as the Leningrad example suggests, the death of large numbers of civilians is unlikely to be allowed to interfere with the defense of the city. Just and Unjust Wars
But these are acceptable consequences, and they are only “detrimental” to the plans of the siege com- mander if he has not planned for them in advance. Just and Unjust Wars
In any case, if he wants (as he probably will want) to lift his hands to heaven and say of the civilians he kills, “It’s not my doing,” he has no choice but to offer them the chance to leave. Just and Unjust Wars
It was apparently unknown in Greece; during the Pelo- ponnesian War, the destruction of olive groves was virtually the first act of an invading army; judging from Caesar’s Ga.Uic Just and Unjust Wars
The contemporary laws of war require that such efforts be di- rected, whatever their indirect effects, only against the armed forces of the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
Why this is so I am not sure, though why it should be so is easier to make out. Just and Unjust Wars
This is not, however, much protection for civilians, since mili- tary supplies cannot be destroyed without first destroying civilian supplies. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence, strategic devastation is not aimed, and cannot be, at “military produce,” but at food supplies generally. Just and Unjust Wars
held by the non-com- batant population, then a commander is justified by the necessity of war in destroying or seizing that surplus.”° Just and Unjust Wars
And civilians 171 suffer long before soldiers feel the pinch. Just and Unjust Wars
More immediate, and less military consequences can also be traced 172 THE WAR CoNvEr~rrIoN i War Against Civilians: Sieges and Blockades to the blockade. Just and Unjust Wars
Given that fortunate blindness, the claim that Britain be acquitted of those civilian deaths is at least interesting, though finally unacceptable. Just and Unjust Wars
173 The civilians were where they had always been. Just and Unjust Wars
In relation to the German army, they were placed in exactly the same way as British civilians in rela- tion to their own army. Just and Unjust Wars
It may be that the British did not intend to kill them; killing them wasn’t (if we take the official history seriously) a means to the end set by the Cabinet. Just and Unjust Wars
But if the success of the British strategy did not depend upon civilian deaths, it nevertheless required that nothing at all be done to avoid those deaths. Just and Unjust Wars
This principle rules out the extended form of the naval bloçkade and every sort of strategic devastation, except in cases where ade- quate provision can be made, and is made, for noncombatants. Just and Unjust Wars
The systematic de- struction of crops and food supplies is a frequent strategy in anti- guerrilla struggles, and since the governments engaged in such * ~~ remains true, however, that the issue of “interposition” (or coercion) has to be resolved first. Just and Unjust Wars
It is also, of course, a tactic in con- ventional war; the concealment and camouflage that it involves, though they were once repugnant to officers and gentlemen, have long been regarded as legitimate forms of combat. Just and Unjust Wars
Fourteen of the soldiers were hit. Just and Unjust Wars
For if citizens of a defeated state still have a right to fight, what is the meaning of surrender? And what obligations can be imposed on conquering armies? There can be no ordinary public life in occupied territory if the occupa- tion authorities are subject to attack at any timç and at the hands of any citizen. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, if the authorities actually do aim at the restoration of everyday peacefulness, they seem entitled to enjoy the security they provide; and then they must also be en- titled to regard armed resistance as a criminal activity. Just and Unjust Wars
So the situation can be summed up: resistance is legitimate, and the punishment of resistance is legitimate. Just and Unjust Wars
That may seem like a simple standoff and an abdication of ethical judgment. Just and Unjust Wars
For it is the purpose of those rules to specify for each individual a single identity; he must be either a soldier or a civilian. Just and Unjust Wars
The British Manual of Military Law makes the point with special clarity: “Both these classes have distinct privileges, duties, and disabilities an individual must definitely choose to belong to one’ class or the other, and shall not be permitted to enjoy the privileges of both; in particular . Just and Unjust Wars
an individual [shall] not be allowed to kill or wound members of the army of the opposed nation and subse- quently, if captured or in danger of life, pretend to be a peaceful citizen.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
They sug- gest how the military virtues can be radically simplified for a demo- cratic age.6 Just and Unjust Wars
If you decide to refuse this invitation—and I am not going to repeat it—you will be delivered to the custody of the Cuban Red Cross tomorrow. Just and Unjust Wars
i8i They attack stealthily, deviously, without warning, and in disguise. Just and Unjust Wars
Battles of this sort can readily be assimilated to the irregular combat of army units like ‘\Vingate’s “Chindits” or “Merrill’s Marauders” in World War II.~ Just and Unjust Wars
To be eligible for the war rights of soldiers, guerrilla fighters must wear “a fixed distinctive sign visible at a distance” and must “carry their arms openly.”1° Just and Unjust Wars
The French partisan attack perfectly illustrates this, and it has to be said, I think, that the killing of those German soldiers was more like assassination than war. Just and Unjust Wars
Now it may be the case—I am more than open to this suggestion —that the German army in France had attacked civilians in ways that justified the assassination of individual soldiers, just as it may be the case that the public official or party leader is a brutal tyrant who deserves to die. Just and Unjust Wars
These include all the possible varieties of espionage and sabotage; they can best be understood by com- paring them to acts carried out behind enemy lines by the secret agents of conventional armies. Just and Unjust Wars
Lord Kitchener, the British commander, warned that anyone captured in khaki would be shot, and a considerable number of prisoners were later executed. Just and Unjust Wars
He doesn’t need to be briefed; he already knows the most important military secret; he knows who the guerrillas are. Just and Unjust Wars
If the killing of civilians were sufficient to win civilian support, the guerrillas would always be at a disadvantage, for their enemies possess far more fire 184 THE WAR Cor4v1’~isrnoN Guerrilla War power than they do. Just and Unjust Wars
But any Sig- nificant degree of popular support entitles the guerrillas to the benevolent quarantine customarily offered prisoners of war (unless they are guilty of specific acts of assassination or sabotage, for which soldiers, too, can be punished.) Just and Unjust Wars
At what point, they have asked, should a group of rebels (or secessionists) be recognized as a belligerent power and granted those war rights which customarily belong only to established governments? The answer has usually been that the recognition follows upon the establishment of a secure ter- ritorial base by the rebels. Just and Unjust Wars
For soldiers acquire war rights not as individual warriors but as political instru- ments, servants of a community that in turn provides services for its soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
* * The argument I am making here parallels that made by lawyers with reference to “belligerent recognition.” Just and Unjust Wars
I shall want to argue that these scruples in fact have a moral basis, but it is worth suggesting first that they also have a strategic basis. Just and Unjust Wars
It is always in the interest of the anti-guerrilla forces to insist upon the soldier/civilian distinction, even when the guerrillas act (as they always will if they can) so as to blur the line. Just and Unjust Wars
The last point is more important in guerrilla, than in conventional war, for in conventional war one assumes the hostility of “enemy civilians,” on responsibility for the people who live on the land they control. Just and Unjust Wars
But what if the guerrillas cannot be isolated from the people? What if the levée en masse is a reality and not merely a piece of propaganda? Characteristically, the military handbooks neither pose nor answer such questions. Just and Unjust Wars
There is, however, a moral argument to be made if this point is reached: the anti-guerrilla war can then no longer be fought—and not just because, from a strategic point of view, it can no longer be won. Just and Unjust Wars
It cannot be fought because it is no longer an anti-guerrilla but an anti-social war, a war against an entire people, in which no distinctions would be possible in the actual fightitig. Just and Unjust Wars
Interrogations, searches, sei- zures of property, curfews—all these seem to be commonly ac- cepted (I will not try to explain why); but not the torture of suspects or the taking of hostages, or the internment of men and 187 women who are or might be innocent.15 Just and Unjust Wars
Consider again the caseof the partisan attack in occupied France. Just and Unjust Wars
The civilians they encounter are hostile, but that doesn’t make them enemies in the sense of the. Just and Unjust Wars
war convention, for they don’t actually resist the efforts of the soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
And if it was known to be a stronghold, surely it could be attacked, like any other enemy position, even before hostile fire was encountered. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, this became American policy quite early in the war: villages from which hostile fire might reasonably be expected were shelled and bombed before soldiers moved in and even if no movement was planned. Just and Unjust Wars
The crucial point of the rules, as they are described by the jour- nalist Jonathan Schell, was that civilians were to be given warning in advance of the destruction of their villages, so that they could break with the guerrillas, expel them, or leave themselves.17 Just and Unjust Wars
Enormous risk was attached to com- plicity in guerrilla war, but this was a risk that could only be im- posed ‘on whole villages; no further differentiation was possible. Just and Unjust Wars
But it has to be stressed that a village was regarded as hostile not because its women and children were prepared to fight, -but because they were not prepared to deny material support to the guerrillas or to reveal their whereabouts or the location of their mines and booby traps. Just and Unjust Wars
These were the rules of engagement: (i) , A village could be bombed or shelled without warning if American troops had re- ceived fire from within it. Just and Unjust Wars
The villagers were presumed able to prevent the use of their village as a fire base, and whether or not they actually were able, they certainly knew in advance whether it would be so used. Just and Unjust Wars
In any case, the shooting itself was a warning, since return fire was to be expected—though it is unlikely that the villagers expected the response to be as disproportionate as it usually was, until the pattern had become familiar. Just and Unjust Wars
(2) Any village known to be hostile could be bombed or shelled if its inhabitants were warned in advance, either by the dropping of leaflets or by heli- copter loudspeaker. Just and Unjust Wars
The U.S. Marines will not hesitate to destroy immediately any village or hamlet harboring the Vietcong . Just and Unjust Wars
Despite the emphasis on choice, this is not quite a liberal pronouncement, for the choice in question is very much a collective one. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence it was sometimes thought humane to dispense with choice altogther and forcibly to deport villagers from areas that were con- sidered under enemy control. Just and Unjust Wars
“My investigation disclosed,” writes Schell, “that the procedures for applying these restraints were modified or twisted or ignored to such an extent that in practice the restraints evaporated entirely . Just and Unjust Wars
This was clearly the case in Viet- nam. Just and Unjust Wars
190 THE WAR CONVENTION Guerrilla War Now, in a conventional war, removing civilians from a battlefield is clearly a good thing to do; positive international law requires it wherever possible. Just and Unjust Wars
Similarly in the case of a besieged city: civilians must be allowed to leave; and if they refuse (so I have argued), they can be attacked along with the defending soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
Since governments are generally thought to be entitled to resettle (relatively small numbers of) their own citizens for the sake of some commonly accepted social purpose, 191 the policy cannot be ruled out altogether’ in time of guerrilla war. Just and Unjust Wars
What happened is quickly descnbed:2° In August 1967, during Operation Benton, the “pacification” camps became so full that Army units were ordered not to “generate” any more refugees. Just and Unjust Wars
The Army complied. Just and Unjust Wars
They were killed in their villages because there was no room for them in the swamped pacifi- cation camps. Just and Unjust Wars
Even had all this worked, in the limited sense that civilian deaths had been avoided, the rules of engagement and the policy they embodied could hardly be defended. Just and Unjust Wars
It seems to violate even the principle of proportionality—which is by no means easy to do, as we have seen again and again, since the values against which de- struction and suffering are to be measured are so readily inflated. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely the equation does not work and the policy cannot be approved, at least in the context of the Vietnamese struggle itself. Just and Unjust Wars
Can they be attacked and killed, as the rules imply? What are their rights? They can certainly be exposed to risks, for battles are likely to be fought in their villages. Just and Unjust Wars
And the risks they must live with will be considerably greater than those of conventional combat. Just and Unjust Wars
Anti-guerrilla war is a terrible strain on conventional troops, and even if they are both disciplined and careful, as they should be, civilians are certain to die at their hands. Just and Unjust Wars
A soldier who, once he is engaged, simply fires at every male villager between the ages of fifteen and fifty (say) is probably justi- fied in doing so, as he would not be in an ordinary firefight. Just and Unjust Wars
Suppose that civilians, duly warned, not only refuse to expel the guerrillas but also refuse to leave themselves. Just and Unjust Wars
The increased risk re- sults from the intimaçies I have already described; I would suggest now that it is the only result of those intimacies, at least in the moral realm. Just and Unjust Wars
The same dichotomy can be seen at work in the claims American soldiers made about the villages they attacked: “This place is almost entirely V.C. controlled, or pro- V.C.” “We consider just about everyone here to be a hard-core activities of the villagers that are being stressed in statements of this sort, but their political allegiance. Just and Unjust Wars
Even with reference to that, the statements are palpably false, since at least some of the villagers are children who cannot be said to have any allegiance at all. Just and Unjust Wars
(If it did, there would be no civilian immunity at all, except when wars were fought in neutral countries.) Just and Unjust Wars
They have done nothing to forfeit their right to life, and that right must be respected as best it can be in the course of attacks against the irregular fighters the villagers both resemble and harbor. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus a British expert on counter-insur- gency writes that the use of “heavily armed helicopters” against peasant villages “can only be justified if the campaign has deteri- orated to the extent where it is virtually indistinguishable from or at least some kind of supporter.”24 Just and Unjust Wars
Bombing and shelling from a distance have undoubtedly been defended in terms of military necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is as bad an argu- ment strategically as it is morally. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not the military 193 conventional war.”25 Just and Unjust Wars
Guer- rillas can be defeated (and, similarly, they can win) only at close quarters. Just and Unjust Wars
In areas of “low intensity operations,” the villages must be occupied by small units specially trained for the political and police work necessary to seek out guerrilla supporters and in- formants. Just and Unjust Wars
Bernard Fall has reported in some detail on a French attack of this sort in Vietnam in the 1950’s.26 Just and Unjust Wars
Since the villages are not (or should not be) destroyed when they are stormed, and since the villagers are not resettled, it is always possible for the guerrillas to return once the specially as- sembled task force has moved on. Just and Unjust Wars
Success requires that the military operation be followed by a political campaign—and this neither the French in Vietnam nor the Americans who followed them were able to mount in any serious fashion. Just and Unjust Wars
Now the government (and its foreign allies) face what is in effect, or rather what has become, a people’s war. Just and Unjust Wars
One need only study Che Guevara’s abortive campaign in the jungles of Bolivia to realize how easy it is to destroy a guer- rilla band that has no popular support at all.27 Just and Unjust Wars
For it is an axiom of the war convention (and a qualification on the rules of war) that if attack is morally possible, counter-attack cannot be ruled out. Just and Unjust Wars
It cannot be the case that guer- rillas can hug the civilian population and make themselves invul- nerable. Just and Unjust Wars
In any struggle, conven- tional or unconventional, the rules of war may at some point be- come a hindrance to the victory of one side or another. Just and Unjust Wars
If they could then be set aside, however, they would have no value at all. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not, I suppose, a victory that can be distinguished in any definitive fashion from the political and military struggle that preceded it. Just and Unjust Wars
For after that, it is unlikely that the war can be fought except by setting out systematically to kill civilians or to destroy their society and culture. Just and Unjust Wars
The war cannot be won, and it should not be won. Just and Unjust Wars
It cannot be won, because the only available strategy involves a war 195 against civilians; and it should not be won, because the degree of civilian support that rules out alternative strategies also makes the guerrillas the legitimate rulers of the country. Just and Unjust Wars
I am inclined to say more than this. Just and Unjust Wars
In the theory of war, as we have seen, considerations of Jus ad helium and jus in bello are logically independent, and the judgments we make in terms of one and the other are not necessarily the same. Just and Unjust Wars
The first will be readily recognizable, for Albert Camus made it the basis of his play The Just Assassins. Just and Unjust Wars
That is a crude history; I offer it only in order to make a more precise historical point: that terrorism in the strict sense, the random murder of innocent people, emerged as a strategy of revolutionary struggle only in the period after World War II, that is, only after it had become a feature of conventional war. Just and Unjust Wars
What is common to these cases is a moral distinction, drawn by the “terrorists,” between people who can and people who cannot be killed. Just and Unjust Wars
It is composed instead of officials, the political agents of regimes thought to be oppressive. Just and Unjust Wars
The first category is not composed of men and women bearing arms, immediately threatening by virtue of their military training and commitment. Just and Unjust Wars
Since some of these victims must be immune from attack (unless liability follows from original sin), any code that directs and controls the fire of political militants is going to be at least minimally appealing. Just and Unjust Wars
Between 1960 and 1965, some 7,500 village and district officials were assassinated by Viet- cong militants. Just and Unjust Wars
the next day it might be every 3oth, and so on; but that this hardened the hearts of the people against the rebels because so many people died needlessly.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
Revolutionaries champion a new conception, about which there is unlikely to be wide agreement. Just and Unjust Wars
They hold that officials are vulnerable because or insofar as they are actually guilty of “crimes against the people.” Just and Unjust Wars
The exercise of political power is a dangerous business. Just and Unjust Wars
It is most often a vile politics, as vigilante justice is most often a bad kind of law enforcement; its agents are usually gang- sters, and sometimes madmen, in political dress. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence contemporary terrorist campaigns are most often focused on people whose national existence has been rad- ically devalued: the Protestants of Northern Ireland, the Jews of Israel, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
They are engaged, or so they regularly claim, in a revolutionary version of vigilante justice. Just and Unjust Wars
The campaign announces the devaluation. Just and Unjust Wars
That is why the people under attack are so unlikely to believe that compromise is possible with their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
It breaks across moral limits beyond which no further limita- tian seems possible, for within the categories of civilian and citizen, there isn’t any smaller group for which immunity might be claimed (except children; but I don’t think children can be called “immune” if their parents are attacked and killed). Just and Unjust Wars
The cases I have already worked through suggest the falsity of these assertions. Just and Unjust Wars
Violence and Liberation Jean-Paul Sartre and the Battle of Algiers But there is another argument which, because of the currency it has gained, must be taken up here, even though it has no immediate analogue in wartime debates. Just and Unjust Wars
Vigilantes in the usual sense apply conventional conceptions of criminality, though in a rough and ready way. Just and Unjust Wars
The more impersonal truth is that they are vulnerable, or more vulnerable than ordinary citizens, simply because their activities are 202 THE WAR CONVENTION I Terrorism open to such descriptions. Just and Unjust Wars
Sometimes —though it has to be said, not often—that purpose is realized. Just and Unjust Wars
had executed 8o French prisoners, and that further executions were imminent, the FF1 command at Annecy decided that 8o of the prisoners in [its] hands would in turn be shot.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
Why must they actually be killed? Since deceit of various sorts is accepted under the war convention, it certainly should not be ruled out here. Just and Unjust Wars
Killing them would be a breach of faith as well as a violation of the positive laws of war. Just and Unjust Wars
But I shall not focus on this exception to the general rule of reprisals, for it does not open up the larger question, whether the deliberate killing of innocent men and women should ever be declared lawful or morally justified. Just and Unjust Wars
And I doubt very much that we will want to say, in answer to that question,, that some innocent people can be killed and others not. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of the FF1 prisoners is useful because it provides a classic example of reprisal, and one in which our sympathies are likely to be engaged, at least initially, on the side of the “reprisers.” Just and Unjust Wars
The result might be described as a one-sided sort of law enforcement: deterrence without retribution. Just and Unjust Wars
It might also be described as a prime example of radical utili- tarianism—indeed, of a ultilitarianism so radical that utilitarian philosophers have been concerned to deny its existence. Just and Unjust Wars
This is not an attractive principle, and it would not be accurate to explain the traditional acceptance of reprisals by reference to it alone. Just and Unjust Wars
For the talion is a return of evil for evil, and what is crucial about reprisal is precisely that evil, though it may be repeated, is not returned. Just and Unjust Wars
They admit that the amount of vio- lence, so determined, may be greater than that originally inflicted by the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
During World War II, to be sure, the Germans often responded to partisan activity in the occupied states of Europe by shooting ten hostages for every German killed.’0 Just and Unjust Wars
It is another feature of the backward-looking character of reprisals that the acts to which they respond must be crimes, violations of the recognized rules of war. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, the rules must be commonly recognized, on both sides of the battle- line, if the special character of reprisals is to be maintained. Just and Unjust Wars
When the British army resorted to reprisals during the War of 1812, an opposition member of the House of Commons, who thought such 211 conduct barbarous, asked why His Majesty’s soldiers didn’t scalp their captives when they fought with the American Indians or enslave them in their wars with the Barbary corsairs.” Just and Unjust Wars
If’ it is wrong, and for the deepest reasons, to kill innocent people, how can it be right to kill them? lii treatises on international law, the defense of reprisal is always qualified, first by a great show of reluctance and anxiety, and secondly by some words about the extremity of the case.’2 Just and Unjust Wars
The FF1 niight, for example, have an- nounced, that they would treat German soldiers involved in the execution of captured partisans as war criminals; they might even have begun to publish the names of those who would be accused. Just and Unjust Wars
If the raids fail, they can only be tried again; there is nothing more to be done. Just and Unjust Wars
Then, surely, they should be put on trial, not shot out of hand. Just and Unjust Wars
How can they be shot out of hand, treated more cruelly than we would treat suspected criminals? It seems incredible that some number of them should be arbitrarily separated from the rest and then killed, simply so that we can announce their deaths, and all this for the sake of justice! Just and Unjust Wars
Killing them would be murder: the name is exact, no matter what crimes we hope to avoid by becoming murderers. Just and Unjust Wars
Its members can still be held hostage, though only at a distance, for the good behavior of their government and army. Just and Unjust Wars
by belligerent control or capture cease to be legitimate objects of violence.”5 Just and Unjust Wars
Even children are not “precluded” from serving that power: they will grow up to be soldiers, munitions workers, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
And if there are good reasons for doing that, there would seem to be no good reasons for drawing the line as it has currently been drawn.* Just and Unjust Wars
For soldiers have only a war right, and no more basic right, to be attacked with certain weapons and not with others. Just and Unjust Wars
It might be ~irgued that when restraints of this 215 sort are violated, they simply disappear, and then there is no reason to limit one’s own violations by attending to the proportionality rule. Just and Unjust Wars
The case is the same with all those informal agreements and reciprocal arrangements that limit the extent and intensity of warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor can there be any question that the Israelis have a right to respond in some way. Just and Unjust Wars
Any military response will be marked by a kind of asymmetry characteristic of peacetime reprisal: the initial foray is unofficial; the counter-attack is the act of a sovereign state, challenging the sov- ereignty of another state. Just and Unjust Wars
Though the terrorist raid is aimed at civilians, the reprisal must not be so aimed. Just and Unjust Wars
These killings probably cannot be called “unintended,” and it certainly cannot be said that due care was taken to avoid them; so the protests were justified; the killings were criminal. Just and Unjust Wars
With regard to its conduct, peacetime ïe- prisal is exactly like war itself, and so certain of our judgments are obvious enough. Just and Unjust Wars
Not all the houses were cleared beforehand, and more than forty. Just and Unjust Wars
Individuals can be taxed without becoming legitimate targets, but property, or certain sorts of property, may be a legiti- mate target even if its owners are not.* Just and Unjust Wars
The Israeli argument followed the pattern of positive law (or * This is probably what the lawyers have in mind when they argue that, in cases of reprisal, the private citizen “is held to be identified with his state.” Just and Unjust Wars
219 at least of positive law before the era of the UN). Just and Unjust Wars
No one seems to deny the reality of the obligation, but it was argued on behalf of the Lebanese (though not by them) that the government in Beirut was in fact incapable of honoring it. Just and Unjust Wars
The critical question is whether one sovereign state can be forced by another to fulfill its obligations. Just and Unjust Wars
Nothing the UN has actually done, no effects it can presently have, suggest a centralization of legal or moral author- ity in international life. Just and Unjust Wars
* * With regard to the routine UN condemnations of Israeli reprisals, Richard Falk has written: “One may argue against the fairness of such constraints upon Israel’s discretion in these circumstances, but it is essentially an extra-legal appeal as the organs of the UN have the procedural capacity to authorize or prohibit spe- 220 THE WAR CoNvENTIoN Reprisals But the sheer unreality of the UN position doesn’t by itself establish the legitimacy of peacetime reprisals. Just and Unjust Wars
Though they have often been used, they cannot rightly be used, as a cover for invasions or interventions or assaults upon innocent life. Just and Unjust Wars
It may be that there are moments of extremity and crisis when state’s rights and human rights have to be violated; but such mo- ments are not generated by the particular crimes of our enemies, and the violations are not usefully called reprisals. Just and Unjust Wars
Assuming Falk is right, it must be said that the extra-legal appeal is a moral appeal the success of which probably will and certainly should undermine the newly enacted “law.” Just and Unjust Wars
But it enters significantly into the theory of war only when winning is seen to be morally im- portant, that is, only when the outcome of the struggle is conceived in terms of justice. Just and Unjust Wars
If, when he has won a victory, he conforms to the doctrine of the Confucians, he will issue an order to his troops saying, “Fugitives are not to be pur- sued, an enemy who has lost his helmet is not to be shot at; if a chariot overturns, you are to help the occupants to right it”—if this is done, the violent and the disorderly will escape with their lives and the wOrld will not be rid of its pest. Just and Unjust Wars
But for Mao himself the “Eight Points” apparently reflect only the utilitarian requirements of guerrilla war, and they cannot stand against the higher utility of winning—which he is likely to describe in extravagant terms, a combination of Wilsonian ideal- ism and Marxist apocalypse: “The aim of war is to eliminate war Mankind’s era of wars will be brought to an end by our own 226 DILEMMAS 0F WAR Winning and Fighting Well efforts, and beyond doubt the war we wage is part of the final battle.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt, there are fine points of difference between these two ideas, which I cannot pursue here. Just and Unjust Wars
That doesn’t mean that there are no rules of engage- ment at all; I have already cited Mao’s “Eight Points for Atten- tion,” which recapitulate in democratic style the old chivalric code. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor were rights thought to be at stake in the old warrior codes. Just and Unjust Wars
Combat was only possible between peers; otherwise war would not be an occasion for the display of aristocratic virtue. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not hard to understand why anyone convinced of the moral urgency of victory would be impatient with such notions. Just and Unjust Wars
Of what use is the (undoubted) vir- tue of the Duke of Sung if the world is ruled by violence and aggression? Indeed, a war in which the Duke’s virtue was more important than a military triumph would seem to be a very un- important war. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus the argument of Hsiang’s minister after the defeat of the Sung army: “If we grudge a second wound, it would be better not to wound at all. Just and Unjust Wars
This argument is often said to be typical of American thought, but in fact it is universal in the history of war. Just and Unjust Wars
They are at most “rules of thumb,” general precepts of honor (or utility) to be observed only until observing them comes into conflict with the requirements of victory. Just and Unjust Wars
But this is to mis- understand the status of the war convention. Just and Unjust Wars
And ÿet the case for breaking the rules and violating those rights is made sufficiently often, and by soldiers and statesmen who can- not always be called wicked, so that we have to assume that it isn’t pointless. Just and Unjust Wars
We know how high the stakes sometimes are in war and how urgent victory can be. Just and Unjust Wars
The very existence of a community may be at stake, and then how can we fail to consider possible outcomes in judging the course of the fighting? At this point if at no other, the restraint on utili- tarian calculation must be lifted. Just and Unjust Wars
“For there are peoples,” as Simone Weil has written, “[who] have never recovered after having once been conquered.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
And there is nothing asinine about this principle: the very lives of men and women are at stake. Just and Unjust Wars
Though such appeals are particular in char- acter, they have a general form. Just and Unjust Wars
Given this view, the argument quoted from Rawls might be taken to mean that borderline cases should be decided systematically against that country whose “right to war is questionable” or even that the military and political leaders of that country -should keep some distance away from the border, never doubling the doubtfulness of their cause with the doubtful- ness of their methods. Just and Unjust Wars
This last would simply be a plea for scrupu- lousness, which is always a good thing. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is another mean- ing that can be drawn out of Rawis’ argument (though I don’t 229 think it is his own meaning): that the class of “strictly inadmis- sible” acts should be kept very small, and space should be opened up within the rules of war where the sliding scale might be applied. Just and Unjust Wars
According to the war convention as I have described it, there is no range of actions, over which the sliding scale might move, between legitimate combat and inadmissible violence. Just and Unjust Wars
There is only a line, not entirely distinct but meant simply to mark off the one from the other. Just and Unjust Wars
It may be that this is what the slid- ing scale comes to in any case, but its advocates at least claim to recognize the existence of. Just and Unjust Wars
To resist the slide, one must hold that the rules of war are a series of categorical and unqualified pro- hibitions, and that they can never rightly be violated even in order to defeat aggression.9 Just and Unjust Wars
But if what is being de- fended is the state itself and the political community it protects and the lives and liberties of the members of that community. Just and Unjust Wars
These rights, I shall argue, cannot be eroded or undercut; nothing dimin- ishes them; they are still standing at the very moment they are overridden: that is why they have to be overridden.10 Just and Unjust Wars
Hence breaking the rules is always, a hard matter, and the sOldier or statesman who does so must be prepared to accept the moral con- sequences and the burden of guilt that his action entails. Just and Unjust Wars
At the same time, it may well be that he has no choice but to break the rules: he confronts at last what can meaningfully be called necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
The teùsion between the rules of war and the theory of aggres- sion, between jus in bello and jus ad bellum, can be dealt with in four different ways: ethics”) under the pressure of utilitarian argument; i) the war convention is simply set aside (derided as “asinine 2) the convention yields slowly to the moral urgency of the 231 caisse: the rights of the righteous are enhanced, and those of their enemies devalued; 3) ever the consequences; and 4) minent catastrophe. Just and Unjust Wars
States possess, first, a right to be neutral, which is simply an aspect of their sovereignty. Just and Unjust Wars
In any prospective or on-going con- flict between two other states, they are free to opt for what might be called the condition of “thirdness.” Just and Unjust Wars
The more convinced we are, however, that one of the belligerents is an aggressor or that the outcome is going to be dis- astrous, the more likely we are to deny the very possibility of non- involvement. Just and Unjust Wars
I shall focus on it in the chapters that follow, but try at the same time to suggest the inadequacies and dangers of the sliding scale. Just and Unjust Wars
I will look first at a number of cases involving the practice of neutrality, perhaps the most disputed feature of the war convention. Just and Unjust Wars
How long must one wait before breaking the rules? The answer I want to defend is best expressed by reversing Chair- man Mao’s dictum: with referencë to our own conventions, and until the very last minute, we are all the Duke of Sung. Just and Unjust Wars
And if they do that, they then possess neutral rights, specified at great length in positive international law. Just and Unjust Wars
As with the war convention generally, the initial right and the subsequent rights exist without reference to the moral character of the belligerent powers or to the probable outcome of the war. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, a British proclama- tion issued in 1793: the political and military policies of the rev- olutionary government of France, it was said, involved “all the Neutrality 233 surrounding powers in one common danger . Just and Unjust Wars
These duties can be summed rip very simply, although in- ternational law on this subject is elaborate and detailed: they re- quire a strict impartiality toward the belligerents, without ref- erence to the justice of their cause or to any sentiments of 234 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality neighborliness, cultural affinity, or ideological agreement.2 Just and Unjust Wars
What is more important, normal pat- terns of trade may be maintained with both belligerents. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the neutrality of any given state is likely to be more helpful to one side than to the other. Just and Unjust Wars
So far as the warring powers are con- cernéd, neutrality is rarely a matter of equal benefit, for neither the balance of private sympathy and effort nor the balance of trade is likely to be even between them.* Just and Unjust Wars
This is a help that cannot be helped; it derives from the very existence of the neutral state, its geography, economy, language, religion, and so on, and could only be interdicted by the most rigorous coercion of its citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely a strict neutrality here, a refusal to dis- criminate in any way in favor of the victim, would be disquieting and strange. Just and Unjust Wars
