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A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A History of Modern Yemen
Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Comtemporary Yemen
Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The Making of the Georgian Nation

                                                        Harb, who
advised Jorde to pose as a Tunisian Jew, taught him half a dozen
words of Hebrew and gave him a skulucap and some brief instruc-
tion in how to behave at prayer.
	Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire

at his mili- tary camp outside Damascus, trying to probe into his possible connection with the bombing of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scot- land, only to find that it was almost impossible to get him off the subject of his bitter enemy Yasser Arafat. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
His death was one of the sparks that ignited the great Arab revolt of 1936—39, which the British put down with terrible ruthlessness, killing thousands of Palestinians and interning tens of thousands. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
The bomb’s detonator was disguised as a pocket calculator. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Ann Murphy, a chambermaid at a London hotel, had been given the bag by her Jordanian boyfriend, Nizar Hindawi, by whom she was five months pregnant. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
He had promised to join her in Israel, where they were to be married. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Qaddafi didn’t want the French to think ill of him, but Abu Nidal did not mind embarrassing Palestinians. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
All rights reserved No part of this book, spec~f1cally including the table of contents and index, may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying or recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writingfrom the publisher. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
On April 15, 1936, only months after Qassam’s death, alleged supporters of this first Palestinian commando stopped cars and a bus on the Tulkarm- Nablus road, robbed passengers, both Arab and Jew, and shot three Jews, two of whom died.18 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
These groups also completely failed to politicize as a fifth column the Arabs who remained in Israel after 1948. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Another informer telephoned when the El Al crew boarded the bus that was to take them to their usual accom- modation, the Europa Hotel. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
As soon as the bus pulled up in front of the hotel, the gunmen began firing and throw- ing grenades. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Guards aboard the bus immediately fired back (though Israel officially denied it’°), shooting one of the gunmen, and apparently the grenade he was about to throw blew him up. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Rosan told Said that his duty as a brave Palestinian was to shoot the man that got into a certain car. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
This time a lone gunman went to the Bombay airport and attacked a bus carrying an Italian flight crew, wounding a pilot. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
He had forced his way onto the bus and begun shooting; two shots hit Captain Santeleillo, then the gun jammed. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
According to an FRC official, the attacker was supposed to hit a Pan American crew bus, but he could not tell the difference between a Pan Am and an Italian crew, demonstrating the mental abilities of FRC per- sonnel. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The assassins drove up in a mini-bus and filled his body with several dozen bullets, also killing three guards.4° Arab and Israeli Terrorism
In reality his job, launch- ing military operations against Israel in the occupied territories, had a big title but involved little activity. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
A senior Israeli military officer described thi5 suspension of violence as a “temporary respite” aimed at “consolidating political gains.” Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
This inci- dent was followed by a number of armed attacks, most notably the series of bus bombings in retaliation for the Hebron massacre in 1994, then another series of bus bombings in February and March 1996 in retaliation for the January assassination by Israeli security agents in Gaza of the engi- neer, Yahya ‘Ayyash, then leader of Hamas’s military arm, the ‘Izziddin al-Qassam Brigades. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
After its classification as a terrorist group, the U.S. position toward Hamas grew more hostile, particularly as its operations escalated with the bus bombings of 1994, 1995, and 1996. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
They were followed in February and March 1996 by another series of bus attacks in Jerusalem, ‘Asqalan, and Tel Aviv to avenge the assassination of Yahya ‘Ayyash. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Schiff, Ze’ev and Ehud Ya’ari. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Two years later, in March 1978, Israel launched ‘Operation Litani’ and invaded the country for the first time, following the PLO’s attack on a bus inside Israel. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Nevertheless, since nothing serious was found against him, he was soon flown to Libya with a batch of other recruits and bused to the desert camp. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
They were made to sign warrants agreeing to be put to death if any intelligence connection in their backgrounds were later to be dis- covered. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
THE STRATEGY OF TERROR A history of recurrent defeat forced Palestinian leaders, Abu Nidal among them, to think hard about the strategy of armed struggle— the attempt to send guerrillas on sabotage missions inside Israeli territory—which they adopted with blithe amateurishness in the mid-1960s. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
to a Palestinian attack that month on its Mediterranean coast, when a small force of guerrillas landed from two rubber dinghies and hijacked two civilian buses. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Downtown Jerusalem and central Tel Aviv became the scenes of horrible carnage as buses exploded and crowds of pedestrians were mowed down by machine-gun fire. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The common image of Hamas in the West, even among intellectuals and politicians, is that of a terrorist organization involved in suicide bombings and attacks on passenger buses. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
In 1994, the military work of these brigades took a more violent turn when they car- ried out a series of suicide attacks in the heart of Israel against buses carry- ing Israeli soldiers and settlers (according to Hamas); these attacks resulted in the killing of tens of Israeli civilians. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Garnsakhurdia was elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet and soon formed a non-Communist government, headed by Tengiz Sigua.27 The Making of the Georgian Nation
~ A man in Wãda’ah, north of Khamir, watching the bombing of Iraq on television is supposed to have cried la ‘an alldh ‘ald bUsh (“God curse George Bush”), which his wife heard as la ‘an allah ‘al abUsh (“God curse your father”) and dumped the dinner on his head. A History of Modern Yemen
April 3, 1984-President Reagan signs a directive author- izing reprisals and preemptive strikes against “terrorists.” Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
The collapse of American diplomacy was evident in the abrogation of the Israel-Lebanon accord, which George Shultz had brokered. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Isa knew the real identity of the cadres; the location of the secret arms caches and bank accounts; the contents of letters Abu Nidal had exchanged with foreign governments and intelli- gence services. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
He put up some resistance, but they attacked him with an ax, shot him twice, and made their escape, leaving him for dead. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
*PLO and, 5, 69—70, 79, 85—86, 92, 96, 97—100, 114—16, 131—35, 151—54, 158—78, 198, 200, 224, 271—72, 302—27; 1974 UN General Assembly address by, 94, 160; and Qaddafi, 148-49, 313—14; relations with Iraq, 96, 112, 166, 313—16; relations with Syria, 132, 134, 223—26; and Third Fatah Congress, 86—87, 99; and War of the Camps, 140—42, 159 A’raj, Bassam al-, 189 Aranki, Nabil, 118 Arens, Moshe, 235, 322 Argov, Shiomo, 223, 232, 271 Argov affair, 222—27, 232, 271 Armenia, 190, 206, 230, 273 Armenian Revolutionary Federation, 273—75 Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA), 190, 206, 272—75 Asba, Hamdi Abu, 149, 311 Assad, Hafez al-, 39—40, 42, 58, 96, 106—107, 111, 120, 125, 132, 141, 145, 166, 201, 223, 224, 234, 241, 265, 315; and Hindawi affair, 248—51, 256, 257; relations with Jordan, 121, 125—28 Ata, Amjad, 5, 18, 92, 184, 300, 301 Athens, 21, 22, 83, 184, 241; terrorist attacks in, 127, 213, 222, 235—38, 242, 266, 274 Atwan, Bajis Abu, 256 Austria, 54, 173, 204, 260; terrorist attacks in, 46, 170—71, 183, 186, 211, 228, 238—39, 243—47, 278 Awad, Mustafa, see Alaa Awad, Ramzi, 183—84, 236 Awdah, Isam, 226 Ayyat, Lakhal, 304 Aziz, Khalifa Ahmad Abd al-, 129 Aziz, Tariq, 111, 123, 145, 166, 201 Ba’ath party, 63—67, 77, 88, 95—97, 109—11 120, 214, 229—30, 239 Badawi, Abdallah Ghani, 28 Badran, Ayish, 290—91 Baghdad, 32, 37, 95, 110, 217, 230, 231, 279; Abu Nidal’s operations in, 77—80, 84, 85, 88—108, 109, 112—24, 180—86, 198, 207, 282—84; 1978 Arab summit in, 112, 166; Pact, 64 Bakr, Abmad Hasan al-, 78, 79, 88, 92, 95—96, 100, 111—12, 121, 145, 166 Bakr, Atif Abu, 35, 38, 45, 53, 141—43, 183, 188, 200, 201, 212, 213, 218—21, 255, 259, 279, 295—301, 307—12, 318—19; defection of, 307—309 Bangkok, 27, 30—31, 48 Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), 204-205 Banna, Abd al-Karim al-, 293 Banna, Khalil al-, 57, 61 Banna, Marwan al-, 223, 225 Banna, Muhammed al-, 58 Banna, Sabri al-, see Nidal, Abu Banna, Salwa al-, 199—200 Barak, Ehud, 40 Basil, 104-105, 225—27, 284—85, 290—91 Bayyari, Mujahid al-, 292—93 Begin, Menachem, 5 1—52, 71, 111, 114, 160, 167, 169, 171—72, 222—27, 232, 233 Beirut, 7, 10, 13, 15, 31, 40, 47—49, 65, 74, 83, 84, 98, 101, 102, 141, 165, 167, 169, 173, 182, 199, 217, 220, 235, 268, 273, 279, 283; Israeli invasions of, 114-16, 132, 148, 159—60, 222, 224, 227, 232, 262; 1980s terrorism in, 226, 232—41 Bekaa Valley, 131—33, 140, 226—27, 232, 253, 273, 285, 288 Belgium, 23, 165, 168—71, 280; and Silco affair, 267—69 Belgrade, 23—24, 30, 37, 52, 272, 276, 277, 279 Berlin, 277, 278, 294; 1986 discotheque bombing in, 240, 246 Bernadotte, Count, 230 Biram, 47 Bishan, Ibrahim al-, 136, 144 Bitar, Hussein al-, 146—47 Black June, 107—108 Black September, 46, 47, 48, 8 1—85, 93, 101, 105, 153, 158, 160, 167—68 Boudia, Muhammad, 48 Boumédienne, Houari, 92, 147 Bourdet, Claude, 163, 178 Bourguiba, President, 103 Bqasta, 205, 211, 285—86, 291, 312 Brahimi, Lakhdar, 304 Britain, 5, 59, 60, 64, 71, 72, 137, 191, 235; and Argov affair, 223—25, 232, 271; and Hindawi affair, 247—52; Abu Nidal’s operations in, 183—84, 192, 204, 205, 223—25, 232, 235—36, 247—52, 254, 271; terrorist attacks against, 47, 49, 52, 127, 137, 148, 159, 162—63, 165, 169, 211, 223—25, 232, 234—41, 243, 247—52, 271 British Airways, terrorist attacks on, 102—103, 235—37 Brussels, 23, 47, 49, 157, 159, 268, 269; terrorist attacks in, 165, 168—70, 231, 269, 280 Budapest, 37, 53, 278—79 Bulgaria, 36, 204, 279 Bull, Gerald, 231 Bureau of the Political Directorate Abroad, 198, 208 Bush, George, 234, 314, 315 Cabral, Amilcar, 158—59 Cadres School, 211 Cairo, 81, 90, 91, 93, 96, 230, 237, 238, 242—43, 272, 319 Camp David accords, 112, 166, 169 Carter, Jimmy, 52, 112, 114, 168, 257 Casey, William, 52, 234, 236 Cells of the Arab Fedayeen, 254, 263 Central Committee, 5, 14, 16, 18, 180—81, 187, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 262, 290, 296, 300 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 50, 52, 110, 145, 153, 167—68, 175—76, 178, 203, 213, 234, 236, 239, 291 China, 87—88, 276 Chirac, Jacques, 249 Chou En-lai, 87—88 City of Poros (ship), attack on, 222, 265—67, 281 Cohen, Baruch, 48, 156—58 Cohen, Gula, 322 Collett, Alec, 236, 240, 271 Committee for Arab Countries, 191—93 Committee for Foreign Countries, 191—92 Committee for Revolutionary Justice, 181, 205—206, 217—19, 285—87, 288; structure and workings of, 205—206 Committee for Special Missions, 6, 20, 24, 183—84, 186, 188, 212, 245 Counterespionage Committee, 186, 188 Cuba, 8, 52, 94, 117 Cyprus, 36, 37, 48, 54, 105, 156, 164, 187, 222—23, 245, 237, 240—43, 262—67 Czechoslovakia, 275, 279 Damascus, 6, 8, 36, 40, 63, 81, 83, 85, 97, 98, 126, 173, 239, 248—52, 279; Abu Nidal’s operations in, 107—108, 109, 119—35, INDEX / 331 143—47, 194—95, 198, 199, 201, 229, 256, 257, 280, 284—85 Damm, Sayyid Qaddaf al-, 103, 245 Dar Sabra (news agency), 125, 198—99 Darwish, Samir, 212 Dawud, Abu, 41, 48, 49, 53, 70, 86—90, 91, 92, 96—99, 106—107, 114—15, 117, 189, 289; assassination attempt on, 176—178, 180 Dayan, Moshe, 151, 322 Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), 41, 76—77, 176, 210 Desert Storm, 32, 50, 268, 281, 313—16, 319 Deutscher, Isaac, 321, 322 Dikko, Umaro, 236 Din, Mahmud Nur al-, 243 Disi, Jasir al-, 290—91 Douglas, Leigh, 240 Druqi, Salih al-, 245 Druze forces, 205, 214, 233 Duba, Au, 120, 121 East Berlin, 119, 203, 277, 278 East Germany, 89, 275, 277—78, 324 East Jerusalem, 66, 314 Egypt, 50—51, 64, 65, 72—73, 77, 102, 106, 126, 134, 137, 162, 164, 174, 223, 231, 237, 238, 242—43, 264, 266, 272, 3 19—20; Camp David accords, 112, 166, 169; Fatah in, 88; October War (1973), 50, 90, 93, 106, 126, 311; relations with Libya, 109, 147, 148, 242—43; Six-Day War (1967), 66, 72, 73, 155, 315; U.S. relations with, 112 Egypt Air hijacking (1985), 238, 242, 256 Egypt’s Revolution, 242—43, 254, 272 Eid, Guy, 48 Eitan, Rafael, 224 El Al Airlines, terrorist attacks on, 46, 48, 73—74, 83, 174, 183, 211, 228, 238—39, 240, 243—52, 271 Eldar, Efraim, 170 Eldred, Israel, 230 Emergency Leadership, 53, 2 18-19, 284, 309—12, 318—19 ETA, 16, 229, 272 Ethiopia, 94, 227, 263 Etritean People’s Liberation Front, 94 European operations of Abu Nidal, 23—25, 28, 54, 91—92, 105, 119, 130, 134, 168—78, 183—84, 190—92, 204, 231, 236, 243—52, 254, 265—72, 275—79, 294; see also spec~f1c cities and countries 332 / INDEX Fadi, Abu, 64 Fadlallah, Muhammad Hussein, 236, 281 Fahmi, Umar, 117 Faisal, King of Saudi Arabia, 88, 92 Faraj, 117, 119 Farazani, Muftah al-, 144 Fans, Adnan al-, 252, 277 Farra, Mi al-, see Kamal, Dr. Fatah, 7, 10—31, 32, 36—37, 40, 42, 48, 49, 66, 68—80, 117, 155, 176, 180, 210, 228, 275, 278, 290, 295, 310, 311, 314; and Black September, 81—85, 101, 105, 153, 158, 160, 167—68; diplomatic role of, 93—96, 101, 132, 142, 160—61; in Egypt, 88; in Europe, 156—58, 192, 243—47, 275, 276, 277; internal quarrels, 31, 75—77, 82, 85—86, 94—104, 109, 142, 155, 159—63; in Iraq, 77—80, 84, 85, 88—108, 203, 207, 283; in Jordan, 68—71, 75—83, 85—90, 93, 101, 153, 167; in Kuwait, 66; in Lebanon, 82, 83, 84, 96, 101, 102, 114—17, 122, 131—35, 165, 167, 173; in Libya, 88, 101, 102, 139, 147—48; mid-l980s reconciliation in, 142—43; mutiny of 1983, 131—35, 139, 141, 159, 208; Abu Nidal in, 66—71, 78—80, 88—99, 101, 154; Abu Nidal’s breach with, 78—80, 86, 93, 97—100, 118, 119, 142, 160—61, 182, 185, 276, 282, 303—306; penetration and manipulation of, 155—78, 210—27; in Syria, 88, 96—97, 122, 131, 132; terrorist and counterterrorist activities with Israel, 71—85, 88, 230—42; Third Congress, 85—87, 99; working methods of, 6—31 Fatah: The Revolutionary Council, 99—100, 305 Fattah, Nabil Abd al-, 283—84 Fawaris, Mustafa Abu al-, 207 Fawaris, Naji Abu al-, 186 Filastin al-thawra (journal), 7, 198—200 Finance Directorate, 181, 190, 202—205, 259, 270, 291 Fletcher, Yvonne, 137, 234 Force 17, 4, 49, 167, 237 Foreign Intelligence Committee, 186, 188, 266 France, 32, 64, 105, 175, 178, 180, 187, 190, 201, 222, 229, 293; and Silco affair, 267—70; terrorist attacks in, 47, 48, 49, 91—92, 129, 157, 159, 165, 184, 270—72, 274, 293 Free Officers movement, 137, 148 French Action Directe, 180, 229, 272 Fu’ad, Abu Ahmad, 288 Garang, John, 264 Gaza, 61, 62, 66, 82, 93, 159, 267, 314 Gemayel, Amin, 232, 234 Gemayel, Bashir, 169, 222, 227, 232 Geneva, 106, 127, 187, 205 Ghafur, Ahmad Abd al-, 100—104, 282 Ghassan al-All, Dr., 145, 177, 179, 181—85, 186, 190, 195, 202, 205, 206, 209, 215, 218—21, 310 Ghubash, Saif al-, 107, 129, 245 Gilzer, Simha, 48 Golan Heights, 66, 93, lii, 223, 233, 314—15 Goldmann, Nahum, 172 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 324 Goutierre, Christian, 274 Greece, 54, 83, 105, 127, 184, 187, 193, 213, 235, 236, 237, 242; terrorist attacks in, 127, 213, 222, 235—39, 242, 265-67, 281 Gulf Air 737 bombing (1983), 129 Gulf War (1991), 32—33, 38, 50, 110, 159, 268, 281, 313—16, 319 Habash, George, 7, 41, 47, 74, 76, 83, 95, 97, 139, 254 Haddad, Sa’d, 114 Haddad, Sami, 156—57 Haddad, Wadi, 74—75, 83, 95, 97, 199, 273 Hagana, 60, 61 Hagopian, Hagop, 273—75 Haidar, Lutfallah, 248 Haig, Alexander, 52, 223, 227, 233 Hama, 120; 1982 massacre, 223, 230 Hamadani, Adnan al-, 145 Hamdan, Mansur, 201 Hammad, Adnan, 165 Hammad, Nimr, 165 Hammami, Ahmad, 165 Hammami, Sa’id, 43, 49, 52, 148, 159; murder of, 162—66, 175, 179, 304 Hammuda, Atif, 190, 202—203, 205, 259, 270, 299 Hamshari, Mahmud al-, 47, 157 Hannun, Wasfi, 208—209, 215, 290 Hantash, Yusif Abu, 49, 165 Harb, Hisham, 24-27, 30, 266 Harzallah, Fathi, 214-17 Hasan, Abdallah, 206 Hasan, Kamal, 182 Hatem, Husni, 272 Hawatmeh, Nayif, 41, 76 Higgins, Robert, 226 Hijazi, Abdallah, 103, 245 Hindawi, Nizar, 240, 241, 247—51 Hmdawi affair, 247—52, 256—57, 265 Hindi, Ham al-, 74 Hitler, Adolf, 59 Hizballah, 7, 210, 214, 226, 236, 280—81 225, 227, 245—46, 288—91, 301, Hol, Abu al-, 32—35, 37—39, 314, 316 Holocaust, 59, 62 Honecker, Erich, 275, 278 Humaidi, Khwaldi al-, 148 Hungary, 37, 192, 275, 278—79 Hum, Abd al-Mun’im al-, 103, 148, 313 Hurok, Sol, 230 Hussein, Kayid, 163, 166, 272 Hussein, King of Jordan, 46, 64, 93, 94, 125, 159, 194, 229, 233, 238, 251; and Arab-Israeli negotiations, 126—28, 132, 142; vs. Fatah, 70—82, 83, 86—90, 91, 153; relations with Syria, 121, 125—28 Hussein, Saddam, 32, 88, 96, 107, 166; and Arafat, 112, 315—16; and Argov affair, 224—25; and Gulf War, 32, 159, 313—16, 319; and killing of Abu lyad, 313—16; and Abu Nidal, 111—13, 123, 280, 283, 313—16, 319—20; rise to power, 111—13 Ibrahim, Hamza, 130 Idris, King, 101 Ikrit, 47 India, 192, 235, 236 Intelligence Directorate, 20, 25, 125, 149, 181, 183—91, 201, 206, 208, 209, 212, 221, 243, 253, 256, 259, 266, 270, 277, 288, 293, 295; structure and workings of, 185—91 int4fada, 159, 193, 212—13, 221, 262—67, 269, 288, 310, 321 Iran, 31, 52, 94, 105, 140, 204, 227, 280-8 1; Abu Nidal’s relations with, 280—81 Iran, Shah of, 105 Irangate scandal, 241—42 Iran-Iraq war, 110, 112—13, 123, 124, 151, 204, 224, 230, 281 Iraq, 27, 32, 37, 45, 77, 92, 94, 95, 100, 148, 155, 164, 173, 174, 239, 280—81; vs. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
21. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
4. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The investigation into the back- Benjamin Netanyahu 14 grounds of the suspects in the Oklahoma City bombing has led American law enforcement officials and jour- nalists into a bewildering thicket of far-right, white su- premacist and anti-federalist groups, often heavily armed, who in recent years have begun organizing themselves into local “militias”—in many cases actively planning to fight a civil war against the federal govern- ment. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The fringes of the American right have always offered a certain support to anti- government groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, Posse Comitatus, and the Aryan Nations. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
There was no viable option of passive defense against the terrorists, and the Bush administration concluded that there was no choice but tc Benjamin Netanyahu 38 follow the Europeans’ lead and adopt a more activist pol- icy. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Named after my brother Jonathan, who had fallen while leading the Israeli force that rescued the hostages at Entebbe in 1976, its purpose Fighting Terrorism 63 was to educate free societies as to the nature of terrorism and the methods needed to fight it. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
US President George Bush said that he could not condone the abduction and both the UN secretary-general and the British Foreign Office deplored it, asking Israel to free Obeid and his two aides. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Then, in January 1989, President Bush made overtures to Iran in his inauguration speech, ‘Goodwill begets goodwill,’ and the Iranians responded. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Thereby the door was left open either for the implementation of the reforms that Hamas repeatedly advo- cated or for Hamas’s participation in the PLO. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Orgeiani’, to edit one of the first Russian anarchist papers, K.bleb i Vo(ya or Bread anti Libertj. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But Israel’s hard-liners also loathed him for his advocacy of a two-state solution and his impact on British opinion. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
In the spring of 1981, Begin began a series of aggres- sive maneuvers in Lebanon—the shooting down of two Syrian helicopters in April; the heavy air and naval bombardments of Palestinian positions in May and June—which he clearly hoped would draw the Syrians and the Palestinians into a fight. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Abd al-Rah- man Isa was a practical man, not a theoretician. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Outside Aden there was no legal profession at all, and parties used to appear personally or with attorneys who were usually their close relatives. Comtemporary Yemen
Netanyahu’s term as Israeli prime minister during 1996—99 was a setback for the peace process, and people began to despair for Oslo. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
But Chavchavadze used the bank’s profits to establish schools and cultural institutions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Three thousand people, many of them armed, marched through the streets of Tiflis and fought with police when their flags were torn away. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The soldiers’ soviet, led by the Socialist Revolutionaries, came out for unconditional support of the new government (May 16), defeating a motion by Zhordania. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By 1917 Georgians not only had a sense of their own history and national character, but they had also developed their own national leadership in the social democrats, a cohesive and confident group of national Marxist intellectuals who enjoyed support among the peasants as well as among their original constituents, the workers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russians] have taken from us the entire Not satisfied with Kartli and Kakheti, they have added to We have grown poor in misfortune, and have no advocate We ask justice from above; we shall see how God decrees! A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
All the peasant electors of Kutaisi province turned out to be Social-Democrats, with the result that the provincial assembly returned as its three nominees three Social-Democrats— Isidore Ramishvili, Dr. Gomarteli and the advocate Japaridze. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘Abd al-’Alim, ‘Abdullah (Northern soldier), 528—9, 135, 148 ‘Abd al-Fattah Ismä’il (politician, Lower Yemen), 74, ItO, 123, 536, 146, ~ 149, ‘5’, i68, 240 n.47 advocate of central party, 120, 123, 128, 149 advocate of Yemeni unity, 123, 128, 149 and Aden crisis (1986), i68—g theories of culture etc. A History of Modern Yemen
Again Arafat appealed to Kissinger to let him join the process, and Sadat urged Kissinger to meet the PLO chairman. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
But by the early l970s, Sartawi underwent a conversion and became for the rest of his life an ardent advocate of Arab-Israeli coexistence. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Israel held a strong capacity to fight on the battlefield, and they excelled in that area, but until the 1993 peace accord they failed to cope with the Intifada or peace negotiations or Palestinians who advocate these. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The other major component of the Palestine national movement formed in Beirut in the early 1950s around the picturesque American University (AUB). Arab and Israeli Terrorism
In the middle of the year, there was another attack by an FRC Palestin- ian on an Orthodox Jewish school. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The emphasis of existing regimes is overwhelmingly focused on survival and on personal and factional rivalries. Comtemporary Yemen
There are rules of court governing appear- ance of the advocates, their rights and duties, their relationship with their clients, the fees that they can charge in all types of cases and applications, their dismissal (which is by striking the name of the advocate off the register) or their suspension if there is any breach of the rules governing their rights and duties. Comtemporary Yemen
However, in 1955 this party plat- form underwent a fundamental change when some of its members began to advocate union with Imamic Yemen as well as with the Protectorates and then formed their own separate faction.34 Comtemporary Yemen
But while passive measures against terror may be par- tially effective in a small country such as Israel, they are of only limited use in a vast nation like the United States, which has thousands of airports and tens of thousands of federal buildings strewn throughout the fifty states. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Nuclear weapons in the hands of, say, the Dutch government are simply not the same as nuclear weapons 132 in the hands of Qaddafi or the Ayatollahs in Teheran. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
In particular, there are two dear teachers/friends whom I would like to thank, although they bear no responsibility for the conclusions of this work, as they have not seen any part of this English translation before publication. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Lebanon—Politics and government—1975— . Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The United Kingdom had in the past been seen as an advocate of the Arab cause and had been frequently criticised by Israel and the Jewish community in Britain for being pro-Arab. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The viceroy was particularly pleased at the reception of an Italian opera company he invited to Georgia, for Rossini, Bellini, and Donizetti could be heard instead of the “semi-barbarous sounds of Persian music” popular a few years earlier. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rather than advocate a particular solution to Georgia’s backwardness, the meore dasi sought widely for a program, ranging from state-regulated capitalism to various forms of “association” and collectivism.33 The Making of the Georgian Nation
From Plekhanov’s polemic against Tikhomirov he understood the need for two revolutions: a political overturn that would permit the organization of a democratic order, and a social revolution based on prior industrial and economic development. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Turkish advance eastward climaxed in the fall of Baku on September 15. The Making of the Georgian Nation
5. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The Shabab al-Amr advocated a Yemeni nahda (renaissance) and, like the Muslim Brotherhood, saw Islam as the vanguard of that renaissance and as the means of raising Yemen from its state of chronic backwardness. Comtemporary Yemen
In fact, it is possible rather easily to treat the development of the NLF and South Yemeni foreign policy — from its accession to power to the present day — as well as some major internal policies as, at the very least, closely related to if not dependent upon events and developments elsewhere.8 Comtemporary Yemen
. Comtemporary Yemen
The SAL advocated union between the Colony and the Protectorates. Comtemporary Yemen
Therefore, Hamas insisted that the activ- ities of these popular conventions be limited to mobilizing opposition to the Oslo and Cairo agreements, and that they not choose leaders to represent the Palestinians. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
In fact, these two sets were irreconcilable, because the actions that Hamas advocated for adoption by popular Arab grass-roots organizations definitely conflict with regime policies. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
He advocated more democratic election of peasant officials and the elimination of police intervention into peasant affairs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A similar group was formed by the Armenians in Zurich, and P. Izmailov and a certain Abelian acted as deputies of that society to its Georgian counterpart. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Jabadari was unimpressed by the ideas of federation or the émigrés’ emphasis on the political struggle. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A much greater worry for the government was the actions of a small group of Georgian nationalists who lived abroad; they were allied with the Germans, and advocated an independent Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
To the Georgian social demo- crats in Tiflis, this cryptic communication from their comrades in Fetrograd was clear. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite the hopes of the small number of Georgian nationalists, indepen- dence was not the desired goal. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lord Curzon, a leading member of Prime Minister Lloyd- George’s war cabinet, argued for British support of the independent re- publics and advocated an active British presence in Baku and on the Baku- Batumi railroad, both to protect British interests and “to set the people on their legs there.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Soon it became clear to all that a far-reaching transformation was about to begin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
— Plebve and the Black Hundreds Georgia in the 1905 Revolution Russia and Japan — Bolsheviks and Mensheviks — Bloody Sunday — The Gurian communes — The Georgian Church Militant — Massacre at Tbilisi Town Hall — Witte and the Duma — The Tsar regains the upper band— The Cossacks take over — Blood and fire in Georgia — The Friends of Georgia Committee On Borrowed Time: 1906—17 The Georgians in the Duma — The Viborg Declaration — Social-Democrats and Anarchists — Sto~ypin and the Second Duma — Murder of Ilia Chavcbavad~e — The Georgian Church in crisis — Pl:gbt of the Georgian peasantry — Industrial unrest — War declared, 1914 — Mussolini and the Georgian Socialists — The Georgian Legion — Caucasian battlefields — The Turks on the defensive — Breakdown of Tsarist Russia — Literature, art and intellectual life up to ‘917 Towards Georgian Independence: 1917—18 Abdication of Nicholas II — Kerens4y and the Georgian Social-Democrats — Economic change and social revolu- tion — Restoration of the Georgian Church — Disinte- gration of Russia’s Caucasian Front — Short rations and Bolshevik broadsheets — The Bolsheviks seize power — The Transcaucasian Commissariat — The Turkish men- ace — Brest-Litovsk repudiated— An ephemeral fed- eration — Germany takes a band— Birth of the Georgian Republic CONTENTS viii 146 169 192 I X Independent Georgia: 1918—21 XI XII XIII Maps Notes Bibliographical Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading Index Formation of the Georgian cabinet — Trends in Georgian Socialism — The agrarian question — Financial in- stabil4y — The British replace the Germans — An Armenian invasion — Denikin and the Whites — The British withdrawal— Georgia at the ParisConference Georgia and Communist Russia: 1920—24 Collapse of the White Russians — The Russo-Georgian Treqy — Communist propaganda in Georgia — Up- heaval in Ossetia — Rise of Kemalist Turkey — Georgia and the Second International— Krassin and Lloyd George — The Red Army invades Georgia — Death agony of independent Georgia — Lenin versus Stalin on Georgia — Revival of Great Russian chauvinism — The insur- rection of 1924 The Stalin Era: 1924—5 3 Industrial development — Georgian agriculture collecti- vir~ed— The war against the kulaks — ‘Di~r<iness with Success’ — The rise of Beria — The Five-Year Plans— Georgia under the purges—Political reorganir~a- tion and the Stalin Constitution — The Georgian Im:grés — Georgia during World War II — The final terror — Death of a dictator Georgia in Our Time Beria’j brief heyday — The Tbilisi riots — Industry and construction — Scient~flc advances — Growing pains of modernir~ation — The housing crisis — Farming and plantations — Education, medicine and sport — Scholar- sb:p and science — The economic potential of Georgia — Russian national4y policy today CONTENTS ix 209 224 245 263 275 279 284 287 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS i Highland Georgia: A farm in upland Svaneti 2 Old Tbilisi: The Citadel and Muslim quarter ~ Modern Tbilisi: The main pavilion in the Stalin Park ~ Old Tbilisi: Houses on a cliff overlooking the River Kura ~ Modern Tbilisi: Baratashvili Bridge (Photo: Soviet Weekly) 6 The Georgian Military Highway (Photo: Paul Popper) ~ Grading grapes at Tsinandali State Farm in Kakheti (Photo: 8 The traditional game of tskhenburti or ‘horse-ball’ (Photo: ~ Modern Tbilisi: the Sports Stadium io Choir of centenarians, Abkhazian ASSR (Photo: Soviet ii The ‘Mother and Son’ sanatorium at Tsikhis-dziri, Ajar i ~ An old Laz peasant (Photo by courtesy of Denis C. Hills, Esq.) A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Arthur Leist in Germany and Professor Morfill at Oxford were influential advocates of Georgian literature and culture. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They briefed advocates to defend peasants who were oppressed by their squires, and cam- paigned actively against individual perpetrators of injustice. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This vote by the parliament-in-exile is widely considered the first formal signal that the Palestinians were ready to give up their maximalist demands to retake Israel and make do with a “mini-state” in the West Bank and Gaza. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