In both political and moral life, the “neuter” is not a person one instinc- tively likes. Just and Unjust Wars
For there may well be a majority of states and an overwhelming predominance of force at least potentially available on behalf of a staté under attack, thought to be the victim of aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
All that stands in the way of mobilizing this force, it may be, is the war convention and the right of neu- trality. Just and Unjust Wars
Ruination is to be avoided, but is this only the ruination of states? When a state joins a war, it risks its survival to this or that degree, depending on the nature of the conflict, the power of its allies, and the readiness and fighting capacity of its army; and these risks may be acceptable or not. Just and Unjust Wars
It does this, to be sure, without knowing which citizens those are. Just and Unjust Wars
At least this group of men and women, citizens of the neutral state, who do not choose to risk their lives, will be protected from having to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
But why should these men and women be immune and free when so many others are driven into battle? In what possible way are they entitled to their neutrality? The question is especially important if we imagine a situation where a particular state’s de- cision to be neutral means that more people will be killed than would be killed if it joined the war, for the participation of its armies might turn the tide and shorten the fighting by so many 236 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality weeks or months. Just and Unjust Wars
Their people’s lives are not international resources to be distributed in war so as to balance the risks or reduce the losses of other people. Just and Unjust Wars
But people are entitled to their good fortune in such matters, as states are, or are presumed to be, entitled to their geographic locations. Just and Unjust Wars
* So neutral citizens are immune from attack; the coerciveness of war can never willfully be extended beyond the limits fixed by the material causes of the conflict and the military organization of the states involved. Just and Unjust Wars
The leaders of a neutral state are entitled to maintain that immunity; indeed, they may be bound to do so, given the consequences of its loss for their fellow citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is one sort of case in which this right might be denied. Just and Unjust Wars
But they won’t always be in a position to respond, and if they are not, the measures may be morally required. Just and Unjust Wars
Imagine (what is easily imaginable) that some great power launches a campaign of conquest, aimed not merely at this or that * But this argument doesn’t seem to work with reference to the property and prosperity (rather than the lives) of the citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
237 state but at some larger ideological or imperial goal. Just and Unjust Wars
That is a unilateral view of the situation, to be sure, and one can argue (as I would often be inclined to do) with the leaders who put it forward. Just and Unjust Wars
And this is so even if one grants that the war began with an act or a series of acts of aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
They can always refuse to do so, imagining in their turn that their own country and the whole world are in no real danger. Just and Unjust Wars
Their violation almost certainly entails the killing (or the causing to be killed) of innocent people, and so it is not a casual matter even when the end in view is very important. Just and Unjust Wars
The value of that reluctance will be apparent if we look at two cases in which neutral rights were wrongly violated: first, on the plea of necessity, and second, with the argument more 239 justice, more right. Just and Unjust Wars
The belligerent power talks of the vital importance of the ends for which it is fighting; the neutral state invokes the rules of war. Just and Unjust Wars
Their neutrality having been violated and their borders crossed, they had no reason to expect anything good from the invaders; nor did they believe that their independence would be respected. Just and Unjust Wars
They chose to resist the invasion, and once their soldiers were fighting and dying, it is hard to see how the wrong the Germans had done could ever be made good. Just and Unjust Wars
The force of von Bethmann Holiweg’s argument lies not in the promise of reparation, but in the plea of necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is an improbable argument. Just and Unjust Wars
The attack had long seemed to the General Staff the most expedi- ent way of striking a hard blow against the French and winning a quick victory in the west (before Germany was fully engaged with the Russians on the eastern front) .° Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps he had in mind some notion of honor or military glory, which could oniy be upheld by victory over the nation’s enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
It would have to succeed on both, I think, before the violation of Belgian neutrality could be defended. Just and Unjust Wars
The German chancellor puts forward exactly the sort of argu- ment that would be appropriate at a time of genuine extremity. Just and Unjust Wars
He does not claim that the French have already violated Belgian neutrality or even that they are threatening to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
The German ore supply was thus pro- tected by Norwegian (and Swedish) neutrality, and for this reason the invasion of Norway was no part of Hitler’s original strategic plan. Just and Unjust Wars
Instead of waiting for a German attack in France and the Low Countries, the Allies could force Hitler to disperse his armies and to fight—Churchill never doubted that the Germans would fight for their ore supply— in a part of the world where the strength of the British navy could most effectively be brought to bear.11 Just and Unjust Wars
He urged the mining of Norwegian territorial waters, so as to force German mer- chant ships out into the Atlantic where the British navy could capture or sink them. Just and Unjust Wars
It was a proposal he had made immediately after the war began and that he brought forward whenever his larger plans seemed in danger. Just and Unjust Wars
Even this “genteel little act of bellicosity,” however, encountered opposition. Just and Unjust Wars
I continued . Just and Unjust Wars
Our defeat would mean an age of bar- baric violence, and would be fatal, not only to ourselves, but to the independent life of every small country in Europe. Just and Unjust Wars
It would not be right or rational that the aggressive Power should gain one set of ad- vantages by tearing up all laws, and another set by sheltering behind the innate respect for law of its opponents. Just and Unjust Wars
Humanity, rather than legality, must be our guide. Just and Unjust Wars
The sliding scale argument presupposes and re- quires some such symmetry, but I do not see how it can be gen- erated. Just and Unjust Wars
Something must be said about the objects as well as the subjects of this military doing. Just and Unjust Wars
Who is being done to? In this case, the objects are Norwegian citizens, who are in no sense responsible for the war into which they are to be dragged. Just and Unjust Wars
He obviously believes that the Norwegians ought to be involved in the struggle against Germany, not only because their involvement would be good for Britain, but also be- Hugo Grotius, who generally favors the sliding scale, is particularly clear on the* question of neutrality: “From what has been said we can understand how it is permissible for one who is waging a just war to take possession of a place situated in a country free from hostilities.” Just and Unjust Wars
Neutral rights fade away, he argues, when brought up against aggression and illegal violence on the one hand and legitimate resistance on the other. Just and Unjust Wars
In most wars, it can plausibly be said that one side fights justly, or probably does, or fights with greater justice than the other, and in all these cases the enemy against which it fights may well pose a general threat. Just and Unjust Wars
The right of third parties to be neutral is a moral entitlement to ignore those distinctions and to recognize or not to recognize that threat. Just and Unjust Wars
It may well be that they have to fight if they do recognize a danger to themselves, but they cannot rightly be forced to fight if they do not. Just and Unjust Wars
They may be morally blind, or ob- tuse, or selfish, but these faults do not turn them into the resources of the righteous. Just and Unjust Wars
In an emergency, neutral rights can be overridden, and when we override them we make no claim that they have been diminished, weakened, or lost. Just and Unjust Wars
They have to be overridden, as I have already said, precisely because they are still there, in full force, obstacles to some great (necessary) triumph for mankind. Just and Unjust Wars
But their estimates were honestly made, and they were shared by Hitler himself. Just and Unjust Wars
Liddell Hart finds it “hard to understand how the British and French governments had the face to approve . Just and Unjust Wars
The two criteria must both be applied. Just and Unjust Wars
Then we are offered what might best be called the back-to- the-wall argument: that when conventional means of resistance are hopeless or worn out, anything goes (anything that is “necessary” to win). Just and Unjust Wars
Thus British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, writing in 1932 about the dangers of terror bombing:’ Will any form of prohibition of bombing, whether by convention, treaty, agreement, or anything you like, be effective in war? Frankly, I doubt it, and in doubting it, I make no reflection on the good faith of either ourselves or any other country. Just and Unjust Wars
If a man has a potential weapon and has his back to the wall and is going to be killed, he will use that weapon, whatever it is and whatever undertaking he has given about it. Just and Unjust Wars
The first thing that has to be said about this statement is that Baldwin does not mean his domestic analogy to be applied liter- ally. Just and Unjust Wars
If we are to adopt or defend the adoption of extreme measures, the danger must be of an unusual and horrifying kind. Just and Unjust Wars
War is not always a struggle over ultimate values, where the victory of one side would be a human disaster for the other. Just and Unjust Wars
It is necessary to be skeptical about such matters, to cultivate a wary disbelief of war- time rhetoric, and then to search for some touchstone against which arguments about extremity might be judged. Just and Unjust Wars
Can a supreme emergency be constituted by a particular threat—by a threat of enslavement or extermination di- rected against a single nation? Can soldiers and statesmen override the rights of innocent people for the sake of their own political community? I am inclined to answer this question affirmatively, though not without hesitation and worry. Just and Unjust Wars
the sur- vival and freedom of political communities—whose members share a way of life, developed by their ancestors, to be passed on to their children—are the highest values of international society. Just and Unjust Wars
A directive issued in June of that year had “specifically laid down that targets had to be identified and aimed at. Just and Unjust Wars
The history is a complex one, and it has already been the sub- ject of several monographie analyses.4 Just and Unjust Wars
On the contrary, if tonight the people of London were asked to cast their votes whether a convention should be entered into to stop the bombing of all cities, the overwhelming majority would cry, “No, we will mete out to the Germans the measure, and more than the measure, that they have meted out to us.” Just and Unjust Wars
At the height of the blitz, many British officers still felt strongly that their own air attacks should be aimed only at military targets and that positive efforts should be made to minimize civilian casualties. Just and Unjust Wars
If any sort of strategic bombing offensive was to be maintained, one would have to plan for the destruction that one could and did cause. Just and Unjust Wars
And it was made when rio other decision seemed possible if there was to be any sort of military offensive against Nazi Germany. Just and Unjust Wars
“It was the only force in the West,” writes Arthur Harris, chief of Bomber Command from eariy 1942 until the end of the war, “which could take offensive action . Just and Unjust Wars
against Germany, our only means of getting at the enemy in a way that would hurt at all.”6 Just and Unjust Wars
But the issue can be put so as to accommodate a degree of skepticism and to permit even the most sophisticated among us to indulge in a common and a morally important fantasy: suppose that I sat in the seat of power and had to decide whether to use Bomber Command (in the only way that it could be used systematically and effectively) against cities. Just and Unjust Wars
Suppose further that unless the bombers were Used in this way, the probability that Germany would eventually be de- feated would be radically reduced. Just and Unjust Wars
It makes no sense at this point to quantify the probabilities; I have no clear notion what they actually were or even how they might be calculated given our present knowledge; nor am I sure how different figures, unless they were very different, would affect the moral argument. Just and Unjust Wars
But it does seem to me that the more certain a German victory appeared to be in the absence of a bomber offensive, the more justifiable was the decision to launch the offensive. Just and Unjust Wars
Here was a supreme emergency, where one might well be re- quired to override the rights of innocent people and shatter the war convention. Just and Unjust Wars
But I can never hope to be sure; a wager is not an experi- ment. Just and Unjust Wars
But I dare to say that our history will be nullified and our future condemned unless I accept the burdens of criminality here and now. Just and Unjust Wars
Allied fliers killed many French- men, but they did so while bombing what were (or were thought to be) military targets. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose it makes sense to say that there were more people in German than in French cities who were responsible (in some fashion) for the evil of Naz- ism, and we may well be reluctant to extend to them the full range of civilian rights. Just and Unjust Wars
the terror, though under other pretexts, should be reviewed The destruction of Dresden remains a- serious query against the conduct of Allied bombing.”2° Just and Unjust Wars
Assuming this claim to be true (I have already indicated that precisely oppo- 261 site claims are made by some historians and strategists), it is never- theless not sufficient to justify the bombing. Just and Unjust Wars
For such calculations need not be concerned only with the preservation of life. Just and Unjust Wars
I have said that such acts can probably be ruled out on utilitarian grounds, but it is also true that utilitarianism as it is commonly understood, indeed, as Sidgwick himself understands it, encour- ages the bizarre accounting that makes them (morally) possible. Just and Unjust Wars
In any case, I doubt that his argument would lead anyone to begin bombing cities. Just and Unjust Wars
But I want to look at one more case before concluding my argument—a case * George Orwell has suggested an. Just and Unjust Wars
It is an apology after, the fact, and not a convincing one. Just and Unjust Wars
“Because they thought of them- selves as specialists, technicians, and not as complete men.”2’ Just and Unjust Wars
And in the event, the bomb was not used against Germany (or to deter its use by Hitler, which is what men like Einstein had in mind), but against the Japanese, who had never posed such a threat to peace and freedom as the Nazis had.8 Just and Unjust Wars
Truman’s military advisors also believed that the costs would be high, though the public record does not show that they ever recommended negotiations. Just and Unjust Wars
They thought that the war might continue late into 1946 and that there would be as many as a million additional American casualties. Just and Unjust Wars
Japanese losses would be much higher. Just and Unjust Wars
I want to state this argument as strongly as I can. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if we as- sume that unconditional surrender was morally desirable because of the character of Japanese militarism, it might still be morally undesirable because of the human costs it entailed. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if we had been fighting in strict accordance with the war convention, the continuation of the struggle was not something forced upon us. Just and Unjust Wars
It had to do with- our war aims. Just and Unjust Wars
Given that choice, one might well reconsider those aims. Just and Unjust Wars
The means they adopted is the promise of reprisal in kind. Just and Unjust Wars
Against the threat of an immoral attack, they have put the threat of an immoral response. Just and Unjust Wars
Anyone committed to the distinction between combatants and noncombatants is bound to be appalled by the specter of destruc- tion evoked, and purposely evoked, in deterrence theory. Just and Unjust Wars
That would be no way to regulate traffic even if it succeeds in regulating it perfectly, since such a system makes inno- cent human lives the direct object of attack and uses them as a mere means for restraining the drivers of automobiles. Just and Unjust Wars
Ramsey reproduces the strategy of the German officers during the Franco- Prussian War who forced civilians to ride on military trains in order to deter saboteurs. Just and Unjust Wars
It is in the nature of the new technology that we can be threatened without being held captive. Just and Unjust Wars
If we had to keep millions of people under restraint in order to maintain the balance of terror, or if we had to kill millions of people (periodically) in order to convince our adversaries of our credibility, deterrence would not be accepted for long.7 Just and Unjust Wars
But no account of our experience is accurate which fails to recognize that, for all its ghastly potential, deterrence has so far been a bloodless strategy. Just and Unjust Wars
Their closeness is a matter of moral posture and intention. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t want to say that such people wOuld necessarily be transformed into barbarians; they might well have a heightened sense of how awful murder is and a heightened desire to avoid it; they might loathe the work they were pledged to do and fervently hope that they never had to do it. Just and Unjust Wars
It is also true that no one wants to kill them, and it may well be true that no one expects to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
Nevertheless, we intend the killings under certain circumstances. Just and Unjust Wars
That is the stated policy of our government; and thousands of men, trained in the techniques of mass destruction and drilled in instant obedience, stand ready to carry it out. Just and Unjust Wars
The men and women who designed the computer program or the political leaders who ordered them to do so would be responsible for the second attack, for they would have planned it and organized it and intended that it should occur (under certain conditions). Just and Unjust Wars
It requires only that we see appeasement or surrender to involve a loss of values central to our existence as an independent nation-state. Just and Unjust Wars
The case here is very different from that which arises commonly in war, where our adherence to the war convention puts us, or would put us, at a disadvantage vis-à-vis them. Just and Unjust Wars
For disadvantages of that sort are partial and rela- tive; various counter-measures and compensating steps are always available. Just and Unjust Wars
But in the nuclear case, the disadvantage is absolute. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is worth insisting that it would not solve the moral problem. Just and Unjust Wars
It is a feature of massive retaliation that while there is or may be some rational purpose in threatening it, there could be none in carrying — it out. Just and Unjust Wars
Were our “bluff” ever to be called and our population cen- ters suddenly attacked, the resulting war could not (in any usual * This is obviously the grim logic of nuclear proliferation. Just and Unjust Wars
274 DILEMMAS OF WAR Nuclear Deterrence sense of the word) be won. Just and Unjust Wars
The use of our deterrent capacity would be an act of pure destructiveness. Just and Unjust Wars
But would we carry it out? George Kennan has recently given what must be the moral response:9 Let us suppose there were to be a nuclear attack of some sort on this country and millions of people were killed and injured. Just and Unjust Wars
A humane position—though one that should probably be whis- pered, rather than published, if the balance of terror is to be sus- tained. Just and Unjust Wars
But this objection would disappear if we could deter our adversaries by threatening a limited and morally acceptable destruction. Just and Unjust Wars
There remains the possibility that the new technology of war sim- ply doesn’t fit and cannot be made to fit within the old limits. Just and Unjust Wars
This proposition can be defended in two different ways. Just and Unjust Wars
The first is to argue that the collateral damage likely to be caused even by a “legitimate” use of nuclear weapons is so great that it would violate both of the proportionality limits fixed by the theory of war: the number of people killed in the war as a whole would not be warranted by the goals of the war—particularly since the dead * Kissinger later moved away from these views, and they have pretty much dropped out of the strategic debates. Just and Unjust Wars
Tactical and counter-force warfare meets the formal requirements of jus in bello, and it was seized upon eagerly by certain mora] theorists. Just and Unjust Wars
That is not to say, however, that it makes moral sense. Just and Unjust Wars
The scene is empty; one can fill it in very different ways, and it is not impossible to imagine that limits might be maintained even after nuclear weapons had been used in battle. Just and Unjust Wars
The prospect that they would be maintained and the war extended over time is so frightening to those countries on whose soil such wars are likely to be fought that they have generally opposed the new strategies and insisted upon the threat of massive retaliation. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, how- ever, the risks of escalation-will be great whatever limits are adopted, simply because of the immense destructive power of the weapons involved. Just and Unjust Wars
Or rather, there are two possibilities: either nuclear weapons will be held at such low levels that they won’t be sig- nificantly different from or.of Just and Unjust Wars
Thus, as André Beaufre has written, “Europeans would prefer to risk general war in an attempt to avoid war altogethei rather than have Europe become the theater of operations for limited war.”8 Just and Unjust Wars
They probably rule out large-scale con- ventional war, too, including the particular conventional war about which the strategists of the 1950’S and 1960’s were most concerned: a Russian invasion of western Europe. Just and Unjust Wars
Now if there is to be a justified deterrent strategy, there must be a justified form of nuclear war, and Ramsey ‘has conscientiously argued “the case for making just war possible” in the modern age. Just and Unjust Wars
Even these targets are only “conditionally” permissible, since the proportionality rule would have to be applied in each case, and Ramsey does not believe that its standards will always be met. Just and Unjust Wars
He believes that “the collateral civilian damage that would result from counter- force warfare in its maximum form” would be sufficient to deter potential aggressors.’8 Just and Unjust Wars
Since the civilians likely to die in such a war would be the incidental victims of legitimate military strikes, the threat of counter-force warfare plus collateral damage is also morally superior to deterrence in its present form. Just and Unjust Wars
So the damage may not be justifiable in prospect (under the doctrine of double effect), and yet the threat of such damage may still be morally permitted. Just and Unjust Wars
Now there is no limit on the number of people whose deaths we can threaten, so long as those deaths are to be caused “collaterally” and not b taking direct aim. Just and Unjust Wars
That may be a matter of some moral significance, but it does not seem signifi- cant enough to serve as the cornerstone of a justified deterrent. Just and Unjust Wars
What if the likely collateral damage of a just nuclear war isn’t great enough to deter a would-be aggressor? What if the aggressor threatens a counter- city strike? Surrender would be intolerable, and yet we cannot our- selves threaten mass murder in response. Just and Unjust Wars
If the immorality lies in uttering the threat, then it may in practice be avoided— though one may wonder at the ease of this solution. Just and Unjust Wars
Nuclear weapons, Ramsey writes, have a certain inherent ambiguity: “they may be used either against strategic forces or against centers of pop- ulation,” and that means that “apart from intention, their capacity to deter cannot be removed from them . Just and Unjust Wars
No matter how often we declare, and quite sincerely declare, that our targets are an enemy’s forces, he can never be quite certain that in the fury or the fog of war his cities may not be destroyed.”2’ Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps the mere possession of nuclear weap- ons won’t be enough to deter some reckless aggressor. Just and Unjust Wars
In that case, only the appearance should be cultivated.”~’ Just and Unjust Wars
The real ambiguity of nuclear deterrence lies in the fact that no one, including ourselves, can be sure that we will ever carry out the threats we make. Just and Unjust Wars
For if we “be- come convinced,” he writes, “that in the matter of deterrence a number of things are wicked which are not,” then, seeing no way of avoiding wickedness, we will “set no limits on it.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
The pretense that this is not so carries with it dangers of its own. Just and Unjust Wars
To draw insignifi- cant lines, to maintain the formal categories of double effect, col- lateral damage, noncombatant immunity, and so on, when so little moral content remains is to corrupt the argument for justice as a whole and to render it suspect even in those areas of military life to which it properly pertains. Just and Unjust Wars
So the readiness to murder is balanced, or should be, by the readiness not to murder, not to threaten murder,. Just and Unjust Wars
as soon as alternative ways to peace can be found. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not my purpose here to suggest what the alternatives might look like. Just and Unjust Wars
I have been more concerned to acknowledge that deterrence itself, for all its criminality, falls or may fall for the moment under the standard of necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
But as with terror bombing, so here with the threat of terrorism: supreme emergency is never a stable position. Just and Unjust Wars
Because it is unacceptable, we must seek out ways to prevent it, and because deterrence is a bad way, we must seek out others. Just and Unjust Wars
And as we read through these arguments, or listen to them, it often seems that what is being said is this: that if an individual is not legally liable for some particular act or omission but, as it were, merely immoral, not much can usefully be said about his guilt. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, the view of a contemporary law professor who be- lieves that the “essentials” of “the question of war crimes” can be set forth “with tolerable clarity and brevity,” so long as one caveat is accepted: “I shall make no attempt to say what is immoral— not because I believe morality unimportant, but because my views on it are entitled to no more weight than Jane Fonda’s or Richard M. Nixon’s, or yours.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, there are often prudential reasons for not calling them, for even well-wrought judicial decisions are likely at certain moments in the history of international society to be understood only as acts of cruelty and vengeance. Just and Unjust Wars
Authoritative judges are rarely called to the business of judging. Just and Unjust Wars
Until very recently, at least, they have held that “acts of state” cannot be the crimes of individual persons. Just and Unjust Wars
We are often urged not to condemn the acts of statesmen, or not to be too quick to condemn them, since, after all, these people are not acting selfishly or for private reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
The same assertion can be made on behalf of mili- tary officers, except when the crimes they commit are passionate or selfish. Just and Unjust Wars
It might be made, too, on behalf of revolutionary militants who kill innocent people for the sake of the cause (not because of any personal grudge), even though the cause has no official but only a putative connection to the national interest. Just and Unjust Wars
If they hope to be praised for the good they do, they cannot escape blame for the evil. Just and Unjust Wars
They aspire to office, connive at control and leadership, compete for positions from which they can do evil as well as good. Just and Unjust Wars
Disagreement they can accept (if they are democratic leaders), but not accusations of crim- inality. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose they are right to recognize that morality is often a mask for politics. Just and Unjust Wars
Sometimes, no doubt, the going is more muddy; political leaders are not always in control of their own provocations, and wars do break out without anyone planning or intending to violate anyone else’s rights. Just and Unjust Wars
These four activities were distinguished from the planning and prepartion of particular military campaigns and from the actual fighting of the war, which were (rightly) held to be noncriminal in character. Just and Unjust Wars
Now, “planning, preparation, initi- ation, and waging” would appear to be the work of a fairly large number of people. Just and Unjust Wars
One might be greatly saddened by them and still feel it morally right to protect the innocent people of the victim state. Just and Unjust Wars
Here, too, he argued “that minimal participation should be negated by the fact that he opposed what was being done.” Just and Unjust Wars
Apparently he thought his silence the price of his office, and he wanted to retain his office so that he “might be in a position to initiate or aid in attempts to negotiate peace” and so that he might continue to pass on information to Hitler’s under- ground opponents. Just and Unjust Wars
the commission of murder because by so doing he hopes eventually to be able to rid society of the chief murderer. Just and Unjust Wars
While it might be true that no “decent man could continue to hold office under a regime which carried out . Just and Unjust Wars
What is written down may be incomplete, tailored to the requirements of bureaucratic correspondence. Just and Unjust Wars
It’s certainly not the case that only “line” and never “staff” offlicals can be held responsible for decisions made. Just and Unjust Wars
But whispering in the ruler’s ear is problematic; it is easier to suggest what should be said than what we should do if we suspect that it hasn’t been said. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps those were the only terms likely to be effective in Germany during those years. Just and Unjust Wars
Reparations are surely due the victims of aggressive war, and they can hardly be collected only from those members of, the defeated state who were active John. Just and Unjust Wars
They may be judged insufficiently tough or hard-headed if they talk that way. Just and Unjust Wars
But to be “tough” enough to carry out policies that kind of guilt: existential, unavoidable, frightening. Just and Unjust Wars
are literally unmentionable is either to be very cowardly or very wicked. Just and Unjust Wars
The crimes, therefore, that his nation or one of its units corn- ‘ , mits cannot be indifferent to him. Just and Unjust Wars
ishing” to the aggressor state and is often described in those terms, It might be better to say of loyal citizens who watch their govern- ment or army (or their comrades in battle) doing terrible things With reference to the actual fighting, as I have already argued civilians on both sides are innocent, equally innOcent, and nevei that they feel or should feel ashamed rather than responsible—un- less they actually are responsible by virtue of their particular partici- legitimate military targets. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps it can always be said of such a person that he could have done more than he did do. Just and Unjust Wars
RESPONSIBILITY The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens The American People and the War in Vietnam If the argument in chapters 6 and 11 is right, the American war in Vietnam was, first of all, an unjustified intervention, and it was, secondly, carried on in so brutal a manner that even had it initially been defensible, it would have to be condemned, not in this or that aspect but generally. Just and Unjust Wars
Even in a perfect democracy, it cannot be said that every citizen is the author of every state policy, though every one of them can rightly be called to account. Just and Unjust Wars
They act very well if they refuse to fight, and we should honor those—they are likely to be few—who have the self-certainty and courage to stand against their fellows. Just and Unjust Wars
That doesn’t mean, however, that the others can be called criminals. Just and Unjust Wars
Those who voted against the war or who refused to cooperate in the waging of it could not be blamed. Just and Unjust Wars
These last two examples resemble the good samaritan cases in domestic society, where we commonly say that if it is possible to do good, without risk or great cost, one ought to do good. Just and Unjust Wars
It may be that a politics of this sort is the best we can hope for (though I don’t believe that) once the political com- munity reaches ,a certain size. Just and Unjust Wars
When a state like this commits itself to a campaign of aggression, its citizens (or many of them) are likely to go along, as Americans did during the Vietnam war, arguing that the war may after all be just; that it is not possible for them to be sure whether it is just or not; that their leaders know best and tell them this or that, which sounds plausible enough; and that nothing they can do will make much difference anyway. Just and Unjust Wars
And they can, no doubt, be made too quickly by citizens seeking to avoid the difficulties that might follow if they thought about the 301 war for themselves. Just and Unjust Wars
These are not immoral arguments, though they reflect badly on the society within which they are made. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is a hard charge to make, for citizenship plays such a small part in their everyday lives. Just and Unjust Wars
“Free action in the communal sphere” is a possi- bility for men and women in such a state only in the formal sense that serious governmental restraint, actual repression, doesn’t exist. Just and Unjust Wars
302 THE QUESTION 0F RESPONSIBILITY The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens suppose one can also say of them what many of them have said of themselves: that they were simply mistaken in their judgments of the war, failed to realize this or that, thought that was true when it was not, or hoped for this result which never came about. Just and Unjust Wars
For the dissidents, it was a kind of moral torture—self-torture, as Gray describes it, though they also tortured one another, wastefully, in savage in- ternecine conflicts over what was to be done. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers, it might be said, stand to civilians like the crew of a liner to its passengers. Just and Unjust Wars
‘This might be called an obligation of soldiering as an office, but it is a hard question whether one can rightly be said to assume such obligations when one comes into the office as unwillingly as most soldiers do. Just and Unjust Wars
A small detachment of troops on a special mission or cut off from its main force takes prisoners “under such circumstances that men cannot be spared to guard them . Just and Unjust Wars
The prisoners are likely to be killed, Taylor says, in actordance with the principle of military necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
But if it is only the safety of the unit that is in question (its mission may already have been accomplished), the proper appeal would be to self-preservation. Just and Unjust Wars
But surely in such a case the prisoners should be disarmed and then released. Just and Unjust Wars
There may be risks in doing that, but these are exactly the sorts of risks soldiers must accept. Just and Unjust Wars
He is not, indeed, a machine that can just be turned off, and it would be inhumanly righteous not to look with sympathy on his plight. Just and Unjust Wars
This fact is morally decisive, for it suggests a common acknowl- edgment of the right to quarter, and it proves that the right can in fact be recognized, since it often is, even in the chaos of combat. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument has to be more particular than that. Just and Unjust Wars
When we make allowances for what individual soldiers do “in the heat of battle,” it must be because of some knowledge we have that distinguishes these soldiers from the others or their circumstances from the usual ones. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps they have encountered enemy troops who feigned surrender in order to kill their captors: then the war rights of other troops are made problematic in a new way, for one cannot be sure when killing is “extra.” Just and Unjust Wars
But there is no general rule that requires us to make allowances, and sometimes, at least, soldiers should be censured or punished for killings that take place after the battle is over (though summary executiOn is probably not the best form of punishment). Just and Unjust Wars
They should certainly never be en- 307 couraged to believe that a total lack of restraint can be excused merely by reference to the passions that cause it. Just and Unjust Wars
That sort of thing happens often in war, and it is commonly excused. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose that soldiers must be “men of spirit,” like Plato’s guardians, but Jones’ colonel has mistaken the nature of their spiritedness. Just and Unjust Wars
But even if the colonel’s calculations were correct, he would still be bound to stop the killing if he could, for he cannot train and toughen his men at the expense of Japanese prisoners. Just and Unjust Wars
But this doesn’t mean that individual soh~iers must be excused; indeed, it suggests once again that heatedness isn’t the issue, but murderousness; and for their own murderousness indi- viduals are always responsible, even when under the conditions of military discipline they are not exclusively so. Just and Unjust Wars
A company of American soldiers entered a Vietnamese village where they ex- pected to encounter enemy combatants, found only civilians, old men, women, and children, and began to kill them, shooting them singly or collecting them in groups, ignoring their obvious help- lessness and their pleas for mercy, not stopping until they had murdered between four and five hundred people. Just and Unjust Wars
But he is also said to have ordered only the killing of “enemies,” and when asked, “Who is the enemy?” to have offered the following definition (in the words of one of the soldiers): “anybody that was running from us, hiding from us, or who appeared to us to be the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