From I reflected that in the murders of the Palestinian moderates, It could be argued, however, that the successful manipulation Moreover, Abu Nidal’s violence made it easier for Israel to Hammami was one of the most eloquent Palestinian advocates 1975 onward, he had held a series of meetings with Israeli peace campaigners, notably with the editor and writer Un Avnery, whose book My Friend, the Enemy (1986) gives a moving account of these furtive but unfruitful encounters. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Kanafani’s poetry kept alive the Palestinian identity, and he was one of the first advocates of co- existence in a democratic Palestine, giving lectures in Europe, being inter- vieweçl by Israeli journalists, and having contact with many European Jews active in the antiwar movement in Denmark and Sweden (Kanafani had a Swedish wife). Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Not surprisingly, in return the sayyids of the hijra often became greater advocates of the interests of their hosts than they were of the Zaidi da’wa as represented by a reigning Imam. Comtemporary Yemen
(2) Outside Aden there were courts and a certain amount of local legislation (in Arabic) based on the Muslim religion — which mainly adhered to the Shafi’i school of jurisprudence — and on customary law (known as ‘urfi law). Comtemporary Yemen
Judges and magistrates were appointed by the local rulers (shaikhs or sultans or amirs) and were chosen from those persons who were acquainted with the Muslim religion. Comtemporary Yemen
The ruler was, in all circumstances, the highest judicial authority within his state. Comtemporary Yemen
The parties can appear in person, or by retained attorneys or advocates. Comtemporary Yemen
There are laws con- cerned with evidence, limitation, fees, advocates, contract, tort, family and so on, which apply in courts when they are exercising their civil jurisdiction. Comtemporary Yemen
A law was passed in 1981 which concerns the legal profession2’ and which means that advocates can work anywhere in the Republic and have the right of audience before all the courts. Comtemporary Yemen
They have to obtain licences in order to be enrolled on the register of advocates: licences are granted by the Minister of Justice, and are renewed every year on payment of a fixed fee. Comtemporary Yemen
The Legal Profession Mention was made earlier of the legal profession, which has existed in Aden since 1926. Comtemporary Yemen
The committee submits its find- ings and recommendations to the Minister of Justice. Comtemporary Yemen
Democracies al- ways have their share of anti-immigrant or anti- establishment parties, as well as advocates of extreme nationalism or internationalism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
In some cases, the incitement is also of a religious or quasi-religious nature—as in the cases of abortion-clinic bombers and Islamic advocates ofjihad, Islamic holy war. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
While even the most passionate advocates of civil liberties concede, along with Supreme Court Jus- tice Oliver Wendell Holmes, that freedom of expression must stop at “shouting ‘fire’ in a crowded theater,” American law has thus far been rigidly resistant to lim- iting the scope of such exceptions. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
When a society tries to grant such pockets of unlimited freedom, it provides the proverbial 99 percent of normal citizens with supposed “rights” that they neither want nor need—the “right” to call for the murder of what they deem an obnoxious author, or the “right” to own a gre- nade launcher. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
We are not advocates of isolationism from reality. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Removing the most flagrant offenders would not change a system so deeply imbedded that the great mass of the party was involved, a system that in fact benefited a large part of the population. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Indeed, at a meeting where Ilia was advocating the prompt emancipation of the peasants with their land, an outraged proprietor armed with a 101 instincts. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘~ In analysing the economic situation the Charter concentrates on the great gap which exists between Aden and the under-developed rural areas. Comtemporary Yemen
The Islamicists claimed to be returning to the true roots of Muslim Arab greatness by advocating the unification of all the Arab realms under a “pure” Islamic regime. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
If the law does not allow a government to sift through the extremist splinters advocating violence in or- der to identify which groups are actively planning ter- rorist actions and to shut them down before they strike, then the law is insufficient. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
This proposal was more an attempt to answer Islamic and hypo- thetical questions about what position to adopt concerning the status of Jews in the future than an effort to devise mechanisms for creating a func- tional modern, sovereign state with clearly demarcated borders. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
But in contrast to the conflicts in central Russia, the political struggle of the workers’ soviet with the local government and the propertied middle class was quite muted. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The rushing water that flowed in narrow threads between the great smooth stones was milk-white, and the orange blouse of a passing peasant would break suddenly into this monochrome paleness like the sound of a horn quickly silenced. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The British overreacted, rushing troops to Palestine and declaring martial law. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
By the time the Fifteenth Party Congress convened on December 2, the Zinovievites were rushing back into the arms of the party, isolating Trotsky once again. The Making of the Georgian Nation
1903,” Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 14, no. 4 (October—December 1973): 578—79. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only a few of the numerous worth-while sources on politics in the two Yemens can be mentioned here. Comtemporary Yemen
I. I A MODERN HISTORY OP SOVIET GEORGIA Also by David Marshall Lang Lives and Legends of the Georgian Saints The W’isdori.z A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
of Balahvar: A Christian Legend of the Buddha The First Russian Radical: Alexander Radishchev 1749—1802 (Published by George Allen & Unwin) The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchji, 16y8—1832 (Published by Columbia University Press) A MODERN HISTORY OF SOVIET GEORGIA DAVID MARSHALL LANG, M.A., D.Lit. Reader in Caucasian Studies in the GROVE PRESS, INC. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is true that our genera- tion stands too close to the cataclysmic events which attended the birth of Russia’s social and industrial revolution, and that books written today will have to be radically revised in the broader perspective enjoyed by historians of a future age. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The main Caucasus range separates Georgia and Transcaucasia from European Russia and the North Caucasian steppe. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Nearer to our own day, Russia A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 2 in her drive to the warm seas has found the Caucasus a natural stepping-stone towards those coveted outlets, the Bosphorus and the Persian Gulf. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These last four districts, wrested by Russia from the Ottoman Empire in the war of 1877—78, were ceded back to Turkey by the Bolsheviks at the Treaty of Kars in March 1921. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian military highroad runs northwards from Mtskheta over the Daryal Pass to Dzaujikau (formerly Vladikavkaz, later Orjonikidze) and then onwards into European Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
and Safari Persia — Rap- prochement with Russia — Collapse of the monarcbj — The From tribe to monarchj THE INSTITUTION of monarchy in Georgia stretches back into remote antiquity. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Being mostly engaged in civil wars among themselves, these minor kings and princes of Western Georgia presented little danger to Turkey’s eastern frontiers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
At the Kremlin, Tsar Alexis had plenty to occupy him in the way of tumult, religious schism, and wars with his European neigh- bours. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia was also loth to relinquish the flourishing trade which she carried on with Persia via the Caspian Sea. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1721, the Caucasus was suddenly affected by an international crisis. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1768, war broke out between Russia and Turkey. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Relations between Georgia and Russia were subjected to great strain. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1783, a treaty between Russia and the Georgian kingdom of Kartlo-Kakheti was signed at Georgievsk. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In signing the Treaty of Georgievsk, Erekle undertook to renounce all dependence on Persia or any other power but Russia; he and his posterity were solemnly confirmed for ever in possession of all territories under their sway; the kings of Georgia, on succeeding to the throne, would request and receive from St. Petersburg their insignia of investiture; Erekle was to conduct negotiations with foreign powers only after securing the approval of the Russian authorities; the empress and her heirs were pledged to treat Georgia’s foes as those of Russia; there was to be no interference in the internal affairs of Georgia; the Georgian Catholicos-Patriarch was given the eighth place among the Russian prelates, and made a member of the Holy Synod; the Georgian nobility were to have the same prerogatives as the Russian aristocracy; special facilities were to be afforded to Russian traders in Georgia and to Georgian merchants in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The only line of direct communication between Georgia and Russia was the precarious military road over the main Caucasus range via the Daryal pass, a route infested by hostile tribes. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The next three years were a time of muddle and confusion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For over two hundred years, the Tsars of Russia had styled themselves ‘Lords of the Iberian land and the Georgian kings’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Some form of close association with Russia —though not necessarily outright annexation—was clearly essential for the sake of corporate physical survival. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russia of Alexander I was not, by Western standards, a liberal or a progressive state. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With the Georgian royal family removed from power, the commander-in-chief on Russia’s Caucasian front was now supreme head of the central government at Tbilisi by virtue of proconsular powers conferred on him by the Tsar. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 12 April i 8oz, the Russian commander-in-chief in the Caucasus, General Karl Knorring, published in Tbilisi the imperial proclamation of September i8oi, confirming Tsar Paul’s earlier decree, and affirming Kartlo-Kakheti to be an integral part of the Russian dominions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This bridgehead of Russian power was ringed about by Persian khans, Turkish pashas, wild mountaineers, and un- subdued Georgian princelings, most of them hostile to Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Ossetes who dominated the Daryal Pass, Russia’s only supply line over the Caucasus range, held up travellers and convoys. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
.. . A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The widow of King Erekie II, the redoubtable Dowager Queen Darejan, continued to intrigue in favour of her eldest son, Prince Yulon, whom she wished to see installed as king under the Russian aegis. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The nobles and people, while affirm- ing their desire to remain under Russian protection, contin- ually agitated for a prince of their own. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He therefore gave orders that the queen and her children should be sent off into exile in Russia under guard the very next morning. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Escorted by a heavy guard of armed horsemen, the party left Tbilisi along the military road leading to Russia over the Daryal Pass. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On arrival in Russia, Queen Mariam was imprisoned for seven years in a convent at Voronezh. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Queen Dowager Darejan—’that Hydra’, as Tsitsianov delicately termed her—held out until the October of i 803, when she too was bundled off to Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Subjugation of W7esfern Georgia Having eliminated these obstacles, Tsitsianov rapidly ex- tended Russia’s grasp on Transcaucasia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
One of Grigol Dadian’s predecessors had sworn fealty to the Tsar of Russia as long ago as 1638. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The rebels defeated a regiment of Don Cossacks sent from the North Caucasian Line, cut communica- tions between Georgia and Russia, and menaced the town of Gori. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It had been one of the conditions of the various pacts concluded between Russia and Georgia that the Georgian aristocracy and squirearchy should be confirmed in their traditional privileges, and placed on the same footing as the Russian GEORGIA UNDER THE TSARS: 1801—32 49 .1~ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A State-owned apothecary’s shop was opened, as well as a botanical garden, since famous throughout Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In i8o~, profiting by Russia’s heavy commitments in the struggle against Napoleon in Europe, the Persian crown prince, ‘Abbas Mirza, invaded the Karabagh and menaced Elizavetpol. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Prince Tsitsianov now judged the time ripe to extend Russia’s dominions to the shores of the Caspian Sea south of the Caucasian range. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
So ended the brief but eventful viceroyalty of this determined proconsul, a renegade to his own people, but a man who, in serving Russia, dealt many a crushing blow to Georgia’s traditional enemies. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Tsitsianov’s successors were less talented than he. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, this eloquent plea, which reached him shortly before he set out on his ill-fated campaign to Moscow, provided him with encouraging evidence of the unsettled condition of Russia’s Transcaucasian provinces. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Alexander, who had sought refuge with the Shah of Persia, was described by a contemporary British traveller as ‘a prince whose bold inde- pendence of spirit still resists all terms of amity with Russia’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Prince Alexander Bagration arrived in Daghestan from Persia to mobilize the Lezghis, those inveterate foes of both Georgia and Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
More favourable to Russia were the terms of the Treaty of Gulistan, concluded between Tsar Alexander I and Fath- ‘All Shah of Persia in 1813, largely through the mediation of the British ambassador to Persia, Sir Gore Ouseley. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Neither the Russians nor their Persian and Turkish ad- versaries were in a fit state to continue the struggle. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It will be recalled that the Russo-Georgian treaty of 1783 had guaranteed to the Patriarch of Georgia the eighth place among the prelates of Russia and a seat in the Russian Holy Synod. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Economic progress and literarj contacts Now that Russia controlled a stretch of territory extending from the Black Sea to the Caspian, commerce began to revive. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Odessa in southern Russia was linked by sea with the little port of Redut-Kaleh in Mingrelia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1824, for instance, the Acting French Consul in Tbilisi reported that although Georgia produced timber, cotton, saffron, madder, wax, honey, silk and tobacco, there was little attempt as yet to ~, market these commodities on a large scale. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the i 8 20’s, the influence of the Russian Finance Minister, Count Kankrin, and the agitation of the Moscow ,~ manufacturers led to the triumph of protectionism in Russia generally and the abandonment of any attempt to promote free trade with foreign countries. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Accordingly, on the expiration of the ten- year customs franchise granted for Georgia by the edict of 1821, this was not renewed; merchandise entering Trans- ~ caucasia was subject now to the same high dues as were levied at Russia’s other frontiers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 26 December 1825, GEORGIA UNDER THE TSARS: 1801—32 59 when called upon to take the oath of allegiance to the new emperor, Nicholas I, 2,000 soldiers of the Guard formed up outside the Senate building in St. Petersburg, shouting for ‘Constantine and Constitution (konstitutsjya)’ which latter many of the soldiers took for the name of the Grand Duke Con-i stantine’s wife. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They were spurred on to action by Prince Alexander Bagration, the exiled Georgian royal prince, whose hatred of Russia overbore any reluctance to subject his native land once more to the horrors of war. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Paskevich soon routed the Persians completely. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The warlike tribes of Daghestan were cut off from direct contact with their co-religionists in the Islamic world outside the borders of the Russian Empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In future, the Muslims of the Caucasus were to look to the Turks alone for support. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Relieved of anxiety on the score of his communications with Russia, Paskevich then marched on the famous fortress of Kars, which he captured by storm in June. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Several of these were poets and novelists of distinction, who found the hospitable atmosphere of Georgia highly congenial. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The conspiracjl of 1832 The moral climate of the i8zo’s was conducive to romantic nationalism and to movements of revolt against imperial systems. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian writer Griboedov commented in i 8z8 that ‘the recent invasion by the Persians, avenged by Count Paskevich- Erivansky with so much glory for Russia, and the triumphs which he is now winning in the Turkish pashaliks, have cost the Transcaucasian provinces enormous sacrifices, above all Georgia, which has borne a war burden of exceptional mag- nitude. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘Although certain provinces have been joined to Russia for about thirty years,’ the senators continued, ‘the administration in Transcaucasia still bears the stamp of the irresponsible, capricious and vague A ‘~ Ojtmethods of government practised by the former rulers of this country.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The senior members of the Georgian royal family were by now dead, or else for the most part resigned to exclusion from power. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The conspirators would then seize the Daryal Pass to prevent reinforcements from arriving from Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Some of them were deported for a few years to provincial centres in Russia, or enrolled in the ranks of the Russian Army. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian reverses Hamzat was succeeded by a yet more formidable leader, the Imam Shamil, who was to keep the armies of Russia at bay for a quarter of a century. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Although the British Foreign Office refrained from adopting an openly anti-Russian policy, succes- sive British ambassadors to the Sublime Porte, such as Pon- sonby (1833—41) and Stratford Canning (1842—58) were on the alert to stir up trouble for Russia all round the Black Sea and in areas adjacent. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Although a Society for the Encouragement of Rural and Manufacturing Industries and Trade was set up in Tbilisi in 1833, the French Consul there calculated that the total imports of Russia’s Trancaucasian provinces sank in value from 12,000,000 francs in 1830 to 5,610,000 in 1834, while exports declined from 5,ooo,ooo francs in value to 1,500,000.40 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To remedy this, as well as to rid Russia of troublesome sectarians, the government settled in Transcaucasia a number of dissenting communities such as the Molokans or ‘drinkers of milk’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1833, Michael (Tatark- han) and Nicholas (Tsiokh) Dadeshkeiani, miavars or ruling princes of Western Upper Svaneti, signed a treaty of protector- ate with Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The principality was annexed to Russia, but the Gurians were far from re- conciled to the new order. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His choice fell in 1844 upon Count Michael Vorontsov, who had been since 1823 Governor-General of ~1 New Russia (i.e. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Later, as Governor-General of Russia’s Black Sea provinces, he was responsible for the rapid development of Odessa. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Owing to the hostility ofthe local Ossete clansmen, who remained loyal to Russia, the Murids were unable to occupy the Daryal Pass itself. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Again, he would declare: ‘This little Georgia will become in time the most beautiful, the most durable piece of gold brocade woven into the many coloured patchwork of mighty Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was during the reign of Nicholas I, which lasted from 1825 to i 8~ ~, that the industriaL revolution really got under way in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In spite of the shortage of free labour, and the shackles of serfdom, Russia’s industrial production quadrupled in thirty years. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But its period of activity marks an important stage in Georgian literary and social history, as well as in the reawakening of Georgian national consciousness. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He visited Georgia during the viceroyalty of Prince Vorontsov, who joined with local notables in encourag- ing his work, helping him to search out and edit ancient charters and record inscriptions on churches and ancient monuments. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In spite of the incompetence of the local Russian commander, who was the Georgian prince Ivane Bagration-Mukhransky, Omar’s campaign gradually petered out. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The signing of the Treaty of Paris, which concluded the Crimean War in 1856, prevented Muraviev from following up his success at Kars, and redeeming the disgrace inflicted on Russia by the fall of Sebastopol in the Crimea. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Now that most of the country had been thoroughly subjugated from a military viewpoint, it could be peacefully assimilated into the Tsarist system, and the old arbitrary methods of military government replaced by more civilized methods of administra- tion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The growth of capitalism, combined with changes in public opinion pro- duced by contact with European ideas, showed that traditional forms of agrarian and manorial economy, based on serf labour and the individual craftsman, were doomed. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
93 SOCIAL CHANGE AND NATIONAL CHAPTER V AWAKENING: 1855-94 Alexander II and the liberation of the serfs — Shamil capitulates — The integration of Western Georgia — The peasant question in Georgia — The rise of the Georgian intell:gentsia — Land hunger andpeasant discontent — The edicts of 1864 — The War of 1877—78 — Commerce and industrj — Russian Pan-Slavism and the lesser breeds — I/ia Cbavcbavadr~e and Georgia’s re-awakening — Alex- ander III and Russian reaction — Great Georgian writers of the late Alexander II and the liberation of the serft RUSSIA’S NEW SOVEREIGN, Alexander II, was at heart an honest conservative, forced by the logic of events to place in the forefront of his programme the liberation of the serfs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Shamil capitulates In the meantime, there remained in the Caucasus defiant tribes who preferred their own native brand of liberty to any which the Russian Tsar might graciously provide. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When the Turks withdrew, the landowners attempted to reimpose their authority on their serfs, but were met with defiance. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the end, both parties welcomed Russian intervention—the landowners to safeguard their lives and property, the serfs in the hope of being guaranteed a status approximating to that enjoyed by crown peasants in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the Crimean War, the Turks stirred up the Abkhaz against Russia at the time of Omar Pasha’s invasion of Mingrelia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The subjugation of Abkhazia coincided with Russia’s annihilation of the national existence of the Circassians, that valiant North Caucasian people who had for a century been a thorn in the side of Tsarist colonialism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Many of the Russian, German, Greek and Bulgarian colonists who were endowed with the tribal lands of the Circassians near the Black Sea coast proved unable to endure the sub-tropical climate, and the wilderness invaded the orchards and gardens once cultivated by prosperous and highly civilized Circassian communities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Cut off since the Crimean War from contact with Turkey and the Western 97 European powers, the Circassians were no match for Russia’s military might, especially after the surrender of Shamil and the Murids of Daghestan. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The motto of the book—’Criticize your friend to his face, your foe behind his back’—shows the author’s intention of depicting the seamy side Of Georgian life in the hope of stirring his countrymen to mend their ways. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ilia’s novel may be compared with Gogol’s Dead Souls or with the savage rustic satires of Saltykov-Shchedrin. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His account of how the slow-witted Luarsab is~\ tricked into marriage with the ugly Darejan, daughter of the most noble Prince Moses, son of Noshrevan, provides a hilarious com- mentary on the activity of the village match-maker. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Little wonder that Luarsab and Darejan Tatkaridze became proverb- ial figures of fun, or that many a Georgian squire should have cursed Ilia and his clever young friends as harbingers of ruin and destroyers of traditional values. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In i888, zi per cent, of the world supply of oil passed through that port on its way to Russia and other consumer countries. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
If the 1870’s were, for Russia as for Georgia, a time of new ideas and new possibilities, they were also a period of frustra- tion and disillusionment. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thinking people in Georgia could not avoid being affected by the general tension and malaise affecting Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian Pan-Slavism and the lesser breeds Particularly ominous for Russia’s minority peoples was the alarming growth of official chauvinism, which came at a time 107 when the intensification of self-conscious and articulate nationalism among the subject nations of the great multi- racial empires—Austro-Hungary, Ottoman Turkey and Russia —confronted governments with new problems and demands. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘What invisible agency has been exercising so lamentable an effect upon us, so that we are all beading for general ruin precisely at that moment when the external enemy no longer exists for us? From every side, from every household is heard nothing but the sound of weeping and wailing. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Misery has stricken everyone, down to the lowest class of society. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Where are we to look for a deliverer? This terrible thought keeps sorrowing me and adding to my weight of years.’56 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He contrasted Georgian patriotism with the chauvinism of the great powers, and particularly with the Russian reactionary Pan-Slavists, whose ideal Russian patriot was a man who would crush all the smaller nations which Russia had annexed, and enslave all countries of Europe situated outside the frontiers of the Tsar’s domains. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Most Georgians, he noted, knew Russia only as a foreign power that sent them tax-collectors, justices of the peace and other bureaucrats, many of them obnoxious. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Qazbegi was a scion of the princely family which for centuries held sway over the upland region near the Daryal Pass and Mount Kazbek, where the Russian military road passes over the Caucasus range. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The government had seemed to take pleasure in humiliating the educated classes. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These officials were appointed by the Minister of the Interior from among the poorer gentry, and charged with supervising every detail of peasant life and activity. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the second half of the nineteenth century, Russia’s retarded industrial revolution gathered pace. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The development of a revolutionary situation in metro- politan Russia necessarily affected Georgia and the Caucasus generally. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From 1903, he and Kropotkin assisted another Georgian revolutionary, Kamando or Giorgi Gogelia, alias ‘K. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The advance of Russia and Georgia along the path towards modern capital- ism and an industrial society eventually rendered obsolete the ideology of the Narodniks themselves, who were increas- ingly thrust into the background by the more sophisticated adepts of Marxism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But somehow the doctrine of the Naro- dniks failed to satisfy him. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A like dilemma had already helped to produce a split within the revolutionary movement in metropolitan Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Plekhanov soon established himself as the foremost exponent of Marxist philosophy and sociology in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Plekhanov foretold that capitalist industrialism was about to invade Russia and destroy the patriarchal-feudal attitudes and relationships and the primitive rustic communes on which the Populists desired to base their socialism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