The * It may be useful to suggest the sorts of commands that should be issued at such a time. Just and Unjust Wars
Their blood be on your heads.’ Just and Unjust Wars
They kept repeating the words - - - ~Their blood be on your heads.’” Just and Unjust Wars
It must be a great relief to follow orders. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is some ultimate humanity that cannot be broken down, the disappearance of which we will not accept. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers can never be transformed into mere instruments of war. Just and Unjust Wars
If they are not machines that can just be turned off, they are also not machines that can just be turned on. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not the case, then, as has often been argued, that when we judge soldiers we must balance the necessities of military discipline (that obedience be quick and unquestioning) against the requirements of humanity (that innocent people be protected) •13 Rather, we view discipline as one of the conditions of wartime activity, and we take its particular features into ãccount in determining individ- ual responsibility. Just and Unjust Wars
From his narrow and confined vantage point, even direct violations of human rights—as in the conduct of a siege, for example, or in the strategy of an anti- guerrilla campaign—may be unseen and unseeable. Just and Unjust Wars
When war is fought at a distance, he may not be responsible even for the innocent people he himself kills; Artillery men and pilots are often kept in ignorance of the targets at which their fire is directed. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps they should always be skeptical, but I don’t think we blame them if they ac- cept the assurances of their commanders. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor is he bound to seek out information; the moral life of a combat soldier is not a research assignment. Just and Unjust Wars
War is a world of duress, of threat and counter-threat, so we must be clear about those cases in which duress does, and those in which it does not count as an excuse for conduct we would other- wise condemn. Just and Unjust Wars
It has to be said, however, that officers are far more capable than enlisted men of weighing the dangers they face. Just and Unjust Wars
The decision of an ordinary soldier, who may well be subject to summary justice and who knows little of the temper of his more distant superiors, is much harder. Just and Unjust Wars
But in the context of a military organization, that appeal will often go un- heard, and so it involves a risk that may well be greater than that of punishment: the risk of a profound and morally disturbing isolation. Just and Unjust Wars
But it suggests that moral life is rooted in a kind of association that military discipline precludes or tempo- rarily cuts off, and that fact, too, must be taken into account in the judgments we make. Just and Unjust Wars
It must be taken into account especially in the case of common soldiers, for officers are more free in their associations and more involved in discussions about policy and strategy. Just and Unjust Wars
For rank can be avoided even when service cannot. Just and Unjust Wars
Junior officers are killed at a high rate in combat, but still there are -soldiers who want to be officers. Just and Unjust Wars
Now, incomprehensible is perhaps too strong a word, for a man appeals at such a timé to common moral standards. Just and Unjust Wars
Here the laws of war are of little help; no officer is going to be criminally charged for killing too many people if he does not actually massacre them. Just and Unjust Wars
But the moral responsibility is clear, and it cannot be located any- where else than in the office of commander. Just and Unjust Wars
The campaign be- longs to the commander as it does not belong to the ordinary com- batants; he has access to all available information and also to the means of generating more information; he has (or ought to have) an overview of the sum of actions and effects that he is ordering and hoping for. Just and Unjust Wars
Civilians are thought to be forewarned by the proximity of the fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
To say that, however, is not to say that those innocent lives are forfeit, for there may be ways of saving them short of calling off the attack. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps the planes, flying low, could have aimed at specific enemy targets, or artillery have been used instead (since shells could then be aimed more precisely than bombs), or paratroops dropped or patrols sent forward to seize important positions in advance of the main attack. Just and Unjust Wars
However many civilians died, it cannot be said that their deaths were intentional. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, unless Bradley worked his way through the sorts of possibilities I have listed, it also cannot be said that he intended not to kill them. Just and Unjust Wars
I have already explained why that negative intention ought to be required from soldiers; it is the domestic equivalent of what the lawyers call “due care” in domestic society. Just and Unjust Wars
How much attention is required? How much risk must be accepted? The line isn’t clear.25 Just and Unjust Wars
in there every night,” one soldier asked, “how can the people in there be worth so much?”~ In effect, soldiers were taught that civilian lives were not worth much, and there seems to have been little effort to counteract that teaching except by the most formal and perfunctory instruction in the rules of war. Just and Unjust Wars
The evidence brought forward at the trial of Lieuten- ant Galley and the materials collected by newsmen carrying õn their own investigations of the massacre clearly suggest the respon- sibility of officers superior to both Calley and Medina. Just and Unjust Wars
I can- not put together a list here, and I doubt that all of them could have been or ought to have been legally charged and tried— though this might have been a useful occasion to apply, and im- prove upon, the Yamashita precedent. Just and Unjust Wars
But that many officers are morally chargeable seems certain, and their blameworthiness is not less than that of the men who did the actual killing. Just and Unjust Wars
And until we find some way of imposing that burden, we shall not have done all that we can do in defense of the “weak and unarmed,” the innocent vic- tims of war. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet, the policy seems cruel. Just and Unjust Wars
But the first statement is probably the more realistic one. Just and Unjust Wars
Conclusion The world of necessity is generated by a conflict between collective survival and human rights. Just and Unjust Wars
We find ourselves in that world less often than we think, certainly less often than we say; but whenever we are there, we experience the ultimate tyranny of war—and also, it might be argued, the ultimate incoherence of the theory of war. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers and states- men live mostly on this side of the ultimate crises of collective sur- vival; the greater number by far of the crimes they commit can neither be defended nor excused. Just and Unjust Wars
Even the murders called necessary must be similarly described; it doubles the crime to look away, for then we are not able to fix the limits of necessity, or remember the victims, or make our own (awkward) judgments of the people who kill in our name. Just and Unjust Wars
Mostly it is possible, even when it isn’t easy, to live by the requirements of justice. Just and Unjust Wars
The difficulty is that we some- times have no choice but to fight for it. Just and Unjust Wars
329 It establishes no obstacles capable of stopping a military advance or preventing a military occupation. Just and Unjust Wars
But no nonviolent struggle has ever been undertaken by a people trained in advance in its methods and prepared (as soldiers are in the case of war) to accept its costs. Just and Unjust Wars
It might be said that nonviolence abolishes aggressive war simply by virtue of th~ refusal to engage the aggressor militarily. Just and Unjust Wars
Invasion is not morally coercive in the ways I described in Chapter 4, men and women cannot be forced to fight, if they have come to believe that they can defend their country in some other way, without killing and being killed. Just and Unjust Wars
And if there really is some other way, at least potentially effective, then the aggressor cannot be charged with forcing them to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
This, then, would be the position of the invaders: they would hold the country they had “attacked,” could establish military bases wherever they pleased, and enjoy whatever strategic benefits these yielded them (vis—à-vis other countries, presumably). Just and Unjust Wars
But their logistics problems would be severe, for unless they brought along their own personnel, they could not depend upon the local trans- portation or communication systems. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the economic costs of the occupation would be high. Just and Unjust Wars
The political costs might well be higher. Just and Unjust Wars
It is only just conceivable, how- ever; for the success I have described is possible only if the invaders are committed to the war convention—and they won’t always be committed. Just and Unjust Wars
The invading army can always adopt the common meth- ods of domestic tyrants, which go well beyond curfews, fines, and jail sentences; and its leaders, though they are soldiers, may well be tempted to do that for the sake of a quick “victory.” Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is attractive precisely because it is not millennial, but conceivable in the world we know. Just and Unjust Wars
Resistance will be a matter. Just and Unjust Wars
But here the onus is to be made especially clear (especially unbearable) by the dramatic absence of any armed struggle in which civilians might be collusive. Just and Unjust Wars
They will be hostile, certainly, but no soldiers will die at their hands or at the hands of partisáns who have their secret support. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet, if their resistance is to be broken decisively and quickly, the soldiers will ‘have to be prepared to kill them. Just and Unjust Wars
Since they are not always prepared to do that, or since their officers are not always sure that they will do it again and again, as might be necessary, civilian de- fense has had a certain limited effectiveness—not in expelling an 332 Afterword: Nonviolence and the Theory of War Afterword: invading army, but in preventing the attainment of particular goals set by its leaders. Just and Unjust Wars
If one could count on that “better code” and look forward to a nonviolent test of wills—civilian solidarity against military dis- cipline—there would, I think, be no reason to fight: political struggle is better than fighting, even when victory is uncertain. Just and Unjust Wars
For victory in war is also uncertain; and here it might be said, as it cannot easily be said in the case of war, that the citizens of the occupied country will win if they deserve to win. Just and Unjust Wars
In the case of nonviolent defense, there will be no fear; there will only be disgust and shame. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not likely that these men, soldiers subject to military discipline, are going to be converted to the creed of nonviolence. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor is it critical to the success of the “war” that they be converted, but only that they he held to their own putative standards. Just and Unjust Wars
cannot be defended, see John Keegan, The Face of Battle (New York, 1976), pp. 107—12. Just and Unjust Wars
Clausewitz should now be read in the new translation by Michael Howardi. Just and Unjust Wars
I admit, to be sure, that if the assailant seizes weapons in such a way that his intent to kill is manifest, the crime can be fore- 340 OntheLawofWar,p.17o. Just and Unjust Wars
III, Jonathan Swift, The Conduct of the Allies and of the Late Ministry in Be- As 1ate as the eighteenth century, Vattel still argued that a prince “has a Compare the argument of Hugo Grotius: “The danger - . Just and Unjust Wars
must be immedi- 5 Anticipations Notes Notes stalled; for in morals as in material things a point is not to be found which does not have a certain breadth.” Just and Unjust Wars
M. D. Vattel, The Law of Nations (Northampton, Mass., Just and Unjust Wars
- A useful statement of this position can be found in the essay by John Norton13. Just and Unjust Wars
Millis, p. 404; it should be noted that Millis also writes of the American24. Just and Unjust Wars
Greenspan is typical: “Only in exceedingly grave cases should there be resort to reprisals.” Just and Unjust Wars
- the laws of war are too deeply rooted in humanity and morality to be discussed on the footing of contract alone, except it may be some parts of no great importance which con- vention might have settled otherwise than it has.” Just and Unjust Wars
~. This seems to be G. E. M. Anscombe’s position in the two essays already cited: Mr. Truman’s Degree and “War and Murder.” Just and Unjust Wars
The case would be even worse if the bomb were used for political rather than military reasons (with the Russians rather than the Japanese in mind): on this point, see the careful analysis of Martin J. Sherwin, A World Destroyed: The Atomic Bomb and the Grand Alliance (New York, 1975). Just and Unjust Wars
The bulk of Ramsey’s articles, papers, and pamphlets are collected in his book The Just War; see also his earlier work War and the Christian Conscience: How Shall Modern War Be Justly Conducted? (Durham, 1961). Just and Unjust Wars
Sharp, p. 66; but he believes that the degree and extent of suffering will be “vastly smaller” than in regular warfare (p. Just and Unjust Wars
Log on at noon, EDT, for a Live Living With Terror Israeli Style WEB EXCLUSIVE 9.21 Newsweek October 1, 2001
scary skies Step one Visit ElM Public CULTURE “Big Trouble” and Arnold Schwarzenegger’s action movie “Collateral Damage,” and fu- tare projects that involved ter- rorism—Jackie Chan’s comedy- Special We Shall Not Be Intimidated Edition c.w. Finallyfinds clear, inspiring voice—just when the nation needs him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
P. Robertson concurs.How Newsweek October 1, 2001
The fires logistical problem, it could take up to six months to transfer the 1.2 Newsweek October 1, 2001
But public-health experts say this is no ordinary trip to the dump. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Believed to be still intact, this “bathtub” seems to be containing the disaster. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I did it as a reminder ofmy corn- mitment to makingmusic, but also to ensure that I would never be able to work for an establishment corpo- ration. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I heard my peers say things like This is By RA C H E L N E WM AN ourownfaultforgettinginvolved inevery- body else’s business” and “This is because -w we support Israel, and we shouldn’t be do- “God Bless America” would make me ingthat because they took thatland from cry, but l guess crisis brings out parts of the people it belonged to.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
I don’t believe that our leaders should be callous or bomb already ravaged countries like Afghanistan. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Americans have to be ed- ucated about the history of the Middle East. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Since I live in Arizona and have never been to New York, I can only imagine what life is now like there, after watching TV reports. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thanks for all ofyourhardworkandtime! Newsweek October 1, 2001
I have wondered what the icon ofthis eventwould be and am pleased with your choice. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It will be America’s “terrible beauty?’WeareallnowNewYorkers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Wouldn’t it be a more accurate reflection of the new reality to call these murderers “homicide bombers”? I PLAN TO KEEPYOURSEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Visit flag in the rubble, has to be the photo that imize the impact ofyour ties that include the Amerl- twintowersjobs.org Newsweek October 1, 2001
But I was also afraid, and I had every right to be afraid. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I believe that America has ever carried out this atrocious act had to be neither the moral authority nor the legal jus- insane and must be punished. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Be wary oforganiza- tions that are interested only in obtainingyour credit-card number. Newsweek October 1, 2001
World Trade Center School Relief Fund: Set up by the NewYork Board of Educa- tion, this fund helps with counseling, training and relocation costs for local teachers, schoolchildren and their parents. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Following the horrific attacks in New J York and the Washington, D.C., area, it now religion from seems probable that terrorists from the Mid- die East may be responsible for these ac- gaining tions. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They are in no way related to the crimi- ofSept. Newsweek October 1, 2001
11, it should be that the president’s nals who committed these horrendous acts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
unilateralism in foreign policy and attempt They must not be made into scapegoats. Newsweek October 1, 2001
philosophy of peace is completely opposed Global cooperation with alliances that to that offtmdamentallst Muslim radicals. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He or she was someone’s child, and perhaps someone’s spouse and parent. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Including this photo in your issue did nothing to assist in the healing of our nation. Newsweek October 1, 2001
No matter which group is in the ma- jority—whether Christian or Muslim, Jew- ish or Hindu—its adherents cannot substi- tiite their theology for the law of the land. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bernadette Artus, an employee oftheNew York CityLandmarksPreservation Commission, on thegap where the World Thide Center usedto be “These terrorists don’t function in a vacuum. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Secretary ofDefense Donald Rumsteld, on ways to winthe war “IfI see someone come in and he’s got a diaper on his head and a fan belt around that diaper on his head, that guy needs to be pulled over and checked. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Osamawill be the last person to leave Afghanistan.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Writer Todd Hanson, on how thesatiricalnewspaper The Onion will attempt to address the attacks this week “Sleepingwould be aluxury. Newsweek October 1, 2001
President George w. Bush, speakingto the nation duringajointsession of Congress 2001 LU(KOVICH—ATLANTA CONSTITUTION “It hurts to even look in that direction.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Cooksey later apologized, addingthat he meant to refer to Osama bin Laden and notArab-Americans in general. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Move in here next to me,” said Bush, motioning to emp- may be, Bush portrayed it as tychairs on either side ofhim. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Pray for patience, pray it will not happen again,” he said. Newsweek October 1, 2001
he was healthy and rested, fo- cused and feeling “confident without being Pollyannaish?’ ‘Another crisis could But he needed divine help, hit US,’ Bush warned too. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the region was still forced to endure a procession offirnerals and cam- era-toting visitors flocking to the jagged ruins ofground zero. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The threat to the country’s social fabric was less quantifi- able but no less real, as officials and average citizens sought to find a new balance between se- curity and privacy, antiterror- ism measures and open-mind- edness. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush announced a new Office of Homeland Security to oversee border patrols, immigration, public-health threats and water supplies, and named Pennsylvania Gov. Newsweek October 1, 2001
would be no freelancing of the kind had led him to describe the task at as a “crusade”—a word with an unfor- As usual, Bush delegated the B meaning that had outraged Muslims when he used it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Josh Bolten, a for- mer investment banker and White House aide known for his policy mastery and meticu- lous sense of organization, would chair the Domestic Con- sequences Group—a blandly worded euphemism for the eco- left the president with one enor- and indispensablejob: to explain the crafted, carefully worded speech. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush didn’t want to commit to the momentous venue unless he had a speech to match it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush agreed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The president asked one of his oldest friends, Commerce Secretary Donald Evans, to join him at Camp David for the weekend. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Cool under fire, the quintessential crisis manager, Powell finds himself the go-to guy,joined by critical players who once seemed ideological foes— especially Vice President Dick Cheney, a gulf- war comrade who also knows a thing or two aboutbuilding multinational coalitions. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Despite his dead-or-alive rhetoric, the president seems to be in Powell’s corner— for the moment. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In calls to more than 80 nations, Powell has helped to extract dozens ofpledges that might be more diffi- cult to get months from now, when the worldwide sympathy for America may have waned. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Among the promises : to share intel- ligence, crack down on terrorist front or- ganizations and allow borders to be crossed, possibly even for small, quiet raids on terror cellsbyU.S. Newsweek October 1, 2001
II, COLIN POWELL SEEMED TO BE, NOT FOR the first time, out ofsync with his boss. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The secretary of State was sitting down to breakfast in Lima with Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo when an aide handed him a note: the first tower had been struck. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Oh, my God’ Powell exclaimed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Powell and his deputies believe a full- blown militaty strike on Baghdad would 71% favor striking terrorist bases even it whom the Taliban might command, includ- civilians die, but 59% saywe should take time to plan a response that will work U • U . Newsweek October 1, 2001
only kill many Iraqis, enrage the Arab world and probably not dispose of Saddam, who has slowly won new allies with promises of oil deals since 1991. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I don’tthink Iraqwas in- volved," Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, a key U.S. ally, said last week. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The strike-Iraqcontingent fears American credibility will be damaged if the United States gets bogged down in Afghanistan. Newsweek October 1, 2001
There is “a recognition that it will be verytough to getbin Laden in the rocky and mountainous terrain of Afghanistan,” said one participant in the Pentagon meetings. Newsweek October 1, 2001
of U.S. military planners seems to be that the campaign should begin with airstrikes that would either coerce the Taliban into handingbin Laden over orprovoke the Tali- ban’s militias to overthrow the ruling mul- lahs. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Their ability to be absolutely cruel is in a sense what is foreign to the United States.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
In coordination with the airstrikes, Special Forces could be sent into capture or kill bin Laden, possiblyfrom bases in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, where several U.S. transport planes landed last Friday. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It’s not even clear how helpful the Northern Alliance will be, since its charis- matic leader, Ahmed Shah Massoud, was as- sassinated, allegedly by bin Laden opera- tives, two days before the attacks on America. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In one scenario, Afghanistan’s 88- year-oldexiledking,ZahirShah,whoenjoys broad support, could be called upon to unite factions against the Taliban. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ironically, even Pakistani intelligence may not be able to help find bin Laden, thanks to Gen. Pervez Musharraf’s public declaration ofunity with Washington. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bin Laden is nowlooking around at his own people and saying, ‘I have to make dif- ferent calculations about who I trust, be- cause they sold me out” CIA officials who have worked in the re- gion say Pakistani intelligence can catch terrorists when it wants to—it handed over to the FBI Ramzi Yousef, the 1993 World Trade Center bomber. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Asked about which tenor-supporting re- gimes might eventually have to be “ended,” a senior Bush official who sides with Powell ‘ . Newsweek October 1, 2001
.. The lone exception is that we have said all along that it’s going to be very hard to have a relation- ship with the Iraqi regime:’ Asked if that meant Iraq was next, the source said, “I’m notgoingto go there:’ For Powell, as for Bush, maintaining worldwide support while striking effectively will be the test ofa lifetime. Newsweek October 1, 2001
LORCH, JOHN BARRY and ELEANOR CLIFT zn Washington, ROD N0RDLAND :n Islamabad, GO TO NEWSWEEK.MSNBC.COM Newsweek October 1, 2001
LIBYA ZAREMBO in Cairo and Eve Conant in Moscow self-styled “supreme leader ofthe Muslim faithful,” is grainy, out offocus and more than five years old. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“If the U.S. attacks us,” Taliban spokesman Mullah Muhmajin told had against America.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
It I told his stunned visitor. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Roughly 48 hours be- fore the attack on the World Trade Center, two Arabs posing as journalists killed the North- ern Alliance’s top general, Ah- med Shah Massoud. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“The only scenario where that could happen now is a coup within the military,” says Rifaat Hussain, a Musharraf confidant. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Healsohadtowatchoutfor the reaction offtmdamentalists in the ranks of his Army. Newsweek October 1, 2001
President Bush explained that the war against terrorism will be fought on many fronts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
One ofthem must be political pressure on our closest Arab allies to change theirways and actively fight the virulent currents that are capturingArab culture. Newsweek October 1, 2001
By air B-52s: Capable ofcar- rying cruise missiles, which allow strikes from a safe distance, they can also be used to key to locating bin carpet-bomb the camps Laden. Newsweek October 1, 2001
0-2 spy planes: Flying continual reconnaissance mis- sions, they could be . Newsweek October 1, 2001
MH-6J Little Birds fly virtually silently. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ifthe fighting on the ground becomes especially intense, the 82d Airborne could also be called in. Newsweek October 1, 2001
17, U.S. immigration au- askedto be trained on a 747flightsimulator. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Incar- legedly traveled to Osamabin Laden's training cerated becausehisvisahad expired, Moussaoui camps inAfghanistan. Newsweek October 1, 2001
AttheAir- World Trade Center and the man Flight School Pentagon. Newsweek October 1, 2001
in Norman, Okia., Newsweek October 1, 2001
The cops bungled the case. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The gumshoes sweptup pieces ofchilling evidence, like two this moment:’ Atta’s role “doesn’t fit the usual pattern,” said one offi-. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Catching footsoldiers andlieutenants will not be enough to stop evengreatercataclysms. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Lastweektheauthoritieswere searching for a single man who might have triggered the assault on Washington and New York. Newsweek October 1, 2001
A reason- able request, but perhaps a little late in the game. Newsweek October 1, 2001
States spends $30 billion ayear gathering in- telligence. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Such an awful case ofblowback would be a mere coda to along and twisted tragedy of unanticipated consequences. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Mydaughter, who is a doctor, used to gethim medicine be- Germany, police were searching for a pair of men be- fore everyjourney, to make him combat the cramps and vomiting he I HE UNITED STATES HAS BEEN In the mid-’90s Ramzi Yousef took flying lessons and talked of crashing a plane into the CIA or a nuclear facility. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the cyanide was harmlessly burned up in the blast, the buildings didn’t fail and the bombers seemed to be hapless. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Laden, Yousef at the time appeared to be a kind of terror free- Muslim that their dutywas to kill Americans (at first thefatwa was p lancer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Plotting From his home in Sudan, bin Laden seemed to be inspiring and with Yousef, Murad had been at work making bombs to assassi- helping to fund a broad if shadowy network of terrorist cells. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Mu- the rationale that no nation should be allowed to harbor terrorists, rad’s arrest in January 1995 led investigators to capture Yousefin the State Department in the mid-’90s pressured the government of Pakistan, where he was hiding out. Newsweek October 1, 2001
At the time, FBI officials Afghanistan, where he would be welcomed by extremist Taliban thought the plans were grandiose and farfetched. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bin Laden was said to be bitter because the Saudi royal family had rebuffed his offer to rally freedom fighters to protect the kingdom against the threat of Saddam Hussein after the Iraqi strongman invaded Kuwait in 1990. Newsweek October 1, 2001
What he did not tell the spooks was that he was helping plan to bomb the U.S. embassies in Africa. Newsweek October 1, 2001
During the Reagan years,- the agency was beefed up, but a series ofscandals in the late ‘80s and the ‘90s once more sapped its esprit. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Clinton’s credibility was not high: he was accused of trying to divert attention from the Monica Lewinsky scandal. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Berger says he lay awake at night, wondering if his phone would ring with news of another attack. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Administration officials were rou- tinelytroopingupto CapitolHillto sound warnings. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Decoy terroristteams and disinformation kept the CIA franticallyguessingabout an attack some- where in the Middle East, Asia or Europe all last summer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It now appears that the same men who masterminded the Cole bombing may be tied to the devastating Sept. 11 assault on the United States. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The CIA sent the FBI to find al- Midhar and his associate. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The gumshoes were still Mohamed Atta and a lookingonSept. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“He is the easiest person to kidnap, very surrender- ate work in urban studies. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“They were go- ing to a place where they wouldn’t need money:’ The hijackers ap- parently didn’t need all that much to begin with: law enforcement estimates that the entire plot, flight lessons and all, cost as little as $200,000. Newsweek October 1, 2001
That is 10 times more than was spent on the first World Trade Center bombing, but still a low-enough sum so the money could be moved in small denominations among trusted agents. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The money trail led investi- gators last week to a suspect whose background and motives could be the stuff of night- dence suggests a mares. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He is an intriguing figure, both be- telligence official. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I thought I was going to touched directly by this event will develop lose my wife:’ he recalls. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Rose managed to escape be- It’s no accident that we respond to life- fore the buildings collapsed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
She returned threatening events the way we do. Newsweek October 1, 2001
PTSD is hard to predict, for people vary widely in resilien- cy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
When the hijackers struck, Kuwaiti descent, is suspected of funneling thousands of dol- at about 9:35 a.m., air-traffic controllers listening in on the fre- A T LEAST ONE OTHER NAME FROM THE airport security would disappear forlongperiods of time—possibly, to list ofhijackers had shown up in the files of before hijacking meet with his handlers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
11. Newsweek October 1, 2001
were dying.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Francesco still feels as scared as as essential as hunger and as finely regulat- he did that morning. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They suffer recurring nightmares and an inability to recall the experience with- out physically reliving it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The report immediately raised the cause of his role as the apparent senior question of Saddam Hussein’s possible role in the man among the suicide hijackers, and because his Sept. 11 atrocity, but intelligence officials cautioned against read- T HE AVAILABLE EVI- Ofthe tens ofthousands who survived the Sept. 11 attacks, a third may experience post-traumatic stress disorder. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Rose had just come outofthe subwayatDey Street, in front oftheWorld Trade Center, when United Flight 175 slammed into Tower 2.As Newsweek October 1, 2001
By pair. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Pastexperience until 1980. Newsweek October 1, 2001
1 4. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Withallthat’sgoneonandwith what mighthappen, I wantto hold on to my money right now,” Becker says. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But in Washing- ton, policymakers are working to devise ways to offset that weakening. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Robert Griggs of St. Charles, Mo., Newsweek October 1, 2001
Not All Bad for Demand for security provides a By BRAD STONE NLIKE MILLIONS OF Americans, some rescue workers actually corn- pletedtheirphonecallsin . Newsweek October 1, 2001
And that could be chicken feed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thousands ofpeople put goingto memorial services and staring at the skywhere friends’ of- in small “patriotic” buy orders when stocks first reopened for trad- fices used to be. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Maybe 2,500. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The extraordinary disruption caused by this terror ing last week. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Butalltold, points on the Dow. Newsweek October 1, 2001
folks haven’t really been selling stocks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The 29th became the stock the way they do business,” says former Securities and Exchange market’s blackest day. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Like bin Laden. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It remains to be seen whether more traditional peace groups will find new strength. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Yet the neopeaceniks are likelyto find plenty ofyoung converts amongthe globalization protesters—and draw on their organizational infrastructure. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Are we about to witness the resurgence offlower power? “It’s not going to be ‘60s peace and love:’ says Lynch. Newsweek October 1, 2001
At this time of inflamed passions, they hope, appeals to the mind will prevail. Newsweek October 1, 2001
At PeaceAction in Washington, D.C., a descend- ant ofantinuke groups, mem- bers are getting fired up— mobilizing local chapters, raising money, recruiting new members. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I think the younger generation is going to be coming at it from a more pragmatic point of view.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
“If I see someone come in that’s got a diaper on his head and a fan belt [wrapped] around [it], that guy needs to be pulled over and checked:’ Louisiana Rep. Newsweek October 1, 2001
passengers under suspicion are allowed eliminated racial and gender profiling. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Turningthe Unit- ed States into a near-police state would surely be terror- ism’s greatest triumph. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“If we allow our free- doms to be undermined,” says THE NEW SHAPE owe uie nation—anu each Ouier. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They’re hopingto let touristboats at n’teven afibrd to patronize. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The military amid smoke and security concerns Gov. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On the blackboard is an announcement that Scott Larsen’s wife had a healthy boy on Sept. 13. Newsweek October 1, 2001
• --w 1 By J 0 N A T H A N A L T E R 1 1 • 1 At Union Square, the lefties are out in force, organizing to stop the war before it starts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
History has proven that thinking to be disas- trous. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Later I reach their aunt on the phone. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In these middle-class towns they is where many ofthe corpses now buried in can buy a house for not much more than the rubble lived. Newsweek October 1, 2001
$200,000 and start a family on the Stretching east on Long Island, from the $30,000 or so a year a young cop or fire- border with Queens halfway to the Hainp- fighter earns—and, by the vagaries of shift tons, is ajumble ofsuburbs whose borders work, aspire to every New Yorker’s secret are so unmemorable residents sometimes dream ofcommuting against the traffic. Newsweek October 1, 2001
who put out Manhattan’s fires do not, as a rule, live there themselves. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Kiefer was leg- endary for his gung-ho spirit as an Explorer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
For days she clung to a diminishing hope that he would be pulled out alive, until she made thejourney down to ground zero to look at the rubble herself. Newsweek October 1, 2001
For 60 miles around fa- thers and mothers went off to work in the World Trade Center on Sept. 11 and never came home, their cars left ominously be- hind in commuter parking lots, their last words murmured to loved ones on crack- ling cell phones or left forlornly on answer- ing machines. Newsweek October 1, 2001
And, to be sure, they are mourned no less because death found them unwrapping a bagel at their desk rather than charging up a flight of stairs with 75 pounds of equipment. Newsweek October 1, 2001