An urban proletariat would arise in Russia, which would embark on a THE STORM GATHERS: 1894—1904 123 struggle for industrial socialism very much on the Western European pattern. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These ideas soon spread to the outlying regions of Russia, especially to Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ninoshvili, whose real name was Egnate Ingoroqva, occupies an important place in Georgian literature and social thought, as the first truly ‘work- ing-class’ writer, in which respect he may be compared with Maxim Gorky in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He sent back to Georgia favourable reports on the British way of life, some of which were printed in the Tbilisi journals, and contrasted the benevolent British policemen with their less kindly counterparts in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is true that industrialization affected as yet only a relatively small proportion of the population and that Georgia was still a predominantly agricultural and past~ral land. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The strike was directed by both the local Georgian socialists and by workers of revolutionary sympathies who had been deported from Russia; it lasted a week and led to the arrest of forty-one ringleaders. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The participants took a solemn vow beneath a red flag to close their THE STORM GATHERS: 1894—1904 135 ranks and fight with all their strength in the death struggle against Tsarism and capitalist exploitation. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The other legal Marxists, such as Zhordania and Chkheidze, took no direct part in the strikes and other incidents. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From 1900 onwards, Georgia, like the rest of Russia, was caught up in the backwash of a world- wide economic depression. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
THE STORM GATHERS: 1894—1904 ‘37 ‘The workers of the whole of Russia,’ declared a revolutionary broadsheet of the time, ‘have decided to celebrate the First of May openly—in the best thoroughfares of the city. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Losing hope in a solution from above to the problems of land tenure and the general impoverishment of the countryside, the peasants began to impose their own solution from below. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘Down with autocracfl’ The Cossacks and gendarmes could not be everywhere at once. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The priests were forbidden by their flock to repeat in church the prayer for the imperial family, and portraits of Tsar Nicholas II were torn down and burnt. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the meantime, he kept up the pressure on Russia’s minority peoples. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When war broke out between Russia and Japan in February 1904, the Georgian Social-Democrats immediately set to work to exploit the new situation. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia and Caucasia alike were sliding fast down the slope leading to revolution. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
THE STORM GATHERS: 1894—1904 ‘45 CHAPTER VII GEORGIA IN THE 1905 Russia and Japan — Bolsheviks and Mensheviks — Bloodj Sundqy The Gurian communes — The Georgian Church Militant — Mas- sacre at Tbilisi Town Hall — W’itte and the Duma — The Tsar regains the upper hand — The Cossacks take over — Blood and fire REVOLUTION in Georgia — The Friends of Georgia Committee Russia and Japan ON 5 FEBRUARY 1904, after months of mounting tension in the Far East, the Japanese had launched their famous night attack on the Russian fleet in Port Arthur. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The war party at St. Petersburg, headed by Plehve, cherished high hopes that Russia’s revolutionary fever would be speedily cured by this timely ‘small, victorious war’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Russia, as in the Caucasus, the Bolsheviks denounced both the moderate, democratic social- ists, and the liberal constitutionalists. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They saw that if the Tsar granted a truly democratic, parliamentary régime to Russia, with safeguards to the rights of national minorities, then support for terrorism would wither away amid the general rejoicing, and the prospect of a Marxian millennium would recede into the distant future. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The prospect of reaching a peaceful understanding with the liberals and constitutional reformers was fast vanishing away. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He fully understood the outlook of Russia’s national minor- ities, and made an excellent impression throughout Guria, where he received numerous popular delegations and listened patiently to their tales of woe. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Sultan Krym-Girey reported favourably on the Gurians’ loyalty to Russia, emphasizing that they were in no sense attempting to break away from the Empire, but merely desired to emerge from their colonial status and enjoy the same rights and privileges as the citizens of European Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Throughout March 1905, the situation grew more and more threatening. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The whole of Georgia, from Abkhazia in the north-west to Kakheti in the east was in the throes of insurrection. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 9 March, the whole of Western Georgia was placed GEORGIA IN THE 1905 REVOLUTION ‘53 on a regular war footing. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Throughout that summer, the revolutionary movement gathered momentum almost everywhere in Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Through its Black-Hundred bands of hooligans and strong-arm gangs it organized pogroms against Jews and other racial minorities both in Russia and in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Cossacks went berserk and shot down all passers-by, including the Chief Pastor of the German Lutheran colonies in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Criminal elements posing as revolutionaries A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA i~8 I I GEORGIA IN THE 1905 REVOLUTION took advantage of the prevailing chaos to intensify their murderous activities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia is entering the ranks of the constitutional monarchies.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
No less anarchic was the situation in Western Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In November i 905, the Cossacks took the law into their own hands. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But the terrorists, who had made a mental note of his face and appearance, resolved that he would get no second chance. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA i68 The Georgians in the Duma — The Viborg Declaration — Social- Democrats and Anarchists — Stolj~pin and the Second Duma — Murder of Ilia Chavcbavadr~e — The Georgian Church in crisis — Plight of the Georgian peasantry — Industrial unrest — War declared, 1914 — Mussolini and the Georgian Socialists — The Georgian Legion — Caucasian battlefields — The Turks on the defensive — Breakdown of Tsarist Russia — Literature, art and The Georgians in the Duma THE EVENTS of ¶905 showed that the absolutist régime of Nicholas II had lost the confidence of large sections of the Russian nation and its subject peoples. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The few able men who might have steered Russia towards modem constitutional statehood—notably Witte and Stolypin—were betrayed or undermined by palace intrigue. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In metropolitan Russia, therefore, the Constitutional Democrats or Cadets under P. N. Milyukov had the upper band, and only a handful of Russian socialist delegates were returned, under a variety of party tickets. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Zhordania relates in his memoirs that after one meeting, Lenin came up to him in the street and said: ‘Look here, Castro—Why don’t you Georgians cease meddling in Russia’s affairs? You don’t understand our people, their psy- chology, their ways and customs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Master’s real fault lay in his possessing greater realism and less cant than most of his disciples. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This massive demon- stration of working-class solidarity forced the proprietors of the mines to make substantial concessions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The people of the Caucasus, who realized that sooner or later Ottoman Turkey would become embroiled in the struggle, greeted the news with markedly divergent emotions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Hastening back to Russia, he stopped at Milan where he had an interview with Benito Mussolini, then editor of the socialist newspaper Avanti and a militant foe of Austro-German imperialism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Pondering on this paradox, Zhordania returned to Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian Legion Many Georgian émigrés and students in Western Europe also seized the chance to strike a blow against the Tsarist régime. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian Bolshevik party and its Georgian adherents adopted from the first a strongly anti-war line. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Turkish supreme commander and War Minister was Enver Pasha, who conceived a grand strategy which would, he believed, open the way to the expulsion of Russia from the entire Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Count Vorontsov-Dashkov, who had reached the age of seventy-eight, was succeeded as viceroy in September 1915 by the former commander-in-chief on Russia’s western front, the Grand Duke Nicholas. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
All hope of energetic action on the Russian side was by now gone. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Breakdown of Tsarist Russia It is not necessary to trace here the events which led up to the March Revolution and the ignominious collapse of the titanic structure of Tsarist absolutism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As a result of poor communications with European Russia, and the intolerable strains which World War I imposed on Russia’s relatively immature economy, the peoples of Transcaucasia themselves had to bear much of the burden of supplying and provisioning Russia’s large forces engaged on the Turkish front. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Not less im- portant was the academic work carried on by Georgians in the universities of Russia, notably at Moscow and St. Petersburg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
ON BORROWED TIME: 1906—17 191 Abdication of Nicholas II — Kerenskji and the Georgian Social- Democrats — Economic change and social revolution — Restoration of the Georgian Church — Disintegration of Russia’s Caucasian Front — Short rations and Bolshevik broadsheets — The Bolsheviks seir(e power — The Transcaucasian Commissariat — The Turkish menace — Brest-Litovsk repudiated — An ephemeral federation — Abdication of Nicholas II THE STRESSES of World War I precipitated the Russian poli- tical débâcle which many observers had long predicted. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When the news of the revolution reached Georgia, the fabric of authority crumbled and collapsed. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
One of the sources of weakness of the Kerensky government in Russia was incessant rivalry between the administration and the Soviets, both of which regarded themselves as the true repositories of revolutionary power. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Ozakom was asked to give official sanction to the restora- tion of the Georgian patriarchate, abolished by Russia in i 8i i. However, this question was simply shelved until the eventual convention of the all-Russian Constituent Assembly. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The collapse of the old Tsarist police and gendarmerie inevitably led in some regions of Georgia to anarchy and un- rest. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With Nikolai (Karlo) Chkheidze as Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet and Irakli Tsereteli a prominent minister in the Pro- visional Government, the Georgian Mensheviks were able to make their voices heard insistently in the councils of Russia and the world. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Disintegration of Russia’s Caucasian Front Nevertheless, Tbilisi and Petrograd were not always in complete harmony. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Many of the Tbilisi Social-Democrats were also opposed, in private at least, to continuance of the unpopular war with Germany and Turkey which, it was manifest, was beyond Russia’s physical resources and presented a serious threat to the future of the revolution. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Terms advantageous to Russia could, on this front at least, readily have been obtained. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the meantime, Russia was moving rapidly towards the left. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Short rations and Bolshevik broadsheets As the year 1917 wore on, the situation of Russia’s Caucasian Command became increasingly unfavourable. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Caucasia had long depended for a large portion of her wheat and other grain supplies on South Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With the general anarchy prevailing in Russia, these supplies were largely cut off. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A ship which arrived at Batumi carrying corn from Russia was commandeered by A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 198 Constituent Assembly. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was estimated that the requirements of the Caucasian Army amounted to 24 million poods (i pood =36 lb.) A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For the civilian population of Tbilisi, ten wagon-loads of wheat a day were required, whereas only four were currently being delivered. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On i~ October, a special conference on food supplies was convened in Tbilisi, attended by the Russian commander on the Caucasian front, General Przhevalsky. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This much-heralded body, it was fondly believed, would soon quell the unspeakable Bolsheviks and bring Russia back to the paths of reason and order. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While shrinking still from any formal declaration of inde- pendence from Russia, the Transcaucasian Commissariat entered forthwith into negotiations with the Turks for an armistice on the crumbling Caucasian front. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, Enver Pasha’s Young Turk government at Istanbul was well aware of the heaven-sent chance which the Russian revolution offered for Turkey to recover Caucasian territories wrested from her by Russia over the preceding century, so that this move was mainly designed to gain time pending further weakening of Russia’s military and political grip on Caucasia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Vehip Pasha immediately demanded the evacuation of all districts abandoned by Russia at Brest-Litovsk. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
We know Revolutionary Russia, and that death sentence to our father- land we will never sign!’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Some of the forts had surrendered without firing a shot and the town and port had been occupied without resistance. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Muslim Georgians of Lazistan and of Atchára, of which Batumi is the main city, were helping the Turks, tearing up railway lines, wrecking trains and conducting guerulla operations generally. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