This is a town where flags sold out so fast after the disaster that Sean DiBona, 19, had to resort to blue and white tape to turn the hood of his red Dodge muscle car into a rolling emblem ofthe Stars and Stripes; a town situated in a county whose county executive, Tom Gulotta, calls America “the greatest nation on earth” five times in a brief interview. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I just have to be there as a parent to back him up,” says Bonnie Morello, whose son, Mat, 17, is a captain in the Ex- plorers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Given the nature ofthetwilightwar obliterated both parties’ plans by scrambling what political opera- Bushhasannounced, 2002 could be a discouraging year, oratleast fives call “the issue matrix’ For the first time in 10 years, foreign one intensely frustrating to this famously impatient nation. Newsweek October 1, 2001
That may be particularly disorient- Ahugeimponderableis how, andforhowlong,this trauma, and ing to Democrats, who have prospered when stressing domestic what promises to be a long, often shadowywar against what Rud- issues. Newsweek October 1, 2001
ingAmericans in harm's waywould not be well received. Newsweek October 1, 2001
And All people, but particularly today’s Americans, who are inildin there probablywill be diminished political mileage in portraying temperamentandamnesiacintendency, resistthe moral ofAlbert the president as a syntactically challenged bumpkin. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Camus’s novel ”ThePlague,” the l947 parable about a city ravaged Republicans may now be largely immunized against blame for by an epidemic. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The coming infusion ofpublic money into the air- America, whose birth was midwived by a war and whose his- transportation system will not be the only way in which a Republi- tory has been punctuated by many more, is the bearer of great can administration is going to preside over a further blurring of responsibilities and the focus ofmyriad resentments. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Tom Daschle, now majorityleader; an eagerness to be involved, and may be a J oseph Biden, now chairman ofthe Foreign Relations Com- mittee, and Carl Levin, now chairman ofthe Armed Services harbinger ofunusually intense interest in Will the trauma ofterrorism tend to freeze the competitive balance between the parties? Notnecessarily. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Donate online at mercycorps.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or call 800-710-8002. Newsweek September 24, 2001
America’s Second Harvest: Through local affiliates, this charity is supplying relief workers and shelters with food and water. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Go to uwnyc.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
To use your MasterCard or Visa, call 800- SAL-ARIvIY (800-725-2769). Newsweek September 24, 2001
W, U.S. Emer- gencyFund, P.O. Box2669, Portland, Ore. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Itwill end in away and at an hour ofour choosing.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I say to our enemies, ‘We are coming. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Call 800-344-8070. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ca11800-852-2100 or mail checks to MercyCorps, Dept. Newsweek September 24, 2001
20740.A1l Newsweek September 24, 2001
BYLINES MARK WHITAKER “This conflictwas begun on the timing and terms of others. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(800-257-7575 in Spanish). Newsweek September 24, 2001
Salvation Army: Mailyour check to Salva- ti9n Army, P.O. Box C635, West Nyack, N.Y. 10994-1739; write either “Twin Tow- ers Relief” or “Pentagon Relief” on the memo line to earmark your donation. Newsweek September 24, 2001
I feel nothing is the same anymore. Newsweek September 24, 2001
We stand with you now?’ Londoner Rob Anderson, on a card attached to a spray ofroses kftoutside the US. Newsweek September 24, 2001
receptionistHanah Nehmeh WE ARE ALL AMERICANS. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Find your local chapter or more informa- tion at redcross.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They do not appear to be poor, or desperate or down on their luck, like the stereotype of a young Arab man drawn to the false promise of enter- ing Paradise through martyrdom. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(Because of its year- At Camp David, Bush round good weather and met with his advisers proximity to the beach, Flori- and spoke sternly of da attracts many international retaliation, calling flight students, especially Osama bin Laden from the Middle East; back- prime suspect’ ground checks are said to be minimal.) Newsweek September 24, 2001
before head- only thing squadron “I never had the owner, want to be ily and flirt ofthe other be the big roll Last seem to at a drankfive of the once, Atta shouting including a particularly blasphemous one was a squabble when the waitress tried that roughly translates as ”F--kGod.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Most people here want to do takeoffs At the time, Atta aroused no When he turned in his pano Beach, Fla., Newsweek September 24, 2001
There ing and she wanted her tip). Newsweek September 24, 2001
where, the FBI believes, he mayhavebeensuweyingthegiantU.S.Navy Newsweek September 24, 2001
Last December, he man paid $1,500 for six hours in 727 simulator. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Looking back at little strange that all theywanted turns,” Henry George, who runs ter, Inc., at Opa-Locka Airport, Miami Herald. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Civil libertarians may balk, but never underestimate the desire for revenge. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or atAntietam, the bloodiest one-day bat- lie ofthe Civil War. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or at Pearl Harbor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And for centuries it has been known as the place where great powers go to die. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Such an operation would be along the lines of Bill Clinton’s swift but ineffective attacks on Afghanistan and Sudan in the wake of the 1998 embassy bombings. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The latter might be the favored option, since carrier strikeswouldtake several nights and lose the element of surprise. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Cruise missiles have war- heads too small to penetrate Afghan rock and bunkers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Insert- ing, supplying and extracting those troops from the mountains of Afghanistan would be a nightmarish operation, almost certain- ly requiring a U.S. base inside the border. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Con: itwould be close to a suicide mission. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The secret in- sertion offorces would be hard. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Extraction from the Afghan wilderness after a gun battle would be next to impossible. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Going forward, 69% believe more intelligence agents infiltrating terrorist groups would be bin Laden’s funds have also ledto countries very effective in preventing future attacks cially in the case of a tangle of bank U . Newsweek September 24, 2001
diers in the camps—which could be done by air—isn’t enough. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And any more ambi- tious operation involving ground troops would be high risk with little return. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Americans will be willing to see more U.S. soldiers die in an attack. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Iran (though militarily it would be easier that are nominally American allies, espe- any ground option on Capitol Hill. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I’m not ready to be sup- porting the Marines going into Afghanistan," Sen. Newsweek September 24, 2001
That is whyhe is ical demands for a swift strike training in Flori- funding ofvio- out ofSaudi “Ifyou’re going bombing some National Se- terrain, Bush global impli- many Ameri- get many of demonstrate anew against terror- Muslims in the Arab world, friendly Arab re- and his fellow Bush under- resistingpolit- and focusing Gen. Wil- of "clash of on what may be the most ef- fective option in the long run: workingfor months andyears to bmld consensus among the na- tions ofthe world to stamp out terror networks where they have spread, country by country, mainly by applying constant diplomatic pressure on host na- new Bush mantra to the world: tions. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The either with us or against us?’ (It “You’re noted that this, while it may be should be bad choice, has its pitfalls, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Another long-term model may be, oddly enough, cold-war-era con- tainment. Newsweek September 24, 2001
What used to be containment strategy against ideology would also be solid against religion?’ Could the new war against terrorism become an- other cold war? At this point it may be as smart a strategy as any. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the guise of a honey merchant, one of Osama bin Laden’s closest aides traveled to the Pakistani city of Peshawar throughout the 1990s. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some recruits would best serve the cause by forging docu- ments or moving money. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ing bombs. Newsweek September 24, 2001
were all to carry out bank robberies and then have been given seed money by the Saudi They trained with weapons and ammuni- tionbought from the Taliban. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Theylearned “how to blow up the infrastructure of a country,” Ressam testified injuly atthe trial of a co-conspirator: “Electric plants, gas plants, airports, railroads, large corpora- tions ... Hotels where conferences are held?’ They watched their trainers kill a dog in a box with homemade cyanide gas, and learned how this crude chemical weapon could be placed near the air intakes ofoffice and apartment buildings. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The recita- tion is accompanied by video of an explo- sion—subtitled “Destruction of the De- stroyer Cole”—followed by news footage of the damaged ship. Newsweek September 24, 2001
million square feet, representing 20 percent of downtown office space, are believed to be destroyed or damaged. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He treated Sen. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Butwill that resolve last if our losses mount—or, worse, if our actions provoke new terrorist attacks? For in the new world war, civilians are combat- ants, whethertheywantto be or not. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Providing a state-of-the-art “homeland defense”—Washington’s new buzz term— will be costly. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Hardening” the transpor- tation, communications and energy infra- structure could cost a half-trillion dollars; ongoing personnel costs could be stagger- ing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
There has telling her, “It’s going to be OK." Newsweek September 24, 2001
He was his skills might be better served managingthe infiltration ofter- sensitive and tough and totally on top of everything from DNA on rorist organizations the way he once busted the Mafia. Newsweek September 24, 2001
‘ft’sgoingto be OK,’ he told a distraught woman. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Even so, many economists think the impact could be surprisingly mild. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ifmore new spending follows, the economy might tern- porarilybenefit. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Theywould have been at a horrible disadvan- tage had trading reopened quickly, and their customers would have been hurt. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Nasdaq stock exchange, which was affected far less than the NYSE, didn’t open ahead ofits arch rival. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His e-mail address is sloan@panix.com. Newsweek September 24, 2001
conducting security checks have shown time and again—including at Boston’s LoganAirport, where through security.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
, . Newsweek September 24, 2001
SLOAN is NEWSWEEK’S WaliStreet editor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
On Friday with the Bank ofCanada for Canadian dol- lars. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Protecting (finally) banned knives from America from terrorism requires dramatic changes that will make the end ofcurbside pendling on the honor system: check-in look like a Band-Aid on an amputa- tion. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Cost of installing the behind a bona fide airport worker, drove machines in every airport: through unguarded gates or strolled unchal- . Newsweek September 24, 2001
metric ID of fingertips and retinas are also At San Diego’s Qualcomm Stadium, direc- in wide use, says Jim Francis ofthe security tor Bill Wilson says, “ifyou look suspicious firm Kroll Inc. But terrorists always find in any way, we’re going to pat you down. Newsweek September 24, 2001
technology analyzes 80 points on a face and compares the face to a database of 1 million others in less than a second, says $30,000 system, being test- machine guns, and you think, ‘Whoa, this ed in Tampa, Fla., Newsweek September 24, 2001
“If even totalitarian coun- or crowded downtown areas. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Of course, the Pentagon’s airspace was closed, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The obvious hitch is that humans make mistakes. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Now you think, ‘Whoa, maybe that’s not so bad’?’ Whatever changes come, however, to believe that we can tries cannot eliminate terrorism, we have to be realistic that an open democratic so- ciety can’t either,” says Bruce Hoffman of Rand Corp. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In schools close to the violence, teachers cOmforted students whose mothers or fathers might be buried in rubble. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As across New York Harbor from the attack, she walked home on Thursday, one sopho- 10th graders watched in horror from their more girl, who did not want to be identified, classroom as the Twin Towers imploded. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Expert Advice ‘ Youngster's REACTIONS DEPEND ON Be calm, but honest. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Depending on the age ofthe child, you can attempt to answer. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Anger can also be a sign ofanxiety. Newsweek September 24, 2001
One unfortunate Corpses piled up in a Vietnam- was the eyes and ese village. Newsweek September 24, 2001
She told a tale of being engulfed in a cloud dramatic so thick that she had to kick of debris glass doors to an apartment build- in two keep from suffocating. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The networks have also been scouring their programs for potentially of- fensive scenes. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The media weren’t perfect. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They use them, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
E-mail worked when phones didn’t, allowing countless New Yorkers to assure worried friends and families around the world that they were still alive. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It’s simplythe downside of tech. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Sun Microsystems chiefscientist Biijoy has been pondering this downside while writing a book tentatively called “Why the Future Doesn’t Need Us?’ Coincidentally, Joy was in lower Man- hattan in the early part oflastweek. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Nonetheless, all Muslims observe certain times a day, fasting, alsmgiving and pil- . Newsweek September 24, 2001
In such a utopia, Islamic principles would govern every aspect of personal and social behavior. Newsweek September 24, 2001
If the Quran is to be believed, Allah Himself re- quires as much. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Butthese so- cially evolved messages may be little match-for today’s equally evolved high-tech networks ofintolerance, the often faceless, underground nature ofwhich leaves many Arab-Americans fearingpay- back around every corner. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Unit- ed States can arm and threaten and per- haps even retaliate here and there. Newsweek September 24, 2001
. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ifother countries be- lieve in individualliberty, in free enterprise and free trade, in reli- gious freedom, in democracy, then they are eating the fruits of the American order. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And this order can be truly secure onlywhen all those who benefit from it stand in its defense. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Tne great political ngnts were over. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The first is crucial: just as the nuclear buildup and proxy battles were at the cen- ter ofthe cold ware SO military strikes and covert operations will be at the core of this one. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Our military, for example, will nowproperly refocus itself around this new threat. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some of these were workers in the TEVE MILLER’S EX- workers from the upper floors ofthe North Tower, including about 680 of the 1,000 who worked at one company, the bond- trading firm of Cantor Fitzgerald. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Many were trapped by the fire below and unable to escape; some ofthose nearest the flames chose tojump rather than suffocate or burn to death. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Steve Tamas, a Verizon technician working in a nearby building, counted 14 jumpers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Please least in the first few days after the unspeak- tell the children I love them,” he said, be- able horror of Tuesday, it had passed its first fore the connection went dead. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“We have quite a bit of hope that he could be alive, said McCormicks husband, PLORE,DEVINGORDON,JULIESCELFO,ERIKA Todd. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“There could be air pockets. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“My of- to draw stares. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No loss hurt more than the death ofFa- ries ofthe departed: “Open your hearts, and let ther MychaiJudge, 68, a department chaplain hit their spirit and life keep you going.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
Where King Kong had carried Fay Wrayup the Empire StateBuildingin 1933, he tookJessica Lange up the World Trade Centerinthe 1976 remake. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Honey, pick up the phone. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But we know he’s going to be walking out of the rubble. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Instead l was struck by the idea of them, of what it feels like to be a mother, a father, to travel with your husband, yourwife, with your 2-year-old daughter in the seat between you. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the line to give blood atthe Red Cross, aman railed against the Palestinians be- cause he’d seen television footage ofmen, women and children dancingforjoyatthethousands ofAmericandead. Newsweek September 24, 2001
To see ourselves in them all: the executives, the waiters, the lawyers, the police officers, the father, the mother, the 2-year-old girl offon an adventure, sitting safe be- tween them, takingwing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His most recent book, The Fateful Pebble: Afghanistan’s Role in the Fall of the Soviet Empire, was published by Presidio Press in 1993. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Be- fore the Iranian revolution, the notion of an Islamic revolution was an oxymoron. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In some respects, the aforementioned developments, particularly in Afghanistan and Iran, have been guided by an even more fundamental idea than Islam: the notion that a whole society—its economic, politi- cal, and cultural institutions, the moral character of its people, and its sense of national identity and purpose—can be transformed swiftly by massive state intervention. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Distribu- tional struggles, as well as ideological debates over which social cat- egories should be considered for different distributional policies, have been central features of all three polities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the surface, the prerevolutionary state appeared to be strong: it had a large bureaucratic apparatus, substantial oil revenues, expand- ing public enterprises, and a powerful coercive machinery in the police, intelligence apparatus, and military. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Using data on the social composi- tion of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis-e Shura-ye Islami), he reports that the ulama were initially dominant but that within a few years the proportion of state managers and professionals increased sharply. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Differences were and con- tinue to be intense, not only over the vision of the future society but over the institutional structures of governance and politics, between those who seek to build bureaucratized party structures and those who prefer the traditional local game of politics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Roy argues that the young educated Islamic revolutionaries, like the young men who supported the PDPA, want a significantly ex- panded state apparatus, partly for social reconstruction but also be- cause the state is the final provider of employment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The elites were also divided over what it meant to be a Muslim country~ whether Pakistan should merely be a homeland for the Mus- lims of the subcontinent or should in some special way be “Islamic.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan—the country and the state—was the creation of a political elite: the leaders of India’s preindependence Muslim League wanted a country for the subcontinent’s Muslim population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The military, predominantly Punjabi and, to a lesser ex- tent, Pashtun, suspected the national loyalty of the Bengalis and be- lieved (probably correctly) that a Bengali-dominated government would reduce the power and resources of the military. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The results were victories of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) led by Zulfikar All Bhutto in the West and of the Awami League led by Mujibur Rahman in the East. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nawaz Sharif, the chief minister of Punjab, proved to be far more effective than Bhutto in creating an electoral coalition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The military remains over- whelmingly Punjabi, and many of its leaders continue to regard them- selves as guardians of Pakistan, but virtually all of the country’s political parties would regard the assertion of military control as an ifiegitimate exercise of authority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Its pluralism is based on diverse linguistic communities, a feudal land structure, and segmented tribes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the more funda- mental notions of pluralism—that there can be a civil society inde- pendent of the state, that elites at the top need not share the same outlook but must share support for an open, tolerant, competitive political process, and that elites do not regard their opponents as disloyal and unpatriotic—are not widely held. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The concerns of the gov- erning elites, therefore, have been to create institutions that would be able to impose their programs while giving the appearance of having popular support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
General Ayub Khan, in particular, sought to persuade Paki- stanis that government should be without politics, without a legisla- ture, without political parties, and without elections. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Iran the clerical elites mobilized the masses against the shah, against the Americans, against the various leftist and liberal-nationalist groups, and against their Iraqi enemies, but their conception of governance has excluded a genuine participatory role in decision making by the masses. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The high level of intolerance and the unwillingness of elites to acknowledge the value of their opponents may, of course, be related to deep-seated ethnic and ideological divisions, but it is just as likely that these divisions are so acute precisely because of the high level of elite intolerance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aside from any differences in their content, the success or failure of particular state ideologies in each of these societies has been closely linked with the question of regime legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But with the collapse of the old order, as Vahid F. Nowshirvani and Patrick Clawson point out, the largely unexamined ideological consensus on social justice be- gan to break down. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As the chapters by Ashraf and by Nowshirvani and Clawson indicate, the passage of these reforms and other social reform legislation in Iran has involved intense debate, political rifts within the elite, jurisdictional fights among the various legislative and judicial organs of the state, the invocation of theological principles, and, while Khomeini was still alive, several critical interventions on his part. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The largest asset redistribution was the nationalization under Zulfikar All Bhutto of thirty-two large-scale industries and a host of small and medium-size firms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This can be seen in the overall measure of inequality: the Gini coefficient declined from 0.4998 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With the revival and politicization of Islam in the late 1960s and early 1970s, opposition to women’s emancipation—particularly with respect to such symbolic issues as dress, lifestyle, and public be- havior—has come not only from religious leaders and the more tradi- tional segments of these societies but also from many young, educated, and urban-based Islamic activists. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although each of these goals may seem laudably progressive from the perspective of an outsider, to the over- whelming majority of Afghan men—and women—they represented an unwarranted intervention by the state in domains that could only be ruled by long-standing cultural mores, customs, and Islamic traditions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaqat Au Khan (Pakistan’s first prime minis- ter), Ayub Khan, and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, all Islamic modernists, sup- ported legal reforms providing women with increased rights (involving inheritance, property, divorce, political representation). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In all three societies the efforts of governing elites to restructure economic and political institutions must be understood in the context of their legitimacy problems, the persistent tension between local and VII INTRODUCTION 27 28 MYRON WEINER AND ALl BANUAZIZI central authorities, and—to look forward—the way in which develop- ments in one country and other parts of the region affect developments in the other two. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
han’s clerical leaders, for example, are concerned not only with the effectiveness of the income distribution programs but also with whether these programs can be presented and justified within an Islamic framework before the masses. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Suffering does not make for illegitimacy so long as it is for a righteous cause and is, or appears to be, equitable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Again, whether programs were effective proved to be less important than whether they conformed to indigenous traditions and shared moral norms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even the issue of women in all three countries must be understood in the broader context of the legitimacy debate. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the three countries, Iran has been the most successful in having an elite with some shared notions of how authority should be struc- tured and of what constitutes a moral order. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whether it be the women’s issue, notions of social justice, a conception of what constitutes the country’s cultural heritage, or what the relation ought to be between central and local authorities, there is more agreement within the Iranian elite than among the elites of Pakistan or Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Pakistan and Afghanistan, the divisions among elites over how the country should be governed are particularly acute, especially on the question of the relation between central and local authorities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The tenure of Nawaz Sharif, the first popularly elected Punjabi prime minister, also proved to be brief, for in mid-1993, after less than three years in office, he was dismissed by the President. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Turkic-speaking Uzbeks (the largest of the Muslim groups in Cen- tral Asia), Turkomans, and Kirghiz have ties with their Sunni kinspeople in Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But two points are worth making. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ally may be a neighboring state, ethnic kinspeople across the international border, other secessionist groups, or distant powers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There- fore, each state in the region has a keen concern that neighboring states keep their ethnic groups under control and that there not be “interfer- ence” in their own internal conificts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The issues that have violently torn these three countries are ones that touch the recesses of deeply held personal beliefs: Who has the right to govern? Which identities and loyalties most matter? What is the cultural heritage, how can it be sustained, and does it provide a framework for the future? And, above all, what should be the role of the state in shaping that future? The debates, more than ever before, spill across the borders not only east and west, but now to the north as well. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For these comparisons, we are particularly grateful to Professors Tony ~ihith and These figures are drawn from a discussion paper prepared for the present project Notes INTRODUCTION 31 L Elites and the RestructuringPolitical of the Political Order PART ONE Would-be rulers of mountain nations rarely have an easy time of it. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Loyalties tend to be local, restricted to the family and the vil- lage, and the voice of higher government is rarely heard and even more rarely heeded. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Afghanistan, where communications are yet to be modernized, the gulf between state and society is infinitely broader. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another peculiarity of Afghanistan is its ethnic makeup. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This should not be taken to mean that the average Afghan is politi- cally volatile. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Until the coming of the Communists, the atti- tude of most Afghans toward Kabul politics could be summed up in a single word, padshahgardi (the king game) (Roy 1986, 11). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Under his attempt at constitutional monarchy (1964—73), members of the royal family were supposed to be excluded from all important leg- islative, executive, and judicial posts in the government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The factional rivalry thus be- came mingled with interschool rivalries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nevertheless, it would be a mis- take to exaggerate the numerical strength of the fledgling PDPA at this early stage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Al- though many nonmembér students were sympathetic to one or the other Communist group, their allegiances could be best likened to those of American students toward their alma maters’ football teams: vociferous, superficially passionate, sometimes ifiegally active, but with minimal intellectual underpinning (from interviews I conducted with Afghan émigrés, 1982; see also Arnold 1983, ch. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At this stage, the aim was to influence generations of students and to infiltrate the Afghan bureaucracy over a long period of time; the actual seizure of power was a distant goal, to be approached with patience and cir- cumspection. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At first, the Parchamis’ privileged position led them to recruit aggres- sively, but within a few months Daoud let it be known that this activity was not to his liking, and for the next several years Parcham marked time. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In short, the widely proclaimed “revolution” turned out to be real, not the simple coup that most Afghans had assumed but a revolution from above. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thereafter, however, a combination of intraparty purges and popular resentment against the party’s ex- cesses resulted in a membership that probably grew little, if any. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For this era, no figures have been released on the percentage of PDPA members belonging to such punitive groups or on the percentage within such groups belong- ing to the PDPA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This meant that in addition to Soviet advisers, as many Khalqis as possible had to be kept on in the new government, despite their unpopularity with the people and the inevitabifity of continued feuding between the factions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the same time, the Khalqis could not be permitted to maintain their monopoly over all the guns in the new regime; the Parchamis had to be provided with an equalizer. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only possible way of creating a DRA regime accept- able to the Afghan people would be by renouncing its pretensions to socialism, yet to do so would be to acknowledge that socialism had been a failure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Coupled with the renunciation of socialism, this promised to infuriate the remaining doctrinaire Khalqis, thus complicating still fur- ther the Parcham-Khalq confrontation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nevertheless, there was no other option if the confidence of the Afghan people was to be won. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state and especially the party would be under firm Parchami control, in the person of Babrak Karmal and his closest associates, all of them blooded veterans of the Parcham-Khalq feud. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The more militant Khalqis would have to be eliminated as a political force. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
4. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To improve the regime’s legiti- macy, as many prominent non-Communists and crypto-Communists as possible would have to be induced to collaborate directly. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Soviet advisers would be posted at all levels of the government to make key decisions and (presumably) to referee factional disputes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In th€ Politburo, only two out of seven Khalqis survived, and one of thesE (Sarwari) would be shipped into diplomatic exile before the end of th€ year. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Over the next few months, he brought on board as ministers or highly placed advisers some eleven persons with no overt connections with the PDPA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Desertions continued to be massive, draft dodging was pandemic, and each new means employed to force young men into the army only led to an increase in resistance strength as those vulnerable to conscription took to the hills. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the previous acclaim given to nonparty members of the state apparatus was no longer a feature of state propaganda. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In June the Revolutionary Council was expanded by fifteen members, and al- though the party affiliation of the new appointees was left obscure, as many as five of them might have been nonparty. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Two of them had been posted abroad as ambassadors, two had simply vanished from the media (one subsequently died), three had defected, and only one was known to be sticking it out as a government advisor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There are other conclusions to be drawn from these data. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Unlike the earlier recruitment drive, however, the post-Saur focus seemed to be on youth for its own sake, rather than on educated youth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Reminding the assembled council members that “no important political or organizational problem can be solved by a state organ without the party guidelines,” he went on to inform them that “the state apparatus is there to implement policy” and that there was “need for complete obedience by the state apparatus to party policy” (Radio Kabul, 26 Sept. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 6 Oct. 1985]). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
the ongoing war with the resistance) should be resolved by peaceful means; (2) the government—and especially the Revolutionary Council—should be- come more representative of “various strata and groups,” and “author- ity will not be monopolized by the PDPA”; (3) the private sector should be encouraged to increase agricultural production, and state farms should be established only on virgin lands; (4) “national traders” and industrial capitalists, essential for economic development, should be encouraged; (5) independent intellectual organizations would be per- missible; (6) tribal self-rule for the Pashtuns and Baluch in border areas would be affirmed; (7) the NFF should be expanded, but other organi- zations (provided they were cooperative and not opposed to the re- gime) would also be permissible; (8) Islam should be respected; (9) the Retreat and Compromise, 1985—1988 THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 53 54 ANTHONY ARNOLD various armed forces should be consolidated, and after “foreign inter- vention” had ceased, Soviet forces would leave; (10) the DRA’s foreign policy should be one of “active nonalignment” and friendship with neighboring countries (Radio Kabul, 9 Nov. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 12 Nov. 1985]).12 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What specific act of Revolutionary Council independence might have sparked the tirade remains a mystery, but only six weeks later, Babrak’s address to the same audience signaled a complete change of policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most radical element in the list was the second, the PDPA’s renunciation of its monopoly of political power in favor of a broader- based Revolutionary Council. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Part of the increase can be ascribed to the investment of provincial party secretar- ies as full or alternate committee members, but most of the other new- comers had never featured in the Afghan press; and it can be assumed that the unknowns were largely drawn from among Najibullah’s old KHAD subordinates. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The DYOA posted no known gains in membership for the first year of Najibuilah’s tenure but then claimed an increase of 11,000 in the first two months of 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