After Georgia had fallen and her government been forced to flee into exile, the former régime was often criticized from the opposite viewpoint by Georgian patriots who alleged that the Zhordania government placed socialist class warfare before national unity and adopted social and economic policies which played into the hands of the Communists and facilitated the annexation of Georgia by Soviet Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is in fact ironic to observe how the Georgian Social- Democrats, whose leaders were working as late as i 918 for the triumph of democratic socialism in a Russia united and undivided, were at length transformed by the force of circum- stances into nationalists of chauvinistic fervour and of an intransigence common in countries where independence has recently been regained after a long spell of alien rule. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Under such great scholars as the historian Ivane Javakhishvili and the literary historian Korneli Kekelidze, the new-born university rapidly assumed a dominant position in Georgia’s educational life. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The reform was carried out with great thoroughness. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Financial instability Whereas the Georgian government’s social and economic policies were basically sound and progressive, their realiza- tion was frustrated by financial instability, combined with the prevailing political chaos in Russia and the Near East. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Britain desired to liberate the Caucasus from the Germans and the Bolsheviks; to re-establish order without interfering in the internal affairs of the country; to restore trade with the ports of Persia and other areas not occupied by Bolshevik Russia; and to provide for the movement of Allied military personnel over the Transcaucasian railways. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The West was treated to a sad spectacle of two peoples, ruled by parties which were members of the Second International and professed peace to be their chief aim, fighting over a few strips of land in the manner of a Germany or a Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Denikin and the IT/bites If Georgia’s relations with her southern neighbour, Armenia, were unsatisfactory, those with the forces now vying to the north for control of Russia were equally so. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Denikin refused to admit any less comprehensive aim than the restoration of Russia’s frontiers as they were in 1914 under Tsar Nicholas II. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He declared: ‘I cannot permit the self-styled formations of Georgia and Azerbaijan, which have sprung up to the detriment of Russian state interests and which are clearly hostile to the idea of the Russian State, to receive food supplies at the expense of the areas of Russia which are being liberated from the Bolsheviks.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Not until February 1920, when the Whites were being rolled back in disorder by the Red Army, did Denikin deign to acknowledge de facto the governments of Russia’s border areas which were hostile to Bolshevism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1919, however, the British government took the imaginative step of appointing Oliver Wardrop, the well-known scholar of A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 218 Georgian literature and history, to be Chief British Com- missioner to the Republics of Georgia, Armenia and Azer- baijan. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In January 1920, conferences took place between the Georgian and Azerbaijani delegates and the British Imperial General Staff to discuss problems of defence in the event of an A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 220 attack by Soviet Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
And yet, in spite of such warnings by their well-wishers, these rival sets of politicians stood fast in their pretensions, at the very moment when Azerbaijan was actually falling into the hands of Moscow. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
An eye-witness has left a graphic des- cription of one of those crucial meetings, in which Karlo Chkheidze, the chief Georgian delegate, ‘stood with his head thrown back, his eyes starting from their sockets and his face purple, enraged by the French texts and formulae, the shades of meaning of which he could not quite grasp, all his coolness and self-control gone, in the pose of a minor Polish country squire vetoing an important decision of the Diet’.’°5 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 7 May 1920 the Georgian Menshevik government felt it advisable to sign a treaty of friendship with Soviet Russia, pledging themselves among other things to work for the removal of all foreign troops from Georgian soil. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
INDEPENDENT GEORGIA: 1918—21 223 GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA Collapse of the W”bite Russians— The Russo-Georgian Treatj~ — Communist propaganda in Georgia — Upheaval in Ossetia — Rise of Kemalist Turke3 — Georgia and the Second International — Krassin and Liojid George — The Red Arm3 invades Georgia — Death agonj of independent Georgia — Lenin versus Stalin on Georgia — Revival of Great Russian chauvinism — The insurrection Collapse of the lVhite Russians FROM THE TIME of the October revolution in 1917 until early ~in 1920, there was no regular communication between Georgia and Communist Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Communist Russia, indeed, refused to recognize the existence of indepen- dent Georgia, declaring on 24 December 1918 that ‘all persons who consider themselves Georgian citizens are recognized as Russian citizens, and as such are subject to all the decrees and the enactments of the Soviet authority of the RSFSR.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the winter of 1919—20, the impending collapse of Denikin’s army in North Caucasia and the Black Sea region encouraged the Soviet Comrnissar for Foreign Affairs, Chich- CHAPTER XI 1920—24 of 1924 224 em, to invite Georgia to unite with Russia against the Whites. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia reacted to this rebuff by forming a special committee for the establishment of Soviet authority in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 11 22~ The Russo-Georgian Treaty At this juncture, Uratadze reported from Moscow that the Russians were prepared to sign a treaty with Georgia and recognize her dejure, provided that the Mensheviks formally undertook not to grant asylum on Georgian territory to troops of powers hostile to the Soviet Union. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The head of this committee, established by a decree of the Bolshevik Central Committee on 4 February 1920, was the Georgian Communist Sergo Orjonikidze, a friend of Stalin; the deputy chairman was S. M. Kirov, and the other members included the Georgian Bolshevik Budu Mdivani. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While these talks were proceeding, on 27 April 1920, the Red Army launched its lightning attack on Baku. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
At one a.m. on 3 May 1920, twenty-five Bolsheviks, mostly Armenians, attempted to seize the Military Academy as a preliminary to a coup d’etat. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgian agreement of 1920 indeed contains striking parallels with the treaty concluded in 1783 between Catherine the Great of Russia and King Erekie II of Georgia, which proved to be the prelude to Georgia’s complete annexation. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Given Moscow’~ GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 227 determination to use the local Communists to undermine the Zhordania régime, this issue was insoluble; it provided, as the Kremjin intended, a constant irritant and an excuse for Russian propaganda against the existing Georgian government. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Five thous- and people perished in the fighting and 20,000 Ossetes fled into Soviet Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Upheaval in Ossetia Another hotbed of discord was the unsettled situation in South Ossetia, a part of Georgia inhabited by a people of Iranian stock, quite distinct from the Georgians in customs, language and ethnic origin. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian People’s Guard displayed a A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA zz8 frenzy of chauvinistic zeal during the mopping-up operations, many villages being burnt to the ground and large areas of fertile land ravaged and depopulated. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the summer and autumn of 1920, when Soviet Russia and the Turkish nationalists had once again become dominant factors in Caucasian affairs, while the Western powers, particularly England, had renounced any active policy GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 229 in that region, the Georgian government chose to ignore Moscow and Ankara and concentrate its efforts on the West. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Krassin and Llojd George These comings and goings were viewed by Soviet Russia with deep suspicion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Trade talks were proceeding in London at this time between the British government and Krassin, the Soviet special envoy, who exploited Lloyd George’s personal opposition to Curzon’s policy of propping up the Transcaucasian republics as a bastion against Soviet Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Anxious to cut the losses sustained by the Churchillian policy of anti-Bolshevik intervention, Lloyd George was eager to resume normal commercial relations with Russia, from which Britain’s strained post-war economy stood to benefit substantially. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Chicherin replied to the British Foreign Secretary that ‘Soviet Russia has not committed and will not commit in future any hostile acts against the Republic of Georgia’, with which assurance Curzon had to rest content. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On the next day, Sheinman declared to the Press that Russia was delighted at Georgia’s recognition and desired only to live in peace and amity with her. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 —- 231 The Red Armj invades Georgia During the autumn of 1920, Russia had repeatedly protested against the alleged build-up of the Georgian armed forces, which, it was claimed, constituted a threat to the Soviet Union. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When the Georgian government protested to him about the incidents which were taking place on the frontier, Sheinman played for GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 233 time, declaring that Russia had no cognizance of military movements in that area; any disturbances which might be taking place must be a spontaneous uprising by the Armenian communists. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On ri February i 921, disorders broke out in the Lori district, south of Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Death agonj of independent Georgia The Georgian Army put up a stubborn fight in defence of the approaches to Tbilisi, which they held for a week in the face of overwhelming odds. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
By a happy coincidence, the Eleventh Red Army was already poised on the frontier between Georgia and Soviet Azerbaijan and crossed the border in force at dawn on i6 February. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Soviet-Georgian treaty of May 1920 was simply a tactical manceuvre; by November, Stalin was declaring: ‘Georgia, which has been transformed into the principal base of the imperialist operations of England and GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 France and which therefore has entered into hostile relations with Soviet Russia, that Georgia is now living out the last days of her life.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Stalin was obdurate. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 240 entry into Stalin’s new Transcaucasian Federation, Stalin and GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 When Mdivani and Makharadze refused to agree to Georgia’s Orjonikidze discredited them with trumped-up charges of selfishness and treason to the Bolshevik cause. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In his Testament and other documents dictated shortly before his death, Lenin wrote that he ‘felt strongly guilty before the workers of Russia for not having intervened vigorously and drastically enough in this notorious affair’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Under Stalin and Dzerzhinsky, the small nations of Russia were exposed to \~‘ ‘the irruption of that truly Russian man, the Great Russian chauvinist, who is essentially a scoundrel and an oppressor, as is the typical Russian bureaucrat’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the village of Ruisi, for instance, every human being carrying the name of GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920—24 243 Paniashvili was put to death. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The relative prosperity brought to Russia by Lenin’s New Economic Policy ~), with its tolerance of private enterprise in com- merce and agriculture, had a beneficial effect on Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Both in Georgia and in Europ- ean Russia, the breaking up of the old landlords’ estates often resulted in loss of efficiency and a fall in production. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘Dirç~iness with Success’ Chaotic as was the situation in Georgia, that prevailing in European Russia, especially in the black earth lands of the Ukraine, was far worse. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While the unbalanced and degenerate NKVD chiefs Yezhov and Yagoda were torturing and killing millions of high officials, army officers, intellectuals and ordinary citizens throughout Russia, Beria in the Caucasus eliminated every individual whose adherence to the Party Line could be called in question, or whose survival might conceivably challenge the myth of Stalin’s infallibility. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As in Russia itself, the holocaust in Georgia was carried to diabolical lengths. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The importance which Stalin attached to the activities of the Georgian émigrés was displayed in 1938, when the Soviet embassy in Paris brought effectual pressure to bear on a pusillanimous French government to ban a celebra- tion of the 75oth anniversary of the Georgian national poet Shota Rustaveli, which was to have been held at the Sorbonne. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Vigorous and ruthless when neces- sary, Orjonikidze had a reputation for decency and tried to thwart Beria’s wholesale executions in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In metropolitan Russia, Stalin’s fantastic delusions manifested themselves in such sinis- ter incidents as the 1949 Leningrad affair, involving the shooting out of hand of the State Planning Chairman Voznes- ensky, and the bogus ‘Doctors’ Plot’, in which leading Russian physicians narrowly escaped extermination at the hands of the secret police. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He took over a Russia backward and divided, and pitchforked it forcibly into the twentieth century. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
New scientific institutes have arisen such as the Institute of Applied Chemistry and Electrochemistry, the Research Institute of Automation of Production Processes, and a big electronic data-processing centre. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Since 1953, one of the main publishing houses has been issuing the works of Shakespeare in Georgian translation, several plays in renderings by Prince Ivane Mach- abeli (1854—98), the rest translated by Givi Gachechiladze and other modern scholars. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is doubtful, however, whether such a development would be either feasible or beneficial, even assuming that Mr. Khrushchev suddenly encouraged Georgia to take advantage of the ‘break away’ clause in the 1936 Constitution. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But when one contrasts the dynamic economic and industrial system of Georgia with the chronic instability of some modern countries of the Middle East, or with the deplorable stagnation and effeteness of others, there is no denying the positive side of Russia’s work in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