— — — — 1981 60.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
— — — — 1982 >80.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some of these un- doubtedly were unreconstructed Khalqis who objected to the reform- ism of the new party policies, but a good many others undoubtedly were Babrak followers unable to adjust to the new chief. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These and other statistics released by the government were de- signed to show that all was well under the new leadership. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When the initial campaign of visits began to lose momentum, a somewhat unrealistic rule was adopted in 1987 that required Politburo members to spend twenty out of every thirty working days in the provinces (Staar 1988, 395). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the 147 full and alternate Central Com- mittee members in mid-1986, only 46 claimed to live in the provinces, THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 57 TABLE 1.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Youth DYOA/ AYU)d 1980 40.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As of January 1988, there were supposed to be 8,500 Afghan students in the USSR, including 400 in technicums and 350 in technical, vocational, and workers’ schools. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Like Sharq himself, who had been Daoud’s principal liaison man for contact with the Parchamis until 1976, they were all believed to be collaborators. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All of the moves toward national reconciliation must be placed in the context of the most important development in Afghanistan since Soviet forces invaded in 1979: the withdrawal of those same forces from 15 May 1988 to 15 February 1989. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As early as March 1989 (Times [London] 8 Mar. 1990, 9), again in July (AFP [Islamabad], 1 Aug. 1989), yet again in December, and finally on 6 March 1990, Defense Minister Shahnawaz Tanai, who had inherited Gulabzoy’s mantle as undeclared Khalqi chief, undertook anti-Najibullah coup attempts (Staar 1991, 471). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(Given the Khalqis’ own repu- tation for devotion to the most extreme forms of Marxism-Leninism, the union of the two apparent opposites was reminiscent of the 1939 Hitler-Stalin pact.) The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Like previous efforts to put a democratic face on his rule, this one also failed to lend Najibullah and his government the legitimacy they so desperately needed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The blow was rendered dou- THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 65 66 ANTHONY ARNOLD bly bitter to Najibullah because he was from that area and because the fall of the city again involved reported treachery by his officers (Komsomolskaya Pravda, 29 June 1991, 4). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When this chapter was first written, in 1988, its title seemed preten- tious. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By the turn of the century, these young Afghans could be expected to have returned and to be forming a Conclusion new ruling, pro-Soviet inteffigentsia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although he claims to be a Pashtun, Babrak’s native language is Dan, and he is 3. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These, he noted, were especially noticeable in the army, the militia (i.e., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These nonparty villages were ostensibly under Kabul’s control, but unless there Of the parties named, ROWPA appeared to be a direct descendant of the old 19. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
War and fighting did not bring social change; it was just a way of playing the power game (to fight for OLIvIER Ro~ 2 72 preeminence, not to destroy the enemy) with more exciting rules. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Educated youth had no fu- ture except in the civil service and the army, where they would be excluded from top appointments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A qawm is any segment of the society bound by close ties: it could be an extended family, a clan, an occupational group, or a vifiage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Afghan society has a hierarchy but is acephalous and dynamic: as soon as one is in a position to be a leader, someone else (a cousin, a neighbor) challenges the newly acquired po- sition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whatever the future evolution of the war, there wifi for years be no state-appointed outsiders as local administrators, first, be- cause the war has stressed the local communities’ traditional distrust of the central state and, second, because the mujahidin movement has The New Leadership established a local administration that is either shaped as a would-be state administration or that wifi oppose any appointment made from the capital, even if the mujahidin win central power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Local administrators, identified with the Communist state, fled or were killed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamist movement, whose origins may be traced back to the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s, was not active before the second half of the 1960s on Kabul campuses; it recruited mostly among young intellectuals who considered Islam more a politi- cal ideology than a religion.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Few of them be- longed to big landowning families, which either did not care to send their sons to school or, if they did, provided them with a foreign-based education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ordinary educated youth entered school precisely be- cause this was his only hope of social promotion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khales recruits mostly in Nangarhar and Paktya provinces, and Hekmatyar among recently detribalized Pashtuns, mainly Ghilzai and eastern Pashtuns (see my “Observations on the Survey,” below). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ulama were edged out of the political scene at the time of the king, but they are now playing a more significant role, especially in areas where the young Islamist intellectuals have not made inroads (tribal areas, but also some northern provinces). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 79 The Ulama 80 OLIVIER ROY The Islamist movement recruited only a handful of the clerics who were teaching in government religious schools and universities and were therefore a minority among the Afghan clergy (which used to be trained in private madrasa); these modernist ulama (or religious stu- dents) account for 17 percent of the ulama registered as mujahidin commanders in my survey, all of whom belong to Jami~at or to Hizb-i Khales. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Jthad is always temporary: as soon as it is achieved (in fact, before it is achieved), the traditional rules of the power game have always made a destructive comeback. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After some ups and downs, the political landscape of Afghan resistance has been the same since 1980: a Sunni alliance of seven parties in Peshawar, and a Shi rite coalition of eight parties in Qom, of which only four seem to be really established inside Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
3. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
would-be state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamists use an explicitly Western (or Marxist) model of party organization, the party being seen as .a The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Their ideology discards the traditional values—loyalty to the qawm, a desire to fight for preeminence among equals, contempt for the central state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In this markaz, mujahidin might come from different tribes and even ethnicities, as is the case around Maymana. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A local aiim is seldom contested by another local aiim, because teaching in a madrasa and be- longing to a brotherhood has established between them an acknowl- edged hierarchy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is different from the permanent dynamic of competition that pitches one khan against another. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is why the ulama were able to establish local strongholds (from Anardarrah in Farah, with Mawlawi Faqirullah of Hizb-i Khales, to Samangan, with Mawlawi Islam of Harakat-e Enqelab) but never tried to extend their territorial influence, in which case the personal relation embedded in both patron-client and teacher- disciple relations would have disappeared in favor of a more THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 85 86 OLIVIER ROY anonymous political administration, and this would not have fit with ulama values. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Joining a party, the notable strengthens his position by getting weapons or by choosing a party bigger than that of the rival notable or just by preventing the rival from being the sole mujahidin commander. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In these con- ditions, to join a party already having a local commander entails, for a traditional notable or for a newly promoted military commander, a demotion in terms of status and power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the North, politicization has triggered either the emergence of would-be state structures or a collapse into internecine warfare. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The qawm territory was thus immediately enlarged. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At a higher level, the coun- cil is working as a would-be state, with committees for health, re- construction, education, culture, propaganda, finance, and so forth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But qawm affiliations did not disappear overnight; they remain a parameter that must be dealt with. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
state model is that it does not encompass the whole social spectrum, but this condition must be accepted; the law is in the hands of the ulama, who are full members of the council. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
ian system of most liberation movements, the Afghan resistance is making a strange but genuine compromise between freedom and Masud is neither a khan nor a military commander, but an emir: a What limits the expansion of this new political-military would-be In fact, compared with the one-party, all-encompassing, totalitar- THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 91 92 OLIVIER ROY organization, between would-be state and society, order and anarchy, town and village. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Then Masud decided to create a “central group” of mobile units without any ,qawm link. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He invited non-Panjshiri commanders and mujahidin who were feeling constrained by the local qawm affilia- tions system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was only when the Panjshiris numbered less than 50 percent in these units (in 1986) that Masud was able to cross the Hindu Kush on the north and establish his organization in more than five provinces. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He created the Supervisory Council of the North to embody the new political framework, and he used the ulama to legitimate this new system through a discourse on Islam, Shari~ah and umma being more acceptable to peasants and notables than the “Islamic ideology” of the “campus years.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, a would-be state is emerging from below, based mostly on domestic resources and not on the distribution of subsidies by Peshawar. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since Abdur Rahman’s rule (1880—1901) no state in Afghanistan has relied on internal resources, that is, the extraction of wealth from the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
consonant with the trends that were at work under Zahir Shah’s regime and that culminated under the Communist rule: the reign of the new, educated middle class, opposed both to the aristocracy and to the local powers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even if the alliance takes Kabul and remains united, it will not be able to admin- ister the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only possible compromise would be for the new state in Kabul, whatever it is, to make room for the field commanders. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such a compromise could restrain the ambitions of the thousands of foreign-based intellectuals, although it would also create a bitterness among them that could be used by foreign countries to challenge any state power in Kabul (as did the Soviets with the Communists, and Au Bhutto with the Islamists in the seventies). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Traditional notables could be used as referees by both sides, as in the traditional rules of the power game. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nothing will be as it was before, and the new elite will more and more be made from the edu- cated youth; the danger is the same as that which could have de- stroyed the Communist party: internal infighting may take the shape of tribal and ethnic feuds, despite the ideological formulation of these feuds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in case of political chaos, most of the new cadres will revert to traditional affiliations; in case of a general crisis, ethnic identity is the only identity that does not prove to be controversial; in the worst case scenario, what will follow will not be the creation of a modern state but the Lebanonization of Afghanistan: collapse of the central state and emergence of antagonistic communities whose identity is based on eth- nic, religious, and historic references, disguised under superficial con- temporary political references. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
successful commander is supposed to be able to achieve some influence in the next regime in Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a consequence, more Pashtun commanders are listed here than appear to be warranted by the percentage of the Pashtun ethnic group (each commander controlling fewer people than his coun- terpart in the Persian-speaking area). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
not represented, because it has not enough commanders to be listed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Intellectu- als are to be found mainly among the Islamist parties (around 70 per- cent of commanders of these parties graduated from a high school or from a university). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(generally listed in the “no education” level) or members of the estab- lishment, who used to be educated abroad (none of the listed mujahidin commanders has been educated in Western countries or the USSR). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
with little education and tending to be older than most of the other commanders (55 percent over fifty). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
JIA cannot be said to be exclusively Persian (36 percent non-Per- sian). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
HIM of Mohseni is exclusively Shi~ite; there are not enough data to be conclusive, but it appears to have roughly the same structure as JIA (the greater age of the leaders is owing to their training in Najaf, there being no high-level Shi~ite religious schools in Kabul). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The charismatic leader is not bound by administrative organs, rules of conduct, or legal wisdom oriented toward judicial precedent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a revolutionary force, per- sonal charisma is distinct from office charisma. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini exemplified a multifaceted charisma in the course of his ascendance, first, to the position of the highest Shi~ ite authority and, later, to the theocratic position of the national political leadership. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both positions were achieved through his leadership of rebeffious move- ments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, and above all else, he was the most emotional and inventive charismatic leader of recent times; the Charisma, Theocracy, and Men of Power in Postrevolutionary Iran AHMAD ASHRAF 101 102 AHMAD ASHRAF radius of his charisma spread beyond the boundaries of Iran to reach millions of Muslims all over the world. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini gave the masses a sense of personal integrity, of collective identity, of historical rootedness, and feelings of pride and superiority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The latter is based on an established religious, or temporal hierocratic, authority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His death in 1961 opened up the Qom center to new ideas and allowed a relatively liberal figure, Ayatollah Sayyid Kazem Shariatmadari, and a militant charis- matic leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, to rise to the highest posi- tion of the source of emulation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Left split: one group supported the regime for its anti-imperialist posture; the other criticized it for its conservative and reactionary orientation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime labeled the movement “second revolution.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini was in his late seventies when he led the successful revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The members of the new class are young educated people who come predominantly from the tradi- tional and modernizing petit bourgeois families. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Broadly speaking, there are four sets of internal and external ques- tions with respect to which the different ideological and political fac- tions can be distinguished. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The two internal issues are (1) the degree to which the state should intervene in economic life of the society and (2) the degree to which the Islamic modes of behavior should be imposed on Westernized middle classes—particularly regarding women, music, films, sports, and even chess. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The economic controversies are focused on four issues, including private ownership and freedom of economic activities: land reform, foreign trade, urban real estate, and labor laws. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the other side are the radicals who represent revolutionary organizations and the cause of the impover- ished. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The main issue in the postwar era is the strategy to be followed in the reconstruction of the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The radicals, on the other hand, categorically oppose the opening of Iran’s economy to the capitalist world, arguing that the reconstruction should be achieved by the native human, financial, and natural resources—independence first, development second. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Conservatives are highly rigid on all these issues: no music, no chess, no unveiled women on the streets or in the movies, and no men with shorts or short sleeves should be permitted; they resist the “cultural invasion” of the West. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the core of the foreign relations controversy are the problems of normalizing relations with the West and the export of the Islamic revo- lution to other Middle Eastern countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were influenced by the ideas of Au Shariati and advocated the promotion of a classless society Their organizational bases of sup- port used to be the revolutionary organizations and ordinary organs of the state, including the Bureau of Promotion of Unity Between Reli- gious Center and University The leaders of this group organized the students who occupied the premises of the American embassy during the hostage crisis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Conser- vative Islamic judges had often refused to prosecute the price gougers on the ground that it would be un-Islamic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Five weeks later Ayatollah Khomeini dismissed Montazeri as his deputy leader and successor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He was believed to be the leader of the mass rebeffion in 1963 and of the successful revolution in 1977— 79; he was believed to be the founder and the great leader of the Islamic Republic; and last, he was the redeemer and the hope for the wretched of the earth and for millions who still live in the Age of Belief. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Council of Guardians rejected the credentials of most radical candidates on the ground that they did not have sufficient knowledge of Islamic jurisprudence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It may be equally argued, however, that these tendencies exemplified value-rational actions of an uncompromising ascetic revo- lutionary; they were neither traditional nor emotional. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Social and political mistakes too must be remorsed for. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
and then repent after realizing that we made these mistakes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To admit a sin is remorse and it is incumbent upon us to notify each other of our mistakes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The people of the world thought our only task here in Iran was to ..... . The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To fill the prisons would not heal any wounds.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another source of conflict is the status of religious minorities in a predominantly Shicite theocratic state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Persian-speaking inteffigentsia have increasingly resorted to their pre- Islamic historical roots and mythologies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This tendency has been particularly enhanced as they have become the targets of mounting propaganda cam- paigns by neighboring states with claims over these groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In post-Khomeini Iran many of the original ideas of Khomeini for the permanent revolution until the time of the appearance of the Mahdi, the Lord of the Age, are unlikely to be followed by his succes- sors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- is the builder of a repressive system which may well have to be endured before it can be escaped or transcended.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
is, above all, an extraordinarily bold, inventive, and ruthless politician, as a man should be who has ‘great works’ to perform, as a man, perhaps, must be for “great works have great enemies’ “(emphasis added). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 151 Assessing the nature of the state by focusing on the location, complex- ion, and ideological leanings of the “dominant elites” raises a number of imponderables. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For one thing, it obfuscates, even if unwittingly, the vital role of the modern state in defining and redefining the category “elites.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In analyzing these links, one must be as wary of the Marxist con- ception of the “ruling class” as that of the “ruling” or the “power” elite. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third, it illuminates how the flux in the balance of power between elected and nonelected institutions resulting from the lack of a preexisting center gave way to the dominance of the military and civil bureaucracy that has proven to be so enduring in Pakistan’s subsequent history. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The initiation of hostilities with India soon after independence entailed the diversion of very scarce financial resources—inevitably extracted from the provinces— into the defense procurement effort at a time when the political process had yet to be clearly defined. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The origins of Pakistan’s political economy of defense can only be elucidated by probing the balance between elected and nonelected in- stitutions while they were still in flux. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For much of the fifties, the Punjab’s land- lord politicians could do little more than bicker about state policies aimed at laying the foundations of an industrial infrastructure by turn- ing the terms of trade against the agrarian sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Having largely succeeded in dismantling what there was of a political process, the top echelons of the military and the bureaucracy were not minded to rely West Pakistan’s wily landlord politicians to prevent a Bengali majority win- ning elections that were due to be held in 1959. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since 1958, recurring cycles of military intervention, consolidation, and collapse have plagued Pakistani history. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet even the first instance STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 157 158 AYESHA JALAL of intervention was preceded by a phase of military-bureaucratic domi- nance that can be dated to 1951. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet this confronted them with contradictions inherent in the role of any state: the need to square diverse socioeconomic interests while furthering their own institutional concerns. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Grossly un- derestimating the need for popular bases of support, civil and military officials in the fifties concentrated on manipulating their international connections in the hope of molding the administrative machinery and pursuing development strategies aimed at creating a political economy of defense. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But given the dissonance, if not divergence, between institutional interests and those of particular socioeconomic groups, it may be more worth- STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 159 160 AYESHA JALAL while to investigate the location of functionaries of the state within key economic sectors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Once the logic of functional inequality had been accepted, it was natural for the regime to adopt economic policies emphasizing growth rather than redistribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Sensing doom, Ayub Khan handed over power to General Yahya Khan, the commander in chief of the Pakistan army. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in actual fact they were specifically aimed at ingratiating the regime with middle-sized land- lords, many of whom were former military and civil officials. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His six-point program for provincial autonomy, justified on the grounds of growing economic disparities between the two wings and inadequate representation of the Bengali majority in the civil bureaucracy and the army, was seized on by an array of disaffected elements in West Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime’s administrative reforms were intended to be of a more far-reaching nature. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The lateral entry system, introduced to attract talent into the civil service and the police, proved to be an invaluable instrument for the distribution of political patronage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With a “few exceptional cases of rags to riches, most of Pakistan’s nouveau riche had access to state power in one way or the other” (Viewpoint, 12 Nov. 1981, 10). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But by the same token, the alle- giance of emergent socioeconomic elites, whether occupying positions within the state apparatus or possessing access to it, is rarely to the party or government under which rags were turned to riches. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Instead of addressing the real causes of opposition to his regime, Bhutto, not least because nearly 66 percent of the PPP’s top leadership were by now members of conservative landed families (Lodhi, cited in Noman 1988, 104), cynically pretended to be concerned about establish- ing his regime’s Islamic credentials. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The initial shock among PPP workers and members of the intelligentsia turned to despair upon their dis- covery that the high command had literally “unearthed” a number of political “fossils” among the landed families solely because of the successful coming-together of mainly right-wing opposition parties (Viewpoint, 21 Jan. 1977, 11). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Set a Rightist to catch a Rightist” seemed to be the “general idea” (Viewpoint, 4 Feb. 1977). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1977 the total popular vote cast for the PPP was declared to be 93 percent! The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A devout Muslim, Zia claimed to be single-minded about returning a “degenerate [Pakistani] society” to the pristine purity of Islam (cited in Sayeed 1980, 183). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An investigation of the ways in which Zia selec- tively and systematically went about stifling incipient populist urges and co-opting those frightened or alienated by Bhutto’s reforms ex- poses the qualitative changes his eleven years in office wrought on relations between the state and society in Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Studding the state- controlled media with religious ideologues helped insure that the use of Islamic symbolism by the three religious constellations in the nine- party alliance-the JamaIt-e Islami, the Jamiât-i-Ulama-i-Pakistan, and the Jami~t-i-ul-Ulama-i-Islami—would be the best-remembered expres- sion of the movement against Bhutto. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zia himself was a migrant from the eastern Punjab and so a beneficiary of the close biraderi ties that are a distinguishing feature of these groups; thus, he was well placed to lay claims on this ready-made constituency. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More to the point, too close an association with religious ideo- logues could alienate those in the senior and middle echelons of the military establishment who, with the obvious exception of the Jamac at’s supporters, did not share the enthusiasm with which Zia was seeking to establish an Islamic ethos within the army as well as in Pakistani society at large. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan was no ‘longer a purely agricultural economy, but in the rural areas where the vote banks were still bunched, electoral contests could not be won without the support of one landed faction or another. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The expectation was that the elections would be fought along wholly biraderi lines. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He declared that “from now on Martial Law would operate as STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 175 176 AYESHA JALAL real Martial Law,” adding with nonchalance that the military had come to stay (cited in Viewpoint, 21 Oct. 1979). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the general scored some successes in his forays into cer- tain sectors of agriculture, industry, and trade, he met with sullen, if muted, opposition from substantial sections of the urban intelligentsia and the professional groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Clearly, then, so long as the government remained in the hands of a military ruler with limited popular support, the Pakistani state, for all its Islamic posturing, could not register its claim to be serving the gen- eral interests of society~ least of all in the economic realm. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Polarization had by now enveloped all levels of Pakistani society Social divisions, especially among the dominant interest groups, could temporarily in- crease the state’s relative autonomy of action, but in the Pakistani con- text they proved to be a double-edged sword. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moreover, it was now the industrial and espe- cially the service sector—trading, transportation, construction, and real estate, not to mention defense contracting—rather than agricul- ture, that were the most sought after by enterprising army officers, some of whom began taking early retirement in order to make hay while the sun was still shining. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Clearly, Zia’s state-sponsored Islamization program cannot be seen as anything more than a token effort, and a highly spurious one at that, to establish his own legitimacy without having to court mass popular support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The result was nevertheless a parliament domi- nated by landed interests, with business groups in the second place.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was familiar story. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When Zia seized power in 1977, the government’s debt-servicing charges had been roughly equal to its revenue receipts; already in April 1985, inter- est payments outstripped receipts by Rs 6.9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime was clearly falling in debt to a small affluent crust of Pakistani society and could ill afford to ignore the interests of this stratum, yet the dominant military and bureaucratic institutions kept the balance firmly tilted against the political clients. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The moment the prime minister began to “jump his traces” he was sent packing.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Until that happens, the centrality of the Pakistani state in the making and unmaking ol elites is unlikely to be replaced by the complex social dynamics under- lying the political process. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Hudood ordinance of 1979 blurred the distinction between adultery and rape. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in its struggle with the revolt, the PDPA made important changes in the reform decrees, so that they became as much instruments of counterinsurgency as of social transfor- mation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, the lack of knowledge of the society is related to the social conditions that gave rise to the autonomy of the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the modern world there is a one-to-one correspondence be- tween societies and states because the nation-state system itself defines the boundaries of societies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The central controversy is over whether the autonomous power needed for redistribution is more likely to come from the imposition of a form of authoritarian regime or from the mobifi- zation, often through democratic means, of the program’s beneficiaries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Recent research on South Asian cases, however, has argued that the actually successful cases in the region largely resulted from mass mobilization within a democratic framework (Kohli 1987; Herring 1983). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In these cases the state be- came autonomous specifically from dominant interests and also achieved the capacity to formulate and implement effective reforms because the CPI-M succeeded in organizing the beneficiaries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A qawm may be a tribe, a linguistically based ethnic group or “nationality” in the Soviet sense, a lineage, a clan, or an occupational group similar to a caste. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pasture can be either owned or rented. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since improved transport raised sheep prices in the 1970s (as livestock from north of the Hindu Kush could be brought to market in Kabul), some flock owners began paying shepherds cash wages (Barfield 1981, 110—11). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Debt is thus ubiquitous in rural Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Mukherjee (1984, 177), out of 1.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
million holdings, 4,086 were of more than 100 hectares (ban 1960, 32). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But class within the village has never be- come a focus of political struggle, even when the state tried to make it so in 1978 and 1979. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These leaders settle the daily affairs of the vifiage and may also be responsible for relations between the vil- lage and the state (or the resistance). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In tribal areas, where the villagers are mainly or wholly of a single tribe or clan, the vifiage council may be equivalent to a tribal jirgah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One of their number may be designated by Political Conflict and Leadership the government as arbab, or inalek, the official representative of a vil- lage, ward, or qawm, but the malek is not necessarily or even usually the most powerful person. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The main object of politics as practiced by khans is to be recognized as “bigger” than other khans by both vifiagers and the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The anthropologists confirm that Elphinstone ([1815] 1972, 1:217) had it right, at least for the Pashtun tribes, when he wrote, “In their notion of their Khaun, the idea of a magistrate set up for the public good is certainly mixed with that of a patriarchal and natural superior, yet the former im- pression will always be found to be strongest.”8 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The pattern of hospitality and marriage prestations are mechanisms of redistribution along lines of kinship and community and across class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The overall effect of state fiscal policies could better be characterized as distributive rather than redistributive. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In this respect, Afghanistan might be classified a rentier state living off incomes de- rived from the position of the state elite in the international system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Eastern Pashtuns dominated the truck- ing industry, especially because much of the profits to be made de- rived from smuggling across the Pakistani border, where they lived. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Where collective efforts were needed, they were to be organized by state-sponsored cooperatives rather than khan-sponsored patronage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Any land that had been placed in geraw five years or more before the decree was introduced was to be returned to the owner after the harvest of the, standing crop, without any payment to the mortgage holder. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Land placed in geraw more recently was also to be returned to the owner after the harvest, but the owner had to repay a portion of the principal on a sliding scale and according to a schedule determined by the age of the loan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The pro- vincial committee, headed by the wali (governor), was to be composed of representatives of six government ministries and three “peasant rep- resentatives.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The cost of both the bride-price and the ceremo- nies could be exorbitant and, hence, sources of debt. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Cooperatives were to be open to peasants owning up to twenty jaribs of first-quality land or the equivalent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The “family,” de- fined as husband, wife, and unmarried children aged less than eighteen years, was to be the basic unit of land ownership. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Land above the ceiling (as well as state land and the lands of the former royal family) were to be confiscated by the state and distributed to landless laborers and tenants, small peasants (those owning less than five jaribs), and propertyless nomads. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since all landholdings would then be between five and thirty jaribs, this ceiling would have virtually elimi- nated tenancy (“feudal” relations). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In order to prevent the emergence of new in- equalities, the state then forbade the new owners to sell or mortgage the newly received land. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The decree also placed the operation of all irrigation canals under the authority of the Ministry of Water and Energy (Article 6) and required the peasants to cultivate the land in accord with the “suggestions and instructions of the Minis- try of Agriculture and Land Reform” (Article 34). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The govern- ment placed increased emphasis on the technical requirements of such farming, paying attention to the need for water, credit, and ferti1izer.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the best ol times, Afghan government statistics had to be treated with some skep- ticism. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During a period when the state itself had broken down in much of the country and the government was engaged in a war for its owr survival, little faith can be placed in estimates such as that of GNP Both the number and quality of Afghan government publications declined, especially after the Soviet intervention (the reason that the table stops after 1982).~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, the reported increase in revenues appears to be owing to an increase in the price paid by the USSR for essentially the same amount of gas.51 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(Another report states that the 1985 subsidy was Af 28,000 per hajji, making for a total of 6,143 pilgrims.)TM The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The gov- ernment also made low-interest loans available to civil servants and military officers, mainly for the building of homes.TM The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The overall quan- tity of the redistribution can be estimated through data on currency in circulation.TM The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It has invited the befficose opposition abroad to participate in the govern- ment, and the possible return to the country of the aged Shah, who was overthrown not by Taraki but by Daud—a return to a vestige from 15 years in the past—is under study. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Most important, it has announced a policy of national reconciliation, an unprecedented compromise with its enemies, a willingness to see them not as enemies but as patriots, as collaborators in the future of a traditionally Islamic, nonaligned Al- ghanistan, slowly healing the wounds inflicted by war. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The party it- self, the revolutionary government itself, has renounced them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
External aid to the Nicaraguan contras or to the National Union for the Total Indepen- dence of Angola (UNITA) did not comparably weaken the state, be- cause the Sandinistas and the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), despite their mistakes, had far greater legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were given a choice between the leaders they knew, with whom they shared much, and leaders they did not know, who believed in an alien ideology and who showed by their actions that they could not be trusted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, long experience had taught the peasants that, harmful as some khans could be, others were useful in protecting the vifiage from the state administration, even when the state administra- tion was Muslim (Shahrani 1986a). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ignorance behind the formula- tion of the reforms and the incompetence and brutality of their implementation only served to further convince the peasantry that the proposed changes would not be in their interest, as, indeed, they turned out not to be.62 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is impossible with existing data to test whether the results can be interpreted strictly as a market response that wifi return to the previous situation if the refugees return and the economy is restored. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Islam, property lawfully acquired may not be expropriated from the owner without compensation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some property of landlords may be haram (Islamically invalid) if, for instance, it was purchased with money earned from interest on loans, which is forbidden in Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such land could be expropriated, but it is difficult to prove that a particular piece of property was purchased with money from a specific transaction. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Tenancy reform, or regulation of the maximum share a sharecropper can be required to pay the landlord, is also the model used by the CPI/M in its Operation Barga in West Bengal (Kohli 1987). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The CPI-M was able to overcome these obstacles in West Bengal through its organization of the tenants into vifiage coun- cils under the guidance of its disciplined party apparatus and with the support of the state government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They ac- knowledged that the landlords were in fact the owners of the land. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All are likely to be consumed by power struggles and little else for the foreseeable future. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
9. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is consistent with Ferdinand’s (1962, 123) estimate that one-sixth of the population was “more or less nomadic.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Anderson 1978, 170—71. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps such actions were not, in fact, clearly to the disadvantage of the poor groups; landlords may be oppressive, but the state may be more so. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only publication of the complete texts in the West appears to be the Italian translation from the Pashto and Dari originals in Vercellin 1979, 99—132. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most inteffigent defense of the reforms (and the would-be reformers, especially Hafizullah Amin) is in Male 1982. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Haffiday also claims that moneylend- ers were not included, which appears to be a mistake. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In a 1988 interview with Borovik, General Kim Tsagolov said that about a third of the land reform had been carried out, which may be interpreted to mean that a third of the land had been distributed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This inducement was not particularly powerful, because Emir Abdul Rahman Khan and King Amanullah had nationalized most of the awqaf of Afghanistan, and be- cause the ulama were not major landowners. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For instance, DRA 1982 gives figures that claim to be GNP at constant prices, but the figure for 1977—78 GNP in 1975—76 prices is virtually the same as the figure for 1977— 78 GNP in 1979—80 prices, despite reported inflation of over 10 percent a year. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For typical exhortations to “financial discipline,” see Keshtmand’s speeches in FBIS VIII, 21 Mar. 1983, Cl, and again five years later, in Bakhtar, 16 Mar. 1988, cited in Afghanistan Forum 16, no. 3 (1988): 35. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The cost in 1984 was Af 1,218 million but the revenue was Af 900 million (Bakhtar, 17 June 1984, cited in Afghanistan Forum 12, no. 4 (1984): 33). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
REDISTRIBUTION AND THE STATE 227 Income and wealth patterns in Iran have undergone several sharp changes since 1960. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The net impact of these policies on the income of various groups can be gleaned from the available statistics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The various groups generally agreed on what constituted the blatant excesses of Pahiavi rule: the extremely unequal distribution of wealth and income, the growing gap between urban and rural living standards, the blind imitation of Western cul- tural norms and consumption patterns, and economic and political subservience to foreign powers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to the constitution, one of the means of achiev- ing the objectives of Islamic government is “the planning of a correct and just economic system in accordance with Islamic criteria” (Article 3). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
c. preventing the exploitation of another’s labor; d. forbidding the infliction of harm upon others, monopoly, hoard- ing, usury, and other evil and forbidden practices; e. the prohibition of extravagance and wastefulness in all matters related to the economy, including consumption, investment, produc- tion, distribution, and services. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
f. prevention of foreign economic domination over the country’s economy; g. emphasis on the increase of agricultural, livestock, and indus- trial production in order to satisfy public needs and to make the coun- try seif-sufficient and independent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Despite Ayatollah Khomeini’s assurance that after the establishment of an Islamic government “the entire system of govern- ment and administration, together with the necessary laws,” would be ready (Algar 1986, 40), legislating social justice has not turned out to be an easy task. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was clear that the two factions could agree that in certain situations property rights could be restricted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, the conservatives argued that the suspension of primary rulings had to be limited in time and space. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many of the bifis dealing with economic matters, such as the land reform bill, the foreign trade nationalization bifi, and the labor law, were rejected and sent back to the parliament to be amended be- cause they were said to infringe on the right of property and freedom of contract. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, the new government believed it could achieve its goals even with reduced dependence on oil, which was to be an essen- tial component of the goal of self-reliance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Economic dislocations, an unavoidable cost of attaining economic independence, were expected to be short-term. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Reality turned out to be much less accommodating, forcing the regime to reconsider its early optimism and greatly limiting its ability Macroeconomic Context to fulfifi the promises of the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These data must be interpreted with considerable caution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It would be inappropriate to use the parallel rate as the “true” rate, because the parallel rate moved in response to govern- ment pressure to stop arbitrage between the markets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The statistics on prices appear to be more or less a blend of the small changes in official prices with the much larger changes in free market prices; in effect, each consumer faced a different price change, depending on how much he or she relied on the free market. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the invest- ment necessary for future growth is being kept so low, the likely result wifi be continuing stagnation or declines in per capita income. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The oil wealth was to be conserved for future generations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Last, the state failed to mobilize the necessary resources, and the adjustment process involved substantial cutbacks in total gov- The Changing Pattern of Government Expenditure THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 239 240 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON ernment spending and large changes in the relative shares of the vari- ous categories of state expenditure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state dis- pensed its favors in the form of goods in short supply to be distributed among guild members. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There were rumors in Teheran after the cease-fire that the foreign exchange allocation for defense would be raised. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The proliferation of controls pushed many economic transactions into the The war continues to be expensive even after demobilization, not THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 243 Taxation and Resource Extraction 244 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON Source Government revenue Oil revenue Oil revenue as % of government revenue Tax revenue Direct taxes Indirect taxes Tax revenue as % of non-oil GDP Government monopolies, and sale of goods and services Budget deficit Source: Iran, Ministry of Planning and Budget, Annual Economic Report, various years. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To increase the collection of taxes from this group, the government, after 1987, allowed any contributions to local development projects to be credited to taxes owed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The redistributive consequences of the inflation tax could hardly be progressive, al- though the government tried to redress, through controls on prices and distribution channels, some of the most blatant inequities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These improvements contrast favorably with the deteriorating trends that were evident be- fore the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First are employers, who suffered a decline in their relative position after the revolution but by 1985 were more likely to be in the top 20 percent of households than before the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It must be noted, however, that household sur- veys do not cover the extreme tails of the distribution, so data are lacking on the impact of the expropriations of assets of top business- men and on the wealth accumulated by those who made their fortunes after the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For heads of households with high school diplomas, part of this shift may be explained by the increase in their number in the sample. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1985, they were nearly six times more likely than they were before the revolution to be in the bottom 40 percent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
48.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because government employees would be relatively high on the rural income scale, the widening rural disparities may partly be owing to the expansion of public-sector employment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They may not be as wealthy as the previous owners, but that is partly owing to the fact that the country is less wealthy today. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What is disturbing about the concentration of wealth in their hands is that their capital accumulation is less likely to be invested in domestic productive activities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Without a clear legislative basis for the imposition of price controls, the government enforced them by virtue of special powers granted by Ayatollah Khomeini. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The administrative apparatus for the allocation of goods and the oversight of the distribution network was the Economic Mobilization Command, which was set up soon after the start of the war. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In contrast, most of the other programs favored the better-off segments of the population even when they helped improve the overall distribution of income. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To be sure, the government to some extent used the administrative allocation of goods, both formal and informal, for political ends. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
arrangement appeared to be the form of ownership acceptable to all factions in the regime. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to him, this apparent contradiction can be re- solved through cooperative production.3 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One such cooperative for pistachio growers, which happened to be headed by a cousin of a prominent political figure, became the largest business concern outside the public sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most effective organizations were those set up by the employees of the mod- ern sector, both public and private, who were unlikely to be among the bottom economic strata. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Real estate and urban land were and still are the largest source of private wealth in the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Various ministries announced plans for their sec- tors, and periodic national expenditure programs were formulated (e.g., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The main problem was the severe constraints under which Islamic Iran operated, especially the tremendous loss of oil income and the war. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although efficiency certainly could be improved without a sacrifice in equity, the necessary policies—such as effective taxation of the rich—would exacerbate tensions between the political trends. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
How- ever, a larger source of foreign exchange during the boom was bor- rowing, which may have been over $20 billion during Rafsanjani’s first term, much of it in short-term trade debt. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During Hashemi Rafsanjani’s first term as president of Iran (July 1989—June 1993) there were substantial changes in economic policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government relaxed most price controls, removed some state subsidies and targeted others more effectively, liberalized imports, and privatized some public enter- Epilogue: Post Khomeini Developments THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 267 268 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON prises. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If in terms of most measures of economic change Pakistan’s economy has performed well in the forty-year period since indepen- dence in 1947,2 and if much of this achievement cannot be attributed to medium- or long-term planning but was instead the outcome of clever and resourceful day-to-day management, then it is useful to look at the credentials of the people or the groups of peole who were these manag- ers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The re- maining five are yet to be resolved. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the run of good luck that helped Pakistan join the ranks of middle-income nations should not continue, the country may no longer be able to postpone the resolution of the main distributive problems that continue to affect its political and economic development. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In large measure Pakistan owes its birth to the perception that in a united India without external (British) arbitration, the Muslim mi- nority would be discriminated against by a Hindi majority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This fear was manifested by a group of Muslim fundamentalists who chose migration to Afghanistan and Muslim Central Asia over assimila- tion into a predominantly Hindu India; by Sayyid Ahmad Khan, who focused on human resource development as a way of providing the Muslims of British India with the same intellectual equipment that had become available to the Hindu subjects of the British raj; by such provincial bosses as Fazle Husain, Sikandar Hayat, Khizar Hayat Tiwana, Khan Sahib, Ghaffar Khan, and Fazl-e-Haq, who be- lieved that the Muslims in the Muslim-majority province of Punjab and in the North-West Frontier Province and Bengal, by practicing the policies of isolation, even within a Hindu-dominated India, should be able to protect the economic and social interests of their community; and by Muhammad Au Jinnah, who believed that with- out an explicit central agreement on power sharing, the Muslims of India could not expect fair treatment at the hands of the Hindus once the British departed from the subcontinent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan turned out to be an economic success but a political fail- ure, despite the belief of leaders of the Indian National Congress that Jinnah’s Pakistan could not be economically viable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only way to reconcile these statistics with those that suggest a low standard of health for the general population is to condude that health coverage and food availabffity must be highly skewed in favor of the more privileged segments of the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This decision changed the rate of exchange between the Indian and Pakistani rupees from parity to one hundred Pakistani rupees for 144 Indian rupees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Pakistani approach succeeded in delivering a high rate of eco- nomic growth, first, because external resources fortuitously continued to flow into Pakistan and, second, because economic management be- came the responsibility of the civil service, whose members were ex- ceptionally adept at handling crises, which have occurred with unrelenting frequency during the country’s four-decade history. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan was one of the few oil-importing developing countries not to be hurt by the increase in the price of oil; the increase in its oil bill was more than counterbalanced by remit- tances from its workers in the Middle East (Burki 1980b). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan’s distributive prob- lems, however, could only be addressed by such planning, and the fact that they never were is testimony to the power the civil servants wielded over economic management. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More often than not, this machinery worked smoothly, maintaining peace for the British raj and collecting resources to pay for its administration. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These measures were carried out in the name of socialism and for the economic well-being of Pakistan’s poor citizenry But instead, income disparities increased in the cities, the economic gap be- tween rural and urban areas widened, and incomes in Punjab and Sind, Pakistan’s prosperous provinces, increased much more rapidly than in the poor provinces of the North-West Frontier and Baluchistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Deepening rural poverty 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Approach: Consequence: Periods 1969—71 Periods 1969—71 • General political paralysis among W. Pakistani leaders on the issue • Civil war in 1971 and emergence of Bangladesh resolved the issue for Pakistan 1971—77 Approach: • Encouragement rural poor to the Middle East 1971—77 Cause: resources to 1977—78 1977—78 4. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Superimposed on these six problems of skewed distribution of wealth and income was the frustration felt by the society’s underprivi- leged, by those in the society who were not satisfied with their eco- nomic situation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the 1950s the government instituted a program for procuring surplus agricultural commodities to provide food to urban dwellers and raw materials for the newly established industries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the two latter provinces, average farm size declined by 20 percent over a period of two decades. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
ous governments during Pakistan’s forty-year history can be viewed from three different perspectives. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They can be analyzed in the context of the categories to which they belonged, in the context of the political periods in which they were undertaken, or in terms of the motives of those who adopted them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is no limit to the amount of assets that may be owned as long the owner contributes to the general wel- fare by using the assets productively and by surrendering a part of the income produced by the assets to aid the society’s underprivileged segments (the mustaikheen). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The left wing of the All-India Muslim League, though not fully subscribing to this analysis, did not recommend the abolition of zamindari but suggested instead a limit on the amount of land that could be owned. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“To our misfortune, we have zamindars ev- erywhere, and like a blight they have prevented all healthy growth,” wrote Jawaharlal Nehru in 1928 (cited in Herring 1983, 87). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Accordingly, “the word zamindar literally means ‘one who holds the land,’ but in political rhetoric [it] came to mean a category of proprietor created by the British” with disdain for Muslim nationalist politics (Herring 1983, 87). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Instead of using the land at its disposal for correct- ing skewed distribution of holding, the government chose to reward civil and military officers for what was considered to be dedicated service to the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
first was implemented in 1959 by the administration of President Ayub Khan, who was of the view that “nothing much will be gained unless we carry out land reforms in a scientific fashion” (Ayub Khan, cited in Michel 1967, 12). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
New canals opened up land in the Thal Desert of the southern Punjab and in Sind; the area under surface irrigation increased from twenty million acres in 1947 to twenty-eight million acres in 1965. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
mil- lion acres of land were handed over to the government, of which 900,000 acres were distributed among 13,000 persons. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of this increase of eight million acres, four million were in the Punjab and another four million were in Sind. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An income redistribution policy, to be effective, must make use of fiscal and tax levers at the disposal of the state to generate revenues for alleviating poverty. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The bureaucratic model of economic management that guided economic decision making during much of Pakistan’s history did not have a prominent place for tax and fiscal reforms; to carry them out would have required the possession of much greater political authority than could be mustered by the bu- reaucracy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although there was an improvement in income distribution during some political periods in Pakistan’s history, this cannot be attributed to policies de- signed directly to achieve these results. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It can be the conse- quence of highly unequal distribution of such physical assets as agri- cultural land or industrial capital, or it can result from significant differences in the skills possessed by the labor force. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Herberger (1977, 261) states that “the conclusions emerging” from an analysis of poor countries’ ability to use their fiscal systems for redistributive purposes “will probably be disheartening to those who believe that a major assault on the problem of inequality can be effected by fiscal means.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A combination of fiscal and expenditure policies is required to im- prove income distributions; tax policies alone will not bring about a significant change. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, government finances are not elastic enough to accommodate large outlays on social development and poverty alleviation programs that may be needed to sustain the imprwement that has occurred in recent years in alleviating absolute poverty Second, the weak financial situation of the govern- ment imposes a serious constraint on increasing public-sector expendi- tures on social development, a problem compounded by the fact that defense and debt servicing leave little room for such expansion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Workers were to be hired by local councils, created under the system of basic democracies, to create a rural infra- structure by building schools, clinics, community centers and village- to-market roads. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Admittedly, all five- year plans—in particular, the first plan drafted in 1955—58 and the seventh plan that began to be implemented in 1988—have under- scored the importance of human resource development. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As mentioned above, the redistributive programs and policies that were adopted in Pakistan can also be viewed from a political perspective, which would underscore that most of the government’s action in the area of redistribution was taken during the Ayub and Bhutto periods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This change represented a 46 percent narrowing of the differential between two major industrial centers of the country Although it may be premature, in the absence of reliable household and expenditure data, to come to a judgment, it appears that income distribution during the Zia period may have improved significantly. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of the gross national in- come, the decline in investment had to be counterbalanced by capital flows from the outside (World Bank 1988, 193). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, the remarkable performance of the economy might have been secured at a high cost and may not be sustained over the long run. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ability to generate domestic savings to pay for only a third of the total investment has produced a debt overhang that would have to be servied at the cost of future domestic capital formation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The improve- ment in the situation of poverty and in income distribution may prove to be a temporary one, subject to a complete reversal in the not too distant future. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This be- lated experiment in statism and socialism did not inspire confidence on the part of Pakistan’s donor community, which, because of the country’s continued dependence on foreign flows, had considerable influence on domestic economic decision making. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But ul-Haq was a technocrat; he needed a politi- An attempt was made by Mahbub ul-Haq to break away from the THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 323 324 SHAHID JAVED BURKI cal framework within which to institute his program of fiscal re- form, which had a high redistributive content. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the results were modest. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A government report issued in 1985 estimated that the funds generated by zakat and ushr were providing Rs 330 per household per year (about $34 at the rate of exchange prevailing at that time). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the period of General Zia ul-Haq, however, the bureau- cratic model of economic management may have reached the stage beyond which it would be unable to extend itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is doubtful whether Pakistan’s economic problems can be handled any longer with the tools most often employed by the bureaucrats who were called upon to manage the economy: short-term crisis management and long- term dependence on foreign capital flows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These obstacles cannot be removed by crisis manage- ment; they wifi need large amounts of capital investment that, to be made efficient, will need long-term planning. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was the flow of remittances rather than the government’s dis- tributive policies that brought about an alleviation of poverty But with remittances declining, population continuing to increase, and the gov- ernment without a viable distribution program, the progress made by Pakistan in the 1975—85 decade could be reversed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
of economic management that has brought it to a comfortable state of development may no longer be able to sustain the former pace of growth and development. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This reversal has oc- curred in Africa, and it may happen in Pakistan if a political solution cannot be found for its economic problems. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See the World Bank 1989. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course, it is also considered shameful for the deceased husband’s family not to take charge of the widow, and the levirate is considered to be in conformity with the honor of both parties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Divorce is very rare in rural Afghanistan, and polygamy is lim- Women pay a heavy tribute in deaths from childbirth and infant In large towns, however, differences between men and women, AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 335 336 MICHELINE CENTLIVRES-DEMONT A First Attempt at Emancipation and Its Failure At the beginning of the century, Kabul, the capital, was the only city where foreigners—usually English—could be found. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to the political elite and to King Amanullah, who was greatly influ- enced by the ideas of Mahmud Tarzi, his father-in-law and a journalist and modernist, development and progress in Afghanistan could only be realized through Westernization.3 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1928 Amanullah also took a direct position against the seclusion of women, or purdah, which had been officially discouraged though never prohibited by law or decree, and suggested that polygamy be outlawed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There was no question of women competing with men, particularly in the medical field, but the measures were aimed at improving the condition of women, who could be cared for or taught only by other women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Failing popular demand, these reforms could only be imposed as before, from the top down, in the form of decrees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This garment, which was abandoned by the upper middle class, tended to be adopted by the lower middle class in the towns, at least during visits and on festive occasions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Priority [would] be given to campaigns against illiteracy among women, forced marriages Afghan Enrollment from Primary School to University 1967—1970 For comparison, the total number enrolled from primary school to university in AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 341 TABLE 8.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Village-Lycee Boys Girls 429,549 68,433 469,606 71,131 503,594 76,361 Kabul University Boys 3,531 4,647 4,913 Girls 733 798 844 342 MICHELINE CENTLIVRES-DEMONT and superstitions” (Kabul Times, 15 June 1975, 3, cited in Knabe 1977, 188—89; see also Knabe 1977, 178—89; Grevemeyer 1987,260,396). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The constitution of 1964 established a multiparty system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In order to provide a left-wing alternative to the official organization, at the instigation of her party she founded the Democratic Organization of Afghan Women (DOAW) in 1965. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Through party members and official organs in the provinces, the government had the means at its disposal to ensure that the decrees and campaigns that had been announced would be carried out. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As was the case under Amanullah, the intensity of uprisings and revolts corre- sponded to the level of ambition of the programs to be carried out. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many men protested against Decree Number 7, as was understand- able; many women joined in the protests. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Afghans do not always distinguish distinctly between social cus- tom and Islamic law. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even in the Kabul of Najibullah, girls questioned by a journalist of the Washington Post (1987) declared they would accept an arranged marriage with the condition that they be consulted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All of the population was to have become literate within a year, through courses designed to last 150 hours (Roy 1985, 123). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After the arrival in power of Babrak (1980), however, the regime began to be less antireligious and even made room for the teaching of Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The official statistics in Kabul mention 634,000 students at all levels in 1985, as against 800,000 in 1980, for a population declared to be for Girls and Boys, 1968 and 1973 TABLE 8.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The university was highiy politicized; all students were obliged to be members of the DYOA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Most of the students were girls because, as of 1983, boys could be admitted to Kabul University only after completion of their military service. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The university was highly politicized; all students were obliged to be members of the DYOA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Anahita Ratebzad, for a short time minister of social affairs after the coup of 1978, was the only woman in the government in January 1980, when she was minister of education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Afghanistan, dwellings may have two courtyards, strangers be- ing barred from the second and larger compound, which is surrounded by several rooms—perhaps one or two per family unit. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Relations with neighbors are almost nonexistent be- cause neighbors are no longer family or kin, as in Afghanistan, but often strangers who, through the situation of exile, are placed there in a context of interethnic promiscuity, insecurity, and poverty. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women, who are the fundamental link with their culture and traditions, try hard to reproduce the social life they knew in Afghanistan, at least as they imagined it to be, in order to preserve and transmit their identity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