3’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
/ 46. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
NOTES 1832—55 z8o CHAPTER V: SOCIAL CHANGE AND NATIONAL AWAKENING: Sir Bernard Pares, A History of Russia, revised edition, London 1947, p. 396.52. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A. I. Denikin, Ocherki russkoy smuty (Sketches of Russia in Turmoil), VoL V,103. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
CHAPTER XI: GEORGIA AND COMMUNIST RUSSIA: 1920-24 io6. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia: The Official Report of the British Trade: Union Delegation to Russia and Caucasia, Nov. and Dec., 1924, London 1925, pp. 230—3 i. N. A. Berdzenishvili, edit., A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Walter Kolarz’s thorough survey, Russia and her Colonies (2nd edition, London: George Philip, 1952) is written from a highly critical viewpoint. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Amongworks written from a standpoint definitely favourable to the Soviet Union, one may cite Russia: The Oj7Icial Report of the British Trades Union Delega- tion to Russia and Caucasia, Nov. and Dec., 1924 (London: TUG, 1925), as well as a good, up to date little booklet on Georgia written by the present Prime Minister of the Georgian SSR, Mr. Givi Javakhishvili, and published for sixpence in the series The Fifteen Soviet Socialist Republics Todqy and Tomorrow (London: Soviet Booklets, 1960). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgian Minister, 200, 209 Alexander I, King of Georgia, 3’ Alexander, King of Kakheti, sends envoys to Moscow, 32 Alexander I, Tsar of Russia, 40—5, 48, 53, 55, 57, 59, 77 Alexander II, Tsar of Russia, 82, 94—5, 99, 103, 106—7, 112—16, 120 Alexander III, Tsar of Russia, 112, 115—16 Alexander Batonishvili, Bagratid prince, son of King Erekie [I, 40, 54—5, 6o, 67—8 Alexandra, Russian empress, i Alexis (Aleksei Mikhaiovich), Tsar of Russia, 34 INDEX Alikhanov-Avarsky, Russian general, 152, 162, 167—8, ‘75 Allen, W. E. D., cited, 35 Alpani, 9 Alphabet, Georgian, zo Alsace-Lorraine, 128 Ambrosius, Archi,nandrite, afterwards Georgian Catholicos-Patriarch, i77, 241 America, 267 Amilakhori, Prince, assassinated, 159 Ananuri, 49 Anapa, 61—2 Anarchists, 119—20, 172—3, 182 Anatolia, 32, 61—2, 104, 185—6, 196, 20! A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Andreev, Russian Communist, 262 Andronik, Armenian partisan com- mander, 202 Andronikashvili, General Alexander, executed by Communists, 241 Ankara, 184, 230, 233—4 Antioch, 13 Antoni II, Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia, deposed by Russia, ~6 Apkhaidze, Shalva, Georgian poet, i88 Arabia, Arabs, 12, 14, 19, 26, 28, 178 Aragvi, river, Ii, 23 Aragvispireli, Shio, Georgian writer, 187 Araxes, river, 55, 6, Architecture, 21 Ardahan, 6, 61—2, 104, 184, 202, 208, 234 Ardaziani, Lavrenti, Georgian novelist, 87—88 Ardebil, 6o Argentine Republic, 220 Argonauts, 2, 23 Argutinsky.Dolgorukov, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian Finance Minister, “7 Byron, Byronism, in Russian and Georgian literature, 63, 88 Byzantium, 21, 27—8, 30, 113 ‘Cadets’ (Constitutional Democrats), 159—6o, 170—i, 174 Cambon, Jules, 22! A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian gen- eral, 91 Armazi, 21, 23, 25 Armenia, Armenians, 2, 4, 5, 14, 21, 26, z8, 36, 48, ~8, 6o, 62, 79, 87, 96, 104, ii8, 131, 138, 141, 144, 155, 161—4, 204—07, 225, 229, 233—4, 238, 252, 256, 258 Arsacid dynasty, 25 Arsena of Marabda, Georgian popular hero, 22 Arsenidze, R., Georgian Minister of Justice, 209 Artag, Georgian ruler, 19 Artanuji, 6, 28 Artvin, 6, 185, 234 Ashilta, 72 Ashot the Great, Bagratid ruler of Georgia, 28—9 287 x8i, 185—6, 193, 196—202, 210—Il, 214—17, 219, 221, Asia Minor, 2, ~, i8, 25, 62 Aslanduz, battle of, 55 Asparukh, 25 Assyria, Assyrians, 3 Astrakhan, 32, 35—6 Atchara (Ajaria), Atcharans (Ajar), 4—7, Athens, 26 Athos, Mount, 13 Austerlitz, battle of, 57 Australia, 223 Austria, ,o8, ,8,, 201 Avalishvili, Zurab, Georgian jurist and negotiator, 205, 208, 215, 220 Avaria, Avars, 4, 71—2, 84 Avchala cast-iron factory, 253 Azerbaijan, Azerbaijanis, 4, 5, 3~, 49, 138, 162—3, 193, 199, 204—6, 215, 2 17—22, 225, 233—4, 238, 252, 258 Azov, Sea of, i Babylonians, 3, 26 Baghdad, 28, 184, 186 Bagrat III, King of Georgia, 28 Bagratid dynasty, 28—69 Bagration, General Prince Peter, 20 Bagration-Mukhra~~, General Prince Ivane, 93 Bakradze, Valerian, Georgian Prime Minister, 26!, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
91—2 Belgium, 182, 220 Beinsky, V. G., Russian critic, 63, 99, ‘I’ Bell, British traveller and adventurer, 73 Beria, L. P., Soviet Secret Police chief, 20, 252—64 Beritashvili, Professor Ivane, Georgian physiologist, 271 Berlin, 208, 215, 220, 259, 267; Congress of, 104 Berzhe, A. P., 45 Bessarabia, 82, 218 Bible, translated into Georgian, 20 Bicherakov, Colonel Lazar, 215 Black-Hundred gangs, 144, 155, i6i, 178 104, i8~, 203, 236, 253, 256—7 215—16, 222, 225, 229, 231, 219, 22 1—3, 226, 230—I, 235—6, INDEX Black Sea, 1,2, ~, 6, 25, 29, 32, 47, 52, 55, 57—8, 6,, 71, 73—5, 79, 82—3, 92, 97—8, 288 105, 125, 130, 139, 155, 183—5, 206—8, 218, 222, 224, 230, 233—5, 252—3, 256 Blood money, 30—I Bloody Sunday, 148—9 Bobruisk, 8o Bodbe, 12 Bolsheviks, 14, 136, 147—8, 154, 156, i6o—i, 164—5, 174, 176—7, 182, 194ff. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Borchalo, 6, 36, 6o, 216, 249 Bori,25 Borodino, battle of, 57 Borzhomi, 271 Bosphorus, 3 Brest-Utovsk, Peace of, 198, 202—4 Britain, British, see England British Museum, 128 Brosset, M. -F., A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
People again were starving, for this was the third successive year of drought. A History of Modern Yemen
Most important was the arrival through 1959, from America and Russia, of wheat as famine aid:68 there was no longer reason for mass starvation — perhaps for the first time in Yemen’s history. A History of Modern Yemen
Talks with royalists went on at higher level, not least in Beirut, while Algeria provided funds and Russia sent weapons: a dash to Moscow in search of guns and another to Beirut for talks were both made in December by the Foreign Minister, Hasan Makkl, who argued consistently, “better years of talks than a day of fighting”. A History of Modern Yemen
In a world of cheap wheat from Russia and America to cover the worst years, something might have been done. A History of Modern Yemen
A three-year plan, which events overtook, covered 197 1—4, and then a five-year plan treated the period through i978. A History of Modern Yemen
Despite the South’s alliance with Russia, both Yemens lived in the shadow of the Saudi state. A History of Modern Yemen
themselves through the army, as did Hamdl before them, not through connections of a broader kind. A History of Modern Yemen
The family is originally from Barat, in the far northeast, but he himself grew up near Ibb, joined the Bacth Party as a young man and studied economics in Russia. A History of Modern Yemen
The border zone of Damt and Qadiabah, for instance, was deeply Sin- gular. A History of Modern Yemen
These offices were repeatedly closed in the 198os and the smaller tradersjailed and beaten, but people with the right connections smuggled dollars and riyals in huge amounts. A History of Modern Yemen
To some, Aden’s state still seemed, at least potentially, a model of equality and order, but increasingly one heard of fawda or “chaos” of a kind the South had attributed to Northerners: soldiers simply not turning up if they did not feel like it, payments being made outside official channels, deals being done that made sense at local level but not in terms of socialism. A History of Modern Yemen
Russia had never “controlled” the South. A History of Modern Yemen
People paid nominal allegiance to the Ottoman Caliph and for some reason were fascinated by Russia (ibid. A History of Modern Yemen
state (i7th—igth centuries), 4, 15, 20, 204 and dynastic rule, 4—5, 43, 44, 68 theology, 141, 173—4 qat, 16—17, 23, 73, 8o, ‘47, 165, i68, 179, 197 as social occasion, 17, 131, 163, 202 economic importance, 139, 165, 167, 207 extent of, 131 see also agriculture Qa’tabah, 6, 34, 62, 76, 96, 119, 152 al-Qayfah (tribe), 90, 117, i8o Qu’ayli Sultanate, 21, 33, 59, 109, III, 113, 120 Ingrams’ peace, 36—7, 41, 59, 6o nationalist politics, 59—60, 77, 8~, 111—12 see also Hadramawt Qubatl, Yasin (Muslim Brother), 187, 246 n.58 al-Quhall, Mujahid (shaykh), ‘35 Quhra (tribe), i6, 28 Qur’an, Holy, 1, 43, 53, 98, 126, 141, 162, 173, 207 Qu~aybTs (tribe), 28, 38, 55, ~ 62, 75, 97 Rada’, 8, 55, 122, 242 fl.9 A History of Modern Yemen
Reserve System, and withdrawal from the United Nations. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Like Lenin before him observing the destabilization of czarist Russia at the hands of the SR, Brezhnev could benefit from the destabilization of the capitalist societies under pressure of the terrorist weapon, while being able to keep his hands relatively clean. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
There is no one-step solution available in which the democracies take forceful action against the sources of terror and then proceed to forget about the problem. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Since the Madrid Peace Conference convened by the United States and Russia after the war, the Western countries have seldom, if ever, demanded that Syria clearly cease its sponsorship of terror or that it dismantle the headquarters of the dozen terrorist movements based in Damascus, lest such “upsetting” efforts drive the Syr- ian dictator, Hafez Assad, away from the Western orbit. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
It will take some time for the rest of the world to understand what many in Israel now know: that far from producing the durable peace all Israelis yearn for, the continued expansion of an armed, independent Palestinian domain is merely a stepping-stone to the eventual escalation of conflict and the continued march of Islamic militancy in the Middle East and beyond. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
While such action under UN supervision has been taken against Iraq in the wake of the Gulf War, little or no action was taken until recently against the Iranian nuclear program. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The supplying countries must be told bluntly that they must choose between trade with terrorist states and trade with the United States. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
In addition, it maintains complete control of Palestinian natural resources, arrogating to itself the right to dispose of private and public property as it sees fit, and facilitat- ing the settlement of Jews migrating from Russia, eastern Europe, and other places. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
President Clinton was on official visits to Tokyo and Russia and dispatched both his Secretary of State Warren Christopher and Dennis Ross.Warren Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Russia’s Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov was said to have had a rancorous meeting with Israel’s Prime Minister at which he said: ‘If you sought to convene the Sharm el-Sheikh conference today, the heads of state would not come.’ Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Of the few colleagues in Georgian studies in the West, the most important sources of advice were David Barrett of the Wardrop Collection in the Bodleian Library, L. Hamilton (“Tony”) A work of this sort, spanning the history of a people from the “primeval Aside from a handful of Soviet works and collections of documents, Preface xv Prefacexvi Rhinelander, and David Marshall Lang. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Part III, “Revolutionary and Soviet Georgia,” parallels Part II. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although there was some trade between Kartli-Iberia and neighboring countries, the major transit route of Roman times “ran from Southern Russia along the eastern shore of the Black Sea through Colchis and Artaxata- Arta~at to Media and thence to the East.”63 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only with Bagrat’s death in 1478 was Konstantin 11(111) (1478—1505) able to drive out Bagrat’s son, Aleksandre II, and become king of a reduced Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He captured fortresses in Kartli, established his garrisons there, and took Tbilisi again in 1548. The Making of the Georgian Nation
About this time a mythical account of the reign of Queen Tamar, The Tale of Queen Dinara, spread throughout Russia, and interest in the Christian kingdoms isolated in the Muslim world increased at the court of Ivan IV (“the Terri- ble”). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Aleksandre hoped that Russia would aid Kakheti in its conflicts with Persia and with the powerful ruler of the Kumykhs in Daghestan, the shevkal (shamkhal) of Tarku. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The king de- clared his fealty to the tsar: “Everything belongs to God and to my great Sovereign, the Tsar and Great Prince Fedor Ivanovich of all Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russia pledged to fight the shevkal, and Russian troops were sent against the Kumykh chieftain in a brief campaign (1592). The Making of the Georgian Nation
But the local nobles, inspired by Queen Ketevan, widow of Konstantin’s older brother, David, revolted against the patricide, who was killed in the fighting. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The request was repeated in 1624, but Russia, recovering from its Time of Troubles, was not prepared to intervene in the Caucasian maelstrom. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The vali of Kartli, Vakhtang V (Shahnavaz I; 165 8—1676), tried to find a throne for his energetic son, Archil, first in Imereti (1661) and later in Kakheti (1664—1675), but ultimately the restless prince was driven into exile in Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The greatest posts of the empire are today in their hands.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
To maintain his faith, Vakhtang sent his learned uncle and tutor, Sulkhan-Saba Or- beliani, to France to plead with Louis XIV to put pressure on the Iranians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Vakhtang refused to come to the aid of the Iranians, preferring to await the arrival of the Russians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the vacuum left by Iran’s troubles and Russia’s withdrawal, Taimuraz II and his son set out to rebuild Georgia and create a multinational Caucasian state. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Within a year the Armenian meliks (warrior-nobles) of Karabagh and the khan of Ganja came under Georgian protection.42 The Making of the Georgian Nation
As for long-distance trade, the road to Russia through Astrakhan became more important, and the ties to Iran weakened. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Commercial, political, and intellectual ties between Russia and Georgia grew stronger during the reign of Erekle II. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When war broke out between Turkey and Russia in 1768, Catherine the Great (1762—1796) resolved to employ the Georgians to tie up Turkish troops in the Caucasus while the major campaigns were fought in the Balkans and Crimea. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After receiving reports about her commander, Catherine replaced him, but Russian aid remained too meager to allow the Georgians to win a decisive victory over the Turks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The only gain for the Georgians was the renunciation by the Sublime Porte of tributes of boys and girls.49 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1784 the Georgian Military Highway through the Daryal Pass was opened, and a Russian fortress, Vladikavkaz, was built at its northern end. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russia ceased to back Erekle’s Mukhranian rivals to the throne, and tsarist troops arrived in Tbilisi. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On Russia’s seemingly capricious policy, Lang writes, “By withdrawing her troops in 1787, failing to send them in time against Agha Mohammed in 1795, and again evacuat- ing Georgia in 1797, Russia had undeniably forfeited any juridical right to demand Georgia’s continued adherence to the Treaty of Georgievsk.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Or, as a Russian statesman evaluated the effect of Russia’s role in Georgia, “The simple protectorate which Russia granted Georgia in 1783 had dragged this unfortunate land into an abyss of misfortune which led to its complete exhaustion.”5° The Making of the Georgian Nation