it is not possible to be certain to which age groups these women belong, whether young marriageable women are present in the usual propor- tion or have in large numbers been left behind with relatives in Af- ghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is, of course, out of the question for the women to be physically examined by male doctors; a woman can only, while veiled, describe her symptoms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Female doctors are rare, although “Lady Health Visitors,” having benefited from three years’ medical or para- medical training, are sometimes available. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The great majority of Afghan women demonstrate a remarkable capacity for adaptation as well as an excep- tional physical and psychological resistance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For the first time, large-scale education and training programs in health care have been addressed directly to Afghan women, without any of the central governmental restraints. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In addition to the money earned, these activities are positive expe- riences because of the contacts established between the Afghan women of rural origins and those from urban areas (usually from Kabul) who, because of their former education, are indispensable intermediaries be- tween the producers and those in charge of the international aid orga- nizations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In prewar Afghanistan a widow had hardly any choice other than to stay with her in-laws and sometimes to marry a brother or a cousin of her late husband. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Today a shahid’s wife has the right not to marry again; in many cases widows go back to their own (father’s or brother’s) families if they can, but in that case they usually do not marry again. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There has been a great deal of discussion on the “reinforcement of purdah,” which is generally understood in Western countries as the result of Islamic intolerance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Afghan political parties, however, cannot be accused of being hostile to education, even for girls, and one of their slogans is “Ilm bara-ye mard o zan farz ast [Knowledge is obligatory for both men and women].” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All of these parties have insisted on compulsory education according to Islam, the condition being that it be carried out separately for boys and girls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The number in all of the camps of Baluchistan, for example, can be counted on the fingers of one hand. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
RAWA claims to be active inside Afghanistan as well and to organize strikes by women workers in the Bagram textile mills in Kabul (see RAWA, 28 Aug. 1987). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Point 8 of this communiqué states, “With due consideration to experiences in the past, the Seminar pro- poses that the role of the women in the resistance and the victory of Afghanistan’s Jthad and the future reconstruction be reviewed in spe- cial gathering.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To the extent that they are forced to think of reconstruction not only as a material but as a political and social reality, greater thought and atten- tion wifi have to be paid and a larger role accorded to women within Afghan institutions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even the youth organizations were given a role in the defense of the country; but although in certain cases armed women could be seen within the ranks of the militia, their guns were probably empty (television documentary, TSR/Swiss Television, 5 Feb. 1989). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This does not mean that the resistance parties should be considered altogether backward, old-fash- ioned, or conservative, but that they have a very strict definition of the role and the condition of women, based on an interpretation of the Qur’an that puts the accent on separation, modesty, and the veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ev- erything recalling the image of a Western-style evolution is to be avoided as contrary to the “true” condition of women according to religious belief and thus remains banished. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One woman had said that she considered Fatimah to be an old image and that she found Oushin (a female character in a highly popular Japanese television serial) a more appropriate model for herself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although it may be tempting to dismiss the whole incident as an amusing expression of the fanaticism of an old and possibly senil€ man, one may ask what was so dangerous in the simple imagination of an Iranian woman that required such a harsh, instantaneous inter- vention on the part of the supreme political and religious authority ol the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most evident reading of this incident would be that th€ woman’s view constituted an insult to the sacred images of Islam; and thus, as the supreme religious authority in Iran, it was incumbent upon Ayatollah Khomeini to intervene. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A study of change5 affecting the position of women in Iran over this period, therefore, cannot be carried out as a “routine” listing of measures adopted by th€ new regime with respect to employment, legal rights, education, and social welfare. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Western societies where capitalism is dominant women’s liberation is nothing but the liberty to be naked, to prostitute oneself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the underdeveloped countries, in addition to the above role, women serve as the unconscious accomplices of the powers-to-be in the destruction of indigenous culture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For this reason, in societies like ours, the most immediate and urgent task was seen to be unveiling, that is, disarming woman in the face of all the calamities against her personality and chastity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Within the political context of building a new power in postrevolutionary Iran, the new regime’s seeming obsession with such issues as the exact dress code of women, with whether a woman’s voice should be heard from radio and television, with trivial rebeffious acts of wearing colorful veils, showing off strings of hair, wearing Michael Jackson T-shirts and punk haircuts, listening to “vulgar” music, ac- quires significance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To be sure, the new state is an Islamic state; the new culture and society are to be Islamic ones. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the harsh- ness with which transgressions are punished cannot be attributed sim- ply to their being viewed as un-Islamic acts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Before the over- throw of the old regime, women’s public appearance had already be- come a contentious issue. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Therefore, under such pretexts as social acivity the arts, freedom, etc., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
they pushed her to degeneracy and degradation and made of her a doll who not only forgot her human role, but became the best tool for emptying other human beings from their humanity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Then she became the target of poisonous ar- rows of corruption, prostitution, nakedness, looseness, and trivialities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After this, she was used to disfigure the Islamic culture of the society, to erase people’s faith and push society in her wake toward corruption, decay and degradation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Woman was transformed in this society so that a revolution could occur” [emphasis added].”6 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Not only is the society to be quarantined against the contaminated agent, the agent needs to be cured of her wified disease; she is to be “disciplined and punished.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 16 had been celebrated and in part turned into demonstrations against Islamization measures, the issue could not be ignored. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Now that the Islamic government had been formed, Zeynab had exhausted her value; her place was vacated, to be occupied by her mother. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is no problem with their going to work, but it must be with religiously legitimate veiling, with observation of religious norms.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This kind of universalism—which in fact meant that Woman’s Day was both Western and Eastern—was not what one of the main mottos of the Islamic revolution—neither Western nor Eastern, May 1979, speaking on the occasion of Fatimah’s birthday—which hap- pened to be Khomeini’s birthday as well—Khomeini repeatedly re- ferred to the day as Woman’s Day. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the first phase, in the immediate aftermath of the revolution, policies toward women were shaped by the exigen- cies of eliminating what was seen to be the corrupt legacy of the past, including annulment of many laws seen as un-Islamic, elimination of women from the judiciary, segregation of women in public places such as buses, sports venues, and beaches, and the campaign to impose the veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most important piece of legislation affected in this early phase was the Family Protection Law of 1967 (modified in 1975). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Barely two weeks after the overthrow of the old regime, on 26 February 1979, a letter was issued by the office of Ayatollah Khomeini, suspending the Family Protection Law because it had been determined to be against the Shari~ah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 9 August 1979, Sadr Hajj Seyyed Javadi, minister of justice, declared that family matters would henceforth be referred to religious courts and that although family courts had not yet been dissolved, they were no longer issuing decrees that countervened the Shari ‘ah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This had been one of the main points of contention be- tween the old regime and the clerics and one of the grounds for considering the old Family Protection Law un-Islamic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Training of female veterinarians, on the other hand, is ex- cluded on the grounds of the delicate female physique. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Married women are prohibited from attending day schools. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An expert on labor force p’anning and development, Dr. Hedayat, is quoted as saying that a woman of equal qualification has one-sixth the chance of a man to be employed for the same job. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Hojjat ol-Islam Motebahheri, director of the politico-ideological section at the government~-owned Defense Industries Organization, explained the reasons for their refusal to em- ploy any women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Basically I am against women working outside the home. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course teaching in girls’ high schools or working in hospitals are exceptions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In some of our factories. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If women abide by Islamic norms, they can par- ticipate in social activities,.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Moghadam (1988, 229), although economically active women as a proportion of the total female urban population aged ten and above has declined from 9.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moreover, women continue to constitute roughly the same proportion of government employees in 1983 as they did in 1974—75 (Moghadam 1988, 230). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aug. 1987) painted a rather gloomy picture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
we do have women workers on the production line. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Woman’s mission is to bring up children. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He also emphasized that this latter problem is a particular hazard in a higher-level management post, where the person in authority receives thirty to forty clients a day, all of them men; such a job could not be POWER, MORALITY, WOMANHOOD 381 382 AFSANEH NAJMABADI given to woman because it would put a woman alone with a man in the same room many times a day. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On first count, the goods will be confiscated and they will be treated according to the first clause of ARTICLE 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the offense is repeated, the fine will be two hundred fifty thousand to five hundred thousand rials first and on sub- sequent occurrences it will be five hundred thousand to one million rials. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whoever, in public view, dresses or uses makeup in a manner that is in violation of religious law, or spreads corruption, or injures public decency wifi be arrested, processed without delay (out of turn) and sentenced according to one of the punishment spelled out in AKHcLE 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Trousers and manteau must be chosen from sober colors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
How to execute the Bylaws: ARTICLE 1 that are deemed inadvertent according to the judgment of officials wifi be dealt with through warning and guidance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
ally a written commitment are the following: the terms of ARTICLE 1, they should be referred to the offices of public prosecutor, through the preliminary investigatory body charged with dealing with administrative violations of state employees, according to the agreement reached between the National Organization of Employ- ment and Administrative Affairs and the Islamic Revolution Commit- tee, described in Chapter 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
entry to which does not require a legal writ, measures should be taken according to these bylaws. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A copy of the report concerning any previ- ous offenses and follow-ups should be sent to the Office of Habitations of the Islamic Revolution Committee, so that offenders are dealt with under the Habitation Bylaws. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
mination of what constitutes leaving family life and justifiable reason are up to the court), or is absent over six consecutive months without justifiable reason (to be determined by the court). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Similar observations could be made about the issue of the woman’s vote. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Others feel that further evidence is needed (and readily available) and that gender inequality can be explained and measured in ways similar to class and racial inequalities (Beneria and Sen 1982; Chafetz 1984, 1990; Leacock and Safa 1986). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The prescribed role of women in Islamic theology and law is often argued to be a major determinant of women’s status. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is true that Muslim societies are characterized by higher-than- average fertility, higher-than-average mortality and rapid rates of population growth (Weeks 1988, 12, 46). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third, high maternal mortality and an inverse sex ratio exist in non-Muslim areas as well; in northern India and rural China, female infanticide has been documented. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the first instance, the view of woman as wife and mother is present in other religious and symbolic systems. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Age at marriage affects fertil- ity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Simi- larly, the economic growth of the Islamic Republic is not consistent with such a high rate of population growth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The male-female dis- parity in knowledge of Persian may be explained by education and employment disparities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The 1986 census reveals that universal primary schooling has yet to be achieved, especially for girls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women are represented in all of them, including engineering (2,259), but as can be seen from table 10.3, The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women are discouraged from attending law faculties, because they are deemed to be by nature “too emotional.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And what are women studying? Nineteen academic disciplines are listed in the census. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ascertaining characteristics of a labor force can be problematic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Rural women, in particular, are frequently left out of the tabulations or are assumed to be “homemak- ers.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, what follows should not be regarded as exact; the description does, however, provide a picture of labor force participation patterns in Iran that accords with earlier surveys and with informed expectations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Among the most significant characteristics of the employed female population that may be discerned from the census are (1) the female share of the total labor force is still small, under 10 percent; (2) the majority of women employees in the public sector are teachers and health workers; (3) apart from carpet weaving, women’s role in indus- trial production is extremely limited—only 14 percent of the manufac- turing labor force, and mostly unwaged—rendering them marginal to the production process; and (4) a mere 19 percent of women in the private sector receive a wage for their work. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The social problem is that women workers are subject to “double exploitation” (as workers and as women, or, to put it more analytically, by class and by gender), as fewer of them are wage earners and many more are unpaid family workers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In urban areas, women in the public sector tend to be largely professional, highly educated, and salaried; they are to be found mainly in education and health care; they are also less likely to be married. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women are less likely to be in positions of power, authority, and wealth than are men, and are less likely to be powerful and wealthy (in their own right) today than in prerevolutionary Iran. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But gender differences are not the only such fault line; they operate within a larger matrix of other socially constructed distinctions, such as class, ethnicity, religion, and age, that give them their specific dynamics in a given time and place. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The challenges to a strictly defined gender system such as that envisioned by the early Is- lantist ideologues in Iran may derive from economic imperatives (such as the need to open the formal labor market to more women in a war economy or in times of economic expansion) and from the growth of the ranks of educated women who reject domestication. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Iran today, women may be veiled, but they are found in schools, universities, government offices, factories, and the Majlis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women are paid less for the same work, even when controlling for training and job continuity; whatever work women do tends to be devalued; and women often take jobs on appallingly bad terms (Elson and Pearson 1981; Joekes 1987; Epstein 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And certainly there is much that could be im- proved, even within the confines of the Islamic system as it has devel- oped in Iran. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And it will continue to be so if the present educational patterns Female Share of Employed Population: Iran Compared with Other Countries TABLE 10.6 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, attention must be drawn to the large numbers of women in the private sector who are not receiving a wage for their work (“unpaid family workers”). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Their subordinate status as workers—determined solely by their gen- der—needs to be faced squarely, and steps need to be taken to improve their situation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The connection between employment patterns and fertility rates has been widely noted in the development literature (Anker, Buvinic, and Youssef 1982). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When women are marginalized from the productive process, they pursue strategies of childbearing either because they are unable consciously to choose fertility reduction or because they may find such a reduction economically disadvantageous. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Stripped of their economic and productive role, women depend on motherhood perfor- mance for status and prestige and on children’s labor as a strategy for survival (Ward 1984). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, to the extent that the Islamic Republic is not autarkic and intends to be an actor on the global and regional politi- cal and economic scenes, one can expect women to take part in public life and inso doing subvert the notion of immutable gender difference. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the urban areas, women who are classified as “homemakers” may actually be part-time workers in the informal sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Or they may be women whose domestic work and child care take up so much time that there is not time left for work outside the home. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Other women may be bound by cultural or familial constraints; yet others may choose to stay at home. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Men heed reasoning and logic, whereas most women tend to be emotional.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women mature too fast. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Government policy regarding women appears to be more con- cerned with economic exigencies than with gender or identity is- sues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Approximately three-quarters of all Pakistani women continue to live in rural areas, which tend to be the most tradition-bound parts of the country~ as shown in table 11.1. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The written permission of a man’s wife (or wives) is supposed to be ob- tained and brought before an arbitration council that decides whether he may marry again, although the discretionary right to allow or dis- allow another marriage remains within the council and is not depen- dent on that written permission. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That such a major legal reform having significant sociocultural repercussions was promulgated during a pe- riod of martial law must not be overlooked. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For the first time in Pakistan’s history, the law regarded men and women as having differ- ent legal rights, which has effectively reduced women’s power and participation in the larger society Whereas the United Nations Decade for Women commenced in 1975 with an aim to promote the uplifting of women everywhere, Zia’s legal reforms begun in 1979 had the paradoxical effect of compromising women’s rights. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such contradic- tions in Pakistan have their roots in two of the strongest symbols of classical Islamic society: the QuiPan, a radical document for its time in seventh-century Arabia for empowering women through certain rights and responsibilities, and the veil, which by physically limiting women’s mobility in the larger society effectively symbolizes her pow- erlessness. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While the legal position of Muslim women is guaranteed in CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 417 418 ANITA M. WEiSS the QuiP an, South Asian customs and attitudes have historically con- tradicted these rights in practice. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The first hint that the government’s implementation of an Islamic penal code would not favor equality of status for men and women came with the promulgation of the Offense of Zina (adultery) Act.3 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A hadd (p1. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
hudud)4 punishment could be prescribed if “a [sane] adult man and a [sane] adult woman. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, an adult could be proven guilty of zina-bil-jabr (four types of sexual intercourse without consent, e.g., rape) “with or without the consent of the parties” (Zia ul-Haq 1979, 19). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet evidence for zina-bil- jabr remains the same as for any other hadd crime: the severest punish- ment (death by stoning or one hundred lashes) can only be invoked either with the accused’s self-confession or by the testimony of four salah (morally upright) adult Muslim males. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The proposed law of qisas (retaliation) and diyat (blood money) had not been decreed before Zia’s death and was set aside as a “back burner” issue during the tenure of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) government, only to be taken up again as a priority by Nawaz Sharif in 1991. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
kilos of silver to be paid to the family of a murdered man, but only half of that would have to be paid if the victim was a woman. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If a woman was physically harmed, the compensation again would be only half that given for a man. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, this would create a situation where the punishment would be equal for male and female murderers, although the diyat would differ if the victim of a murder were a man or a woman. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This imbalance indeed would be a strong statement by the state that a woman’s value is only half that of a man. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many of its opponents feared that it could be used to challenge the Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 and probably the Guardian and Wards Act. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government contends that the Shari~at Bill’s purpose is to give more power to interpretations of Shari~ah (Islamic law) in all aspects of state policy, significantly widen the jurisdiction of the Shari~at Court, and elevate the QuiPan and sunnah to be the country’s supreme law. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While true virtually everywhere, it is particularly important in poorer areas of Pakistan for a woman’s status (as well as for that of her family) that her activities are popularly considered to be respectable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An example of such low reportage of figures can be seen in the 1981 Lahore district census which assessed that 26.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women are fearful of asking for more payment for their labor, because the middleman might just stop coming at his whim, which would be disastrous for their families. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In urban areas, factory employment tends to be temporary and insecure, void of such luxuries as maternity leave and medical benefits. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such portrayals, in circumventing problems inherent in quantitative data collection and allowing for vivid descriptions of these women’s lives, argue the case for more at- tention to be paid to predicaments facing women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The traditional view that a woman’s modesty can best be protected if she remains within the confines of her home is still reported as the main impediment to female participation in industrial employment, even at the government level. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That females were unable to compete in various athletic events (ostensibly so as not to risk immodest exposure) may have precluded the discovery of a world-class Pakistani athlete, but the more important issue is that the policy symbolically constrained the growth of girls’ athletics and fitness at a time when this was being given worldwide attention. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of urban women and only 7 percent of rural women were literate in 1989. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When considering this increase, however, the much higher level of male participation at the primary and secondary levels must be borne in mind, although this disparity in education levels is not as marked among the elite. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One impact of educa- tional attainment may be through marriage postponement, since even primary-level schooling is associated with delays in marriage greater than the actual additional years of schooling.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Women’s Division was intended as an over~r~~j~g organiza- tion for coordinating all endeavors relevant to women j~ the national development process; it was to be “a special organ of the Federal Government to substantiate the fact that upholding the status and enhancing the socio-economic role of women is a national imperative, not a condescending concession” (Pakistan, Women’s Div15~°~’ 1988b, 1). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The vast majority of women have consistently lost their tradi- tional sources of personal income. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The report reminds its readers that the Sixth Five-Year Plan recog- nized the need for women’s participation in national development, be- cause no society can progress “half liberated and half shackled.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women in Pakistan have rarely been able to mobilize and collec- tively stand up for their rights, although reference can be made to individual Muslim women (e.g., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
I categorically state Islam affords complete equality of men and women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
I, therefore, assert that it is necessary to repeal certain laws and to enact new legislation which wifi give women their due rights and a challenging stake in the destiny of Pakistan” (APWA 1985, 4). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
[No date given]: noted with regret that “despite the hopes raised CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 433 434 ANITA M. WEISS sion” by being a consciousness-raising group as well as a lobby cum pressure group. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After police lathi-charged (beat with sticks) some of the female demonstrators in Lahore on 12 February 1983, the assault on the women was denounced by politically diverse groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In numerous other ayats (particularly in Sura al-Noor), men and women are referred to as being equal in matters of witness. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The protesters argued that cri- teria for witnesses as stated in the Qur~an are possession of sight, memory and the ability to communicate; as long as witnesses have these, testimony should be equally weighed regardless of gender. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At WAF’s national convention in Karachi in July 1983, its member- ship reiterated the organization’s aims and objectives: that, most impor- tant, it was to be a consciousness-raising group remaining nonpolitical, nongovernmental, and nonaligned. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The following year, in 1984, these same groups mounted a campaign against the promulgation of the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance, which was evidently successful, be- cause the Zia government never enacted it. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Shi~ite-Sunni disputes, ethnic distur- bances in Karachi between Pashtuns and muhajirs (migrants from In- dia), increased animosity toward Ahmediyyas, and the revival of Punjab-Sind tensions can be traced to Pakistan’s having lost the abifity to use Islam as a common moral vocabulary. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women’s political protest movement had publicly exposed the con- troversy regarding various interpretations of Islamic law and the role of the modern state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Trade unions were revived and seemed to be including a sizable num- ber of women in their ranks. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But, on 23 March 9.1: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
take special measures to promote the literacy of women; 9.7: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
eradicate the “curse of Jahez [dowry], a pernicious evil in our Benazir had initially been criticized by Pakistani advocates of CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 439 440 ANITA M. WEISS 1989, Pakistan Republic Day, when Benazir expanded the federal cabi- net to forty-three members, she included five women in it. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government lifted press censorship, and there was a marked difference in the media’s portrayal of women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
provide women with the right to work, to free choice of em- 9.3: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
make the law-enforcing machinery effective to protect [the] 9.6: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An as yet unresolved issue is whether the precedent of having a set number of seats in the National Assembly reserved for women wifi be reinstituted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The status of women in Pakistan and state policy oriented toward changing it cannot be separated from other events that are happening in the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It just may be that the re- sultant distraction of Pakistani men to other issues may enable women CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 443 444 ANITA M. WEISS to become more active in the public domain and be successful not only in empowering women but in finding solutions to the problems that are shaking the social cohesion of the nation to its foundations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
definition of literacy changed over the years, and these would likely be considered exag- gerated if adjusted to the prevailing (1972) definition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Dependency ratios indicate the number of persons in the dependent ages (under By the time the convention was written up and ready to be signed, Pakistan had a Weiss (1986) provides a complete discussion of Zina and other aspects of the The severest punishments meted out under Islamic law are for hudud crimes, 5. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nimeye Digar 7:16—31. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Next, the Red Cross mental health responses to four aviation disasters, responses which helped to shape the mental health plan resulting from this Act, will be described. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Under the NTSB plan, the American Red Cross has been assigned responsibility to ensure that the mental fill its obligation in future aviation disasters will be described. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
A major strategy in this transition has been to enumerate the tasks that need to be completed in the aftermath of an aviation disaster, which the NTSB h~is labeled Victim Support Tasks (VSTs). Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
numbers of passengers and crew; numbers of injured and dead, ifknown; point oforigin; connecting points; and destination), provide the public with a toll- free number for obtaining information, notify families ofthose on board the aircraft, secure facili- ties at the involved airports and near the crash site where families can gather, assist families in traveling to the “incident site” if they wish, inform families about the medical records that will be needed, open the Family Support Center facility, communicate with the families on a number of issues, and reimburse the Red Cross for its expenses in the operation. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Innovations in Clinical Practice: A Source Book (Vol. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
During the initial or- ganizational meeting with the Red Cross, the commanding officer of the base requested that the Red Cross also place DMHS personnel at the actual crash site on the hill. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
He asked the Red Cross to consider his a formal request for services. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The cob- nel was promised his request would be processed through channels for permission to place teams at the recovery site. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The CISD leaders were supportive of the idea, and incident com- mand agreed to the plan. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
These outfits were extremely hot, and the work was both physically and emotionally grueling. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
All DMHS personnel were clearly identified as mental health professionals. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Being available meant standing or working alone much of the time. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Recovery workers would walk past a DMHS worker and offer a brief greeting. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
A second approach would be conducted, sometimes hours later, or even the following day. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Mental health teams were cross-gender. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
There seemed clearly to be gender preferences, but those preferences did not seem to follow any predictable rules. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The re- covery work was extremely taxing, and most of the workers had to return day after day for their shift. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
But as the operation wound down, one of the incident managers approached the DMHS officer to notif~i him that the number of people at the recovery site would be strongly reduced beginning the fol- lowing day. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The officer acknowledged the change and assured him that the DMHS personnel could be pulled back. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Both the plane and the passengers were severely impacted as the aircraft struck the limestone beneath the shallow swamp water at high speed. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
This information was de- livered to families in 23 states, with the final information delivered in November 1 996. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The name ofthe city where the information was to be delivered was forwarded to the DOC, which contacted the Red Cross chapter serving that area. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
However, in order for mental health professionals to travel to other states for a disaster response, they must be licensed. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Individuals requiring such care need to be referred to local providers. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
As will be seen below, the Family Assistance Act of 1 996 may provide a more direct solution for this problem in aviation incidents. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
On a worker’s first day on the operation, those who were not DMHS-trained also received operational training. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
DMHS were involved in planning for the memorial service near the crash site, and were permitted to position teams at the site in advance, as well as having DMHS personnel on the buses taking the families to the ceremony. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Red Cross DMHS workers were instructed to be low key, visible, and available. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Therefore, once the NTSB had requested the Red Cross to fulfill a role in the legislated response plan, and the Red Cross had accededto that request, the Red Cross decided to develop a team of leaders specially trained in the demands of aviation disaster and to develop a plan for effecting the Red Cross component of the disaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The leadership rapid re- sponse team has been designated the Aviation Incident Response Team, or AIR Team. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
16) 377 Psychological Interventions in the Immediate Aftermath ofAviation Disasters portunities for mentoring, and will assist in building the disaster response capability ofthe affected unit(s)” (American Red Cross, 1997, p. 9). Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
By early June 1 997, three complete teams had been trained. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
PROCEDURE As with any disaster, the initial response to an aviation disaster will be made by the local Red Cross chapter. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
It is hoped that a cadre of AIR-trained workers can be developed in all major hub cities and, eventually, in all major cities. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The processes for notification of aviation disasters are redundant. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The airline(s) will imme- diately notify the NTSB ofany crash, and the NTSB will, in turn, notify the Red Cross DOC. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Although the Family Assistance Act does not specifically address survivors, the NTSB’s plan does, and it is anticipated that they would also be housed at the Family Support Center until they are prepared to return to their homes. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Many survivors are likely to also be family members of oth- ers who are missing. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Rooms will be provided where representatives of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Disaster Mortuary Team (D-MORT) can collect required information and meet privately with families. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Families who do not travel to the Family Support Center will be offered mental health support in their hometowns. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
These efforts will be coordinated from the operations headquarters. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Agency mental health teams and CISD teams are likely to be present. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Some redundancy in these sites is important, because agency personnel may be uncomfortable using internal teams for crisis inter- vention mental health services. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Workers sometimes fear that using internal mental health teams may be interpreted as being a less capable worker. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Red Cross DMHS may be accessed more discreetly in some cases, and this has been a major factor in the popularity of DMHS serv- ices for this aspect of the disaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
For many ofthem, members oftheir family, or friends, or colleagues have died in the crash. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Traumatic stress ofsufficient intensity can overcome even the strongest coping skills. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Family members of those on board the aircraft, including some survivors, are exposed to a trauma that may be bess severe than that of survivors. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
But the maelstrom which follows can significantly com- plicate the beginning of recovery, and in some cases even intensify the traumatic stress. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Individuals may experience a roller coaster of emotions: fear that their loved one is dead, hope that somehow the loved one missed the aircraft or survived but has not yet been found, and having hopes dashed with the passage of time. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Even in this context there is other pragmatic work the families need to accomplish. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
It is important to remember that these are ordinary people attempting to cope with extraordi- nary situations. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Most of the consumers of disaster mental health services are ordinary people facing extraordinary situations. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Traditional therapy is not warranted for a large majority of those to be served. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The first priority when beginning service delivery at an aviation disaster site is to conduct a psychological triage to choose which families or individuals at a service delivery site may need immediate support. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Finally, the goals of intervention need to be scaled down. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Clients need a mental health professional to be supportive and palliative, not someone who will try to “fix it.” Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
For survivors, families, and disaster response personnel, these are times in life that cannot be fixed. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
But the appropriate support and assistance with problem solving, when needed, can be invaluable contributions. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
As the provider assists the client in problem solving, there are likely to be times when it is appropriate to use some direct guidance. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
On the other hand, direct guidance needs to be used with caution; it is critical that the provider not be unnecessarily direc- tive. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The provider’s interventions will be more effective to the extent that they help the client ex- perience a return ofa sense ofcontrol in these difficult situations. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
There are times, however, when survivors and family members may be sufficiently overwhelmed that it is useful to point out con- crete tasks that need to be completed. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Similarly, some rescue and recovery workers may be so fo- cused on their work that they may benefit from being reminded to practice effective self-care. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
It may also be profitable to contact their local CISD team to learn about local support plans for first response teams. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Dr. Jacobs may be con- tacted at the Disaster Mental Health Institute, University of South Dakota SDU 1 16, 414 East Clark Street, Vermillion, SD 57069-2390. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Dr. Quevillon can be contacted at the Psychology Department, University of South Dakota SDU 205, Vermillion, SD 57069-2390. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Dr. Ofman may be contacted at VA Medical Center - New York, Executive Office, 423 East 23rd Street, New York, NY 10010. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The young Freud proved to be a brilliant and dedicated student, regu- larly finishing first in his class. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Within a decade the couple had six children, the youngest of whom, Anna, grew up to be her father’s confidante and disciple and later a celebrated psy- choanalyst in her own right. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In 1909 the two journeyed together to the United States to lecture. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If an average psychologist should be asked to explain how it happens that we often fail to recall a name which we are sure we know, he would probably content himself with the answer that proper names are more apt to be forgotten than any other content of memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
though not general, can, nevertheless, be seen clearly in some cases. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When one is compelled to inform them ~that there is no help for the patient, they answer: “Sir (Herr), what can I say? I know that if he could be saved, you would save him~” In these sentences alone we can find the words and names: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Herr (Sir), which may be inserted in an association series between Signorelli, Botticelli and Boltrafflo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reason for the escape of the name Signorelli is neither to be The forgetting of the name could not be explained until after I I assume that the stream of thoughts concerning the customs of n I I I refrained from imparting this characteristic feature because I did not wish to touch upon such a delicate theme in conversation with a stranger. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, I wished to forget something other than the name of the master of Orvieto; but this other thought brought about an associative connection between itself and this name, so that my act of volition missed the aim, and I forgot the one against my will, while I in- tentionally wished to forget the other. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One pair of syl- lables (elli) returned unchanged in one of the substitutions, while the other had gained, through the translation of Signor (Sir, Herr), many and diverse relations to the name contained in the repressed theme, but was lost through it in the reproduction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The last condition will probably not have to be much overrated, for the slightest claim on the farther-reaching question whether such outer association can really fur- nish the proper condition to enable the suppressed element to disturb the reproduction of the desired name, or whether after all a more intimate connection between the two themes is not necessarily required. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On super- ficial consideration, one may be willing to reject the latter requirement and consider the temporal meeting in perfectly dissimilar contents as sufficient. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But on more thorough examination, one finds more and more frequently that the two elements (the repressed and the new one) con’ nected by an outer association, possess besides a connection in content, and this can also be demonstrated in the example, Signorelli. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I must mention still another viewpoint in favor of the typical nature of our analysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
L FORGETTING OF FOREIGN WORDS THE ordinary vocabulary of our own language seems to be protected against forgetting within the limits of normal function, but it is quite different with words from a foreign language. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Well, what else comes to your mind? Why do you hesitate?” “Something really occurred to me . The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Before proceeding, allow me to give a full and clear account of this little episode. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“By the way, I un- II 9 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE10 derstand you daim that forgetting is not without its reasons; I should be very curious to find out how I came to forget this indefinite pronoun ‘aliquis’.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I believe it was entitled: ‘What St. Augustine said Concerning Women.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The origin must be construed in the following manner: The speaker deplored the fact that the present generation of his people was being de. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just think in what a predicament you would be if yot~ should now receive the information that you must expect posterity fron~ the quarter you have in mind! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the course of this discussion, we shall repeatedly meet with this process, which seems to me to be the more easily understood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have learned to know a second mechanism of forgetting, namely, the disturbance of thought through an inner con- tradiction emanating from the repression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Have you perhaps memorized this poem when you were in such a state?’ She became thoughtful for a while and soon recalled the following facts: Twelve years before, when she was eighteen years old, she fell in love. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“The misquoted lines are now quite plain. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“At a social gathering, some one quoted ‘Tout comprendre c’est tout pardonner,’ to which I remarked that the first part of the sentence should suffice, as ‘pardoning’ is an exemption which must be left to God and the priest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“That the desired thought so rapidly appeared may also be due to the fact that I withdrew into a vacant room, away from the society in whicil it was censored.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As this form of faulty acts can at times be abundantly observed in myself, I am not at a loss for exampLes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The slight attacks of migraine, from which I am still suffering, are wont to announce themselves hours before through the forgetting of names, and at the height of the attack, FORGETTING OF NAMES AND ORDER OF WORDS * ‘7 i8 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE during which I am not forced, however, to give up my work, I am often unable to recall all proper names. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the nearest police station I report the matter in the following words: “I was in this or that street, and was there robbed of my watch and purse by lonesomeness and darkness.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Although these words would not express anything that is incorrect, I would, nevertheless, run the danger of being considered—judging from the wording of this report—as not quite right in the head. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I analyze those cases of name-forgetting in myself, I find almost regularly that the name withheld shows some relation to a theme which concerns my own person, and is apt to provoke in me strong and often painful emotions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Just what is the name of the place near Genoa where Dr. X has his small institution in which Mrs. So-and-So remained so long under treat- ment?” “Of course you would forget a name of that sort. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us assume that 1 was so reckless as to take a walk at night in an uninhabited neighborhood of a big city, and was attacked and robbed of my watch and purse. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There was nothing left to do but ask the patient to wait, and to appeal quickly to the women FORGETTING OF NAMES AND ORDER OF WORDS of the family. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Since that time, she has changed in her appearance and manner, very much to her advantage, so that I am able to meet her with sincere regard (to be sure, I hardly find such occa- sion). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He cried out “Castelvetrano,” and was pleased to be able to demonstrate the supposed y. For a moment, the elder still lacked the feeling of recognition, but after he accepted the name, he was able to state why -it had escaped him. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We had to keep ourselves well in hand, ever ready and alert, for there was no telling when and where there would be a new attack. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now, according to Freud, I thought at once to myself, the name must be connected with something painful and unpleasant. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Somewhat later he added: “The name for Enna was also only a substi- tutive name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Brill reports the following interesting example: “Soon after I became an assistant in the Clinic of Psychiatry at Zürich, 1 “Analyse eines Falles von Namenvergessen,” Zentraib. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At that time, I was not fully convinced of his theories, and my attitude was skeptical, though by no means unsympathetic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am in the habit of making marginai notes and so I took up my pencil to write down the case, but when I came to note the name of the patient whom I had known for a number of months and in whom I had taken-an unusual amount of interest, I found that I could not recall it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“That always seemed to me like a pet name of a young woman,” ad- mitted the elder. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What the motive was that led the young man to this memory failure was not investigated. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, names can be disturbed on their own account or on account of their nearer or more remote associative relations in the reproduction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The forgetting thus jumps from one name to another, as if to demon- strate the existence of a hindrance not to be easily removed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As it is known that the memory exercises a cer- tain selection among the impressions at its disposal, it would seem logical to suppose that this selection follows entirely different principles in child- hood than at the time of intellectual maturity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The content of the concealing memory in that example belonged to one of the first years of childhood, while the thoughts represented by it, which remained practically uncon- scious, belonged to a later period of the individual in question. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Finally, there may be a third possible case, namely, the conceal- ing memory may be connected with the impression it conceals, not only through its contents, but also through contiguity of time; this is the con- te,npOraneoUS or contiguous concealing memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps more often, one finds the reversed relation—that is, an indifferent impression of the most remote period becomes a concealing memory in consciousness, which simply owes its existence to an association with an earlier experi- ence, against whose direct reproduction there are resistances. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Again, there we are concerned with a momentary disturbance—for the name just forgotten could have been reproduced correctly a hundred times before, and will be so again from tomorrow on; here we deal with lasting possession without a failure, for the indifferent childhood memories seem to be able to accom- pany us through a great part of life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The formation of a concealing memory depends on the forgetting of other important im- pressions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is quite possible that thç forgetting of childhood may give us the key to the understanding of those amnesias which, according to our newer studies, lie at the basis of the formation of all neurotic symptoms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I called this form of displacement a retro-active or regressive one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Hence, if psychologic analysis demonstrates that the substitutive formation in each case is brought about in the same manner —that is, through displacement along a superficial association—we are justified in saying that the diversities in material, in duration of time, and in the centering of both phenomena serve to enhance our expectation, that we have discovered something that is important and of general value. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We really ought to wonder why the memory of later years has, as a rule, retained so little of these psychic processes, especially as we have every reason for assuming that these same forgotten childhood ac- tivities have not glided off without leaving a trace in the development of the person, but that they have left a definite influence for all future time. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This would suggest that there are particularly formed conditions of mem- ory (in the sense of conscious reproduction) which have thus far eluded our knowledge. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of these retained childhood reminiscences, some appear to us readily comprehensible, while others seem strange or unintelligible. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is not diffi- cult to correct certain errors in regard to both kinds. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There it is the forgetting, while here it is the remembering which excites our scientific curiosity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He hoped to deduce from these rules the existence “of a defi- nite psychic mechanism,” “whereby the sounds of a word, of a sentence, and even the words themselves, would be associated and connected with one another in a quitepeculiar manner” (p. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This conviction proves to be as often unfounded as founded. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How little substitutive names respect the initial sound of the lost names may be learned from the following case. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The speech disturbance which manifests itself as a speech-blunder may, in the first place, be caused by the influence of an- other component of the same speech; that is, through a fore-sound or an echo, or through another meaning within the sentence or context which differs from that which the speaker wishes to utter. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the second place, however, the disturbance could be brought about analogously to the proc- ess in the case Signorelli, through influences outside this word, sentence or context, from elements which we did not intend to express, and of whose incitement we became conscious only through the disturbance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the case of disturbance through influence outside of the same sentence or context, it would before all be a question of becoming ac- quainted with the disturbing elements, and then the question would arise whether the mechanism of this disturbance cannot also suggest the prob- able laws of the formation of speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Where the word disturbances cannot be reduced to sound disturbances, as, for example, in the substitutions and contaminations of words, they, too, have without hesitation sought the cause of the mistake in speech outside of the intended context, and proved this state of affairs by meansrof fitting examples.t The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the presçnt case, the probable explanation is that the President wished himself in a position to close this session, from which he had little ~good to expect, and the thought broke through at least partially—a frequent manifestation—resulting in his use of “closed” in place of “opened,” that is, the opposite of the statement intended. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Numerous ob- servations have taught me, however, that we frequently interchange con- trasting words; they are already associated in our speech consciousness; they lie very close together and are easily incorrectly evoked. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
igoo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With the relaxation or, more unequivocally expressed, through this relaxation, of the inhibiting attention, the uninhibited stream of associations be- comes active. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Among the examples of the mistakes in speech collected by me, I can scarcely find one in which I would be obliged to attribute the speech dis- turbance simply and solely to what Wundt calls “contact effect of sound.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The disturbing element is either a single unconscious thought, which comes to light through the speech- blunder and can only be brought to consciousness through a searching analysis, or it is a more general psychic motive, which directs itself against the entire speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This seems to be a contamination of “ape” and “apple” (compromise formation), or it may be also conceived as an anticipation of the prepared “apple.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a mat- ter of fact, I received her with the remark, “Today we shall be in earnest” (because it was the last hour before her discharge from treatment), and I jokingly changed the word into earnesht. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The day be- fore she had asked for a new set of furs, which her husband denied her, claiming that he could not afford to spend so much money. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(i) PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE Before calling on me, a patient telephoned for an appointment and also wished to be informed about my consultation fee. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I was sure that his mistake betrayed him, that he was only playing with me, but there was nothing to be done. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(k) tion will be found in the following lapsus linguae. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Her husband, upon whose (m) companion, “If you will wait a few moments, I’ll soon be back,” but she said movements instead. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I reminded him that it was his turn to visit me, and called his attention to the fact that, as he was the happy possessor of an automobile, it would be easier for him to call on me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He gladly promised to call and asked: “How about Labor Day (September 1st), will it be convenient for you?” When I answered in the affirmative, he said, “Very well, then, put me down for Election Day” (November). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In November, we would both be in the city. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A lady once ex- pressed herself in socfety—the very words show that they were uttered with fervor and under the pressure of a great many secret emotions: “Yes, a woman must be pretty if she is to please the men. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
MISTAKES IN SPEECH * 45 46 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE Or the term “straight” may be the common element of the two intended expressions: “As long as he has his straight limbs.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“All five should be straight.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may also be assumed that both modes of expression—viz., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this fusion surely would not have succeeded if it had not expressed good sense in the form resulting from the mistake; if it had not expressed a cynical truth which, naturally, could not be uttered unconcealed, coming as it did from a woman. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Finally, we shall not hesitate to call attention to the fact that the woman’s saying, following its wording, would just as well be an excellent witticism as a jocose speech-blunder. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The be- havior of the speaker in this case certainly speaks against the conscious intention, and thus excludes wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The professor, known for his self-esteem, thereupon remarked: “I can hardly believe this, for the number of people who understand the nostril, even in a city of millions like Vienna, can be counted on a finger—pardon me, I meant to say on the fingers of a hand.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or, a young man of twenty years presents himself during my office hours with these words: “I am the father of N. N., whom you bave treated-pardon me, I mean the brother; why, he is four years older than I.” I understand through this mistake that he wishes to ex- press that, like the brother, he, too, is ill through the fault of the father; like his brother he wishes to be cured, but that the father is the one most in need of treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Hence, in coarse as well as in finer speech disturbances, which may, nevertheless, be subsumed as “speech-blunders,” I find that it is not the contact effects of the sound, but the thoughts outside the intended speech, which determine the origin of the speech-blunder, and also suffice to explain the newly formed mistakes in speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
influences,” follow- ing Wundt’s expression, there is still nothing to detain me from conceding also that in accelerated speech, with a certain amount of diverted atten- tion, the causes of speech-blunder may be easily limited to the definite law of Meringer and Mayer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
phrases, which is so popular with vulgar persons, aims at nothing else but the employing of a harmless motive as a reminder of the obscene, and this sport is so fre- quent that it would not be at all remarkable if it appeared unintentionally and contrary to the will. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But, if secretly I still cherish the expectation that even the apparently simple cases of speech- blunder will be traced to a disturbance caused by a half-repressed idea out- ‘side of the intended context, I am tempted to it by a noteworthy observa- tion of Meringer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This author asserts that it is remarkable that nobody wishes to admit having made a mistake in speaking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may be classed with the anger displayed at the inability to recall a forgotten name, and with the surprise at the thnaciousness of an apparently indifferent memory, and it invari- ably points to the participation of a motive in the formation of the dis- turbance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The distorting of names amounts to an insult when done intention- ally, and could have the same significance in a whole series of cases where it appears as unintentional speech-blunders. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Later, under the mistakes in writing, I shall report a case of name disfigurement which certainly admits of no other explanation.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Napoleon, like most leaders of men, was a master of this art. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The surprised professor turned to him and asked, “Is your name also Virchow?” I do ~ot know how the ambitious young man justified his speech-blunder, whether he thought of the charming excuse that he imagined himself so jnsignificant next to this big man that his own name slipped from him, or whether he had the courage to admit that he hoped that he, too, would some day be as great a man as Virchow, and that the professor should therefore not treat him in too disparaging a manner. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Owing to very personal motives, I must leave it undecided whether a similar interpretation may also apply in the case to be cited. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
z. Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
as is usually the case, he was surprised at my question. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The self-betrayal is just as plain in the following case reported by Otto Rank: A father who was devoid of all patriotic feeling and desirous of edu- cating his children to be just as free from this superfluous sentiment, re- proached his sons for participating in a patriotic demonstration, and re- jected their reference to a similar behavior of their uncle with these words: “You are not obliged to imitate him; why, he is an idiot.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The merriment and derision which are sure to be evoked at the decisive moment through such linguistic mistakes, speak MISTAKES IN SPEECH * 5’ PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE52 condusively against the generally accepted convention that such a speech- blunder is a lapsus linguae and psychologically of no importance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I quote Rank’s report from the Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse, I. 3. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
he, too, should draw the unlucky lottery. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
His impetus carried him past the query: ‘How old are you?’ ‘I’ll be twenty-nine next August,’ D. replied. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The conception of speech-blunders here defended can be readily veri- fied in the smallest details. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I could teach you How to choose right, but then I am forsworn; So will I never be; so may you miss me; But if you do, you’ll make me wish a sin, That I had been forsworn. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One evening, wishing to excuse myself for not having called for my wife at the theater, I said: “I was at the theater at ten minutes after ten.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I looked at the clock, it still wanted five minutes to ten. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The author promised a work in the near future to be called Analysis and Principles of Dream Phenomena. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In most cases, all the letters of my name had to be close together before I could commit such an error. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
ought to be here already; what a pity about that whole month!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this case, the disturbing thought can scarcely be called unpleasant; therefore, after noticing this lapse in writing, 1 immediately knew the solution. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I had written Buck- rhard, which the compositor guessed to be Burckhard. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(c) The following is seemingly a serious case of lapsus calami, which it would be equally correct to describe as an erroneously carried out action. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(c) One day, I received a letter which contained very disturbing news. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To my astonishment, I found only the words blood corpuscles. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Abstract statements of a highly moral content are not seldom changed erotically through a typographical mistake, as shown by the following examples: (e) “The teacher was giving an instruction paper on mathematical methods, and spoke of a plan ‘for the instruction of youth that might be carried out ad libidinem.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the passage in Genesis where God tells Eve that Adam shall be her master and shall rule over her, the German translation is “Und er soil dein Herr sein.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Newly discovered evidence seems to show that the error was a conscious machination of the printer’s suffragette wife, who refused to be ruled by her husband. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He went on to say: “My trouble is all due to that d— frigid wave; there isn’t even any seed to be obtained for new crops.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This argues that the condi- tions governing attention in mistakes in speaking, writing and reading must be differently determined than assumed by Wundt (cessation or diminution of attention). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
IF ANYONE should be inclined to overrate the state of our present knowl- edge of mental life, all that would be needed to force him to assume a modest attitude would be to remind him of the function of memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
No psychologic theory has yet been able to account for the connection be- tween the fundamental phenomena of remembering and forgetting; indeed, even the complete analysis of that which one can actually observe has as yet scarcely been grasped. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, we are in possession of some viewpoints which we hope will receive general recognition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I wish further to remark that I am generally not inclined to forgetfulness (of things experienced, not of things learned), and that for a short period of my youth, I was able to perform extraordinary feats of memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I was a schoolboy, it was quite natural for me to be able to repeat from memory the page of a book which I had read; and shortly before I entered the University, I could write down practically verbatim the popular lectures on scientific sub- jects directly after hearing them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For example, when, during my office hours, a patient states that I have seen him before and I cannot recall either the fact or the time, then I help myself by guessing—that is, I allow a number of years, beginning from the present time, ta come to my mind quickly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I distinguish forgetting of impressions and experiences, that is, the forgetting of knowledge, from forgetting of reso- lutions, that is, the forgetting of omissions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is easy to understand that my forgetting in this case may be analogous to ~he typical disturbance of judgment which dominates us when it concerns those nearest to us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, I could not recall the name of the street, but I felt certain that I would discover the store in a walk through the city, for my memory told me that I had passed it count- less times. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, this latter case was more closely knit together, for money played a great part in the causation of the estrangement from the family living in this house. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I was still puzzled, however, as to the motive that entered into play in this forgetting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This patient, whose psychoanalytic treatment had to be interrupted through the summer vacation when he was in a state of resistance and ill health, put away his keys in the evening in their usual place, or so he thou