After some hesitation, Paul’s son, Tsar Alexander I (1801—1825), de- cided that Russia’s interests and Georgia’s future could best be guaranteed by outright incorporation into the empire, and in 1801 the young emperor declared that the kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti had been abolished. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By uni- laterally removing the Bagratids from the throne, Alexander ended any pretense of Georgian acquiescence in Russia’s actions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
tion. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus eastern Armenia, as well as the greater part of historic Georgia, was brought under Romanov rule, and Russian troops stood between the Christians of the Caucasus and the Mus- urns to the south. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The highest official appointed by the king to govern the towns and countryside, the mouravi, was almost always a noble from the upper ranks and often held the position as a hereditary privilege. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In early nineteenth-century Russia the nobility had a legal monopoly on the possession of peasant serfs, but in Georgia the clergy, merchants, and even peasant serfs could own serfs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian nobles were even permitted to enroll their children in the Russian cadet corps. The Making of the Georgian Nation
17 Russian military government, characterized by arbitrariness and dishon- esty, was the reality that lay behind the facade of Russia’s civilizing mission in the Caucasus. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In light of the dismal present the past took on the features of a golden age, and it remained only for the noble leaders to articulate the discontents of their estate and lead it to attempt to separate from Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The allure of revolutionary societies, felt through much of Metternich’s Europe, had in Russia canonized the exploits of the Decembrists. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In July 1828 the Russian authorities authorized publication of the first Russian newspaper in the Caucasus, Tiflisskie vedomosti (Tiflis Bulletin), hoping to generate enthusiasm for Russia’s military efforts against Turkey. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Alex- ander Pushkin, who visited Tiflis in 1829, wrote to his friend Sukhorukov that the newspaper was “the only one of them in Russia which has an original color and where one can find articles of real and European inter- est.”21 The Making of the Georgian Nation
After dealing harshly with those involved in the plot, the Caucasian administration groped its way toward piecemeal concessions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The noble monopoly on serfholding was completed in Georgia in 1852 with the transfer of clerical serfs to the state. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The law also forbade the selling of peasants without land to infidels; it had nothing to say about such sales to Christians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
discontent among the Georgian peasantry, no major changes in state policy toward the serfs were made in the last decade of the reign of Nicholas I. Throughout Russia educated men and women were becoming concerned about the inhumanity and apparent inefficiency of Russian Rule and Georgian Society 85 86 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE serfdom; even the tsar seemed convinced that emancipation was necessary. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Georgia, as in Russia and Western Europe, towns could be distinguished from villages by their size, density of population, and by the fact that in a town, unlike a village, the majority lived from nonagricultural production. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As in Russia, Georgia’s towns were not self-governing communes, except in exceptional cases and for brief times.69 The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘With the coming of the Russians, the Armenians lost their ancient protector, the Georgian monarch, but gained greater physical security behind Russian troops. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As Russia itself began to initiate some industrial development, Russian officials visualized Transcaucasia as a supplier of raw materials rather than an area to be developed economically. The Making of the Georgian Nation
While he did not share Kankrin’s “regionalist” approach, the newly appointed Caucasian governor, General Paskevich, did agree with the basic economic plans for the exploita- tion of Transcaucasia: “Should not one look on Georgia as a colony which would deliver raw materials (silk, cotton cloth, etc.) The Making of the Georgian Nation
As an enlightened imperialist, the viceroy saw Russia’s role in Caucasia as not simply an exploiter of local resources but the de- veloper and civilizer of “backward Asiatic” peoples. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Armenian merchants were pleased, but by this time Trebizond had been well established as a trade rival to Yiflis, and the Iranian trade was securely in the hands of Europeans. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“Your activities,” he told the Russian merchants, “beneficial at first to local consumers because they destroyed the monopoly of Armenian merchants, merely continue the harm you have done them without bringing any benefits to the local producers, industrialists, or craftsmen.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the economic cocoon of the Georgian kingdom, the enserfed mokalake was being reborn as a free mer- chant ready to compete with his commercial rivals in Russia and Europe. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This was no mean achievement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian Rule and Georgian Society 95 5 Emancipation and the End of Seigneurial Georgia “I am convinced that sooner or later we must come to this, I think that you agree with me, consequently, it is better that this come from above than from below.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
This monumental undertaking required, in Alexander’s view, the participation of the noble estate, for it was noble rights and privileges long protected by the state that were now to be compromised. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As in Russia, the government at first moved with extreme caution, appealing to the nobles themselves to make initiatives toward liberating their serfs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
We cannot forget that each of our shots in Mingrelia against a native—in a coastal country filled with newcomers from Turkey—will have echoes in Constantinople, in Europe and in London at some kind of meeting listening to a drunk orator straining his voice against the inhumanity of Russia.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Displaying a cohesiveness and self- awareness as they faced the most serious challenge to their sources of income~ they were acting in defiance of the reform already promulgated in Russia proper. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The committee was fully aware of the difficulties the loss of land would impose on the nobility—indeed, greater difficulties in Georgia than in Rus- sia, for “the general level of education and economic life of the local land- lords lags behind the level of education and economic life of landlords in Russia.”29 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Poor peasants whose nadel was smaller than the size of the basic allotment did not have their plots reduced in such transactions, but there was no provision for a minimum allotment size, as there was in Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Dues were levied for the household plots and the rest of the land allotment, the orchards, the arabie fields, and the meadows. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Still tied to the land, the peasant paid the same dues as he had under serfdom, until he reached an agreement (ustavnaia gramota) with his lord that set the terms under which he would receive his allotment. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once such an agreement was reached, the peasant advanced to the status of “temporarily obligated” (vremennoobiazannyi). The Making of the Georgian Nation
The landlord retained full ownership of his estate, except for the peasant’s household plot, but ceded the peasant’s allotment in exchange for rent. The Making of the Georgian Nation
If the entire process operated as planned, within half a century the former serf would become a free peasant landholder. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1879 about 14 percent of formet landlord serfs were still “temporarily obligated” in Russia; a decade later 70 percent of their Georgian counterparts were still in that category. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After the reform their actual Emancipation 107 108 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE average allotment was 3.9 The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘46 Emancipation led to a new system of self-government. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Other local appointees included errand boys (gzirebi), field guards (mevelebi), and irrigation-ditch watchmen (meruebi). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kipiani replied in a speech in the viceroy’s palace that the tsar’s generosity had eliminated the gentry’s greatest fear, that of material impoverishment, and he assured the viceroy that the Georgian nobility was prepared to carry out the peasant reform.52 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thanks to their propen- sity to consume lavishly, the aristocrats of Georgia increased their material dependence on the Russian state. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In many ways the emancipation settlement had been very generous to the Georgian nobles, and their fellow nobles in Russia might look on them with envy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Also, it should be noted that there was no reform of the status of state peasants corresponding to that undertaken in Russia in 1866, and they remained on state land, paying dues to the treasury. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Competition from more efficient producers abroad and an international grain price depression in the last decades of the century made it all but impossible for Georgian producers to meet their costs.2 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tiflis was the portal through which raw silk and silk goods passed from Iran and eastern Transcaucasia to Russia and Europe. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Russia’s history the years after the Crimean War were distinguished by the zealous implementation of liberal reforms, beginning with the peasant emancipation of 1861 and culminating in new institutions of provincial and municipal administration and justice. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This was the widest franchise ever enjoyed by urban dwellers in tsarist Russia and extended even to peasants who met the property or tax qualifications. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The tsenz or property qualification that gave a man the right to vote established a new principle for political participation, one quite familiar to bourgeois Europe but new to tsarist Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Emergence of Political Society 121 122 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE By the last third of the century Russian administration and the develop- ing market economy were having profound effects on Georgian national formation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the dispersed, insecure pieces of seigneurial Georgia with its various princely houses and distinct economies, one national political and economic unit was being formed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
18 As railroads, telegraphs, and improved roads made access to the cities and the outside world easier, increased contact with the towns, where people of different nationality lived, forged a growing sense of the distinctions between Georgians and other peoples. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Like other colonial relationships, Georgia’s subordination to Russia was a mixture of benefits and burdens, and the attitude of many Georgians toward Russian rule was unavoidably ambivalent. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time they became the leading literary lights in the romantic movement in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From this newly expanding educated group, with its close contact with Russia proper, a rival tendency emerged within the intelligentsia, soon to distinguish themselves as the “sons.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Together the two groups made up what later would be referred to as the pirveli dasi, or “first generation,” of the Georgian intelligentsia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the beginning of the reign of Alexander II Russian intellectuals were engaged in an intense public discussion of the backwardness of Russian society, so graphically revealed by the empire’s defeat in the Crimean War. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The debate over emancipation and the literary-political polemics in the pages of the radical journal Souremennik (Contemporary) stimulated efforts at self- education by the students in Russia’s universities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Arrested and expelled from the university, they were ordered to leave the city and return to Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From Chavchavadze’s journal I first learned of the existence of Belinskii, Dobroliubov, Proudhon, and Bastiat. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Russia and in Georgia most intellectuals rejected an unqualified defense of capitalism as it was then developing in the West, preferring some means of ameliorating the struggle between capital and labor through state regulation or “association.”34 The Making of the Georgian Nation
His influence was paramount; as one contemporary put it, the statement “Isai wants it” had a “magic effect” on the others in the group. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Men like I. S. Jabadari (Dzhabadari) and Shio Davitashvili saw no contradiction between theit Emergence of Political Society 135 136 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE commitment to Russian populism and the cause of Georgian liberation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the patriots complained that Georgia’s few educated people should all work for the motherland, Davitashvili answered: “Georgia is closely tied to Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Jabadari was even more abrupt in his dismissal of a separate Georgian movement: We entered the arena of political activity not as Georgians but as members of the whole Russian revolutionary family. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet the ceaseless arguments among the Russian populists, divided into Lavrovist and Bakuninist camps, fatigued Jabadari, who found them fruit- less. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although it is undeni- able that the influence of market economies was increasingly being felt in even the most remote parts of Georgia, in no sense had emancipation transformed Georgia into a capitalist economy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In some areas, like Borchalo, one-third of the wheat crop was marketed, a figure (somewhat exceptional to be sure) which exceeded the amount of gross grain output (26 percent) marketed in Russia.2 The Making of the Georgian Nation
As suggestive as this is for Russia proper, it is even more accurate for the Georgian countryside in the late nineteenth century. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Besides population pressure and land hunger, the Georgian peasants were faced by a growing tax burden in the last third of the nineteenth century. The Making of the Georgian Nation
If the payment to his landlord was one-quarter of his harvest, he was left only 45 to 60 poods instead of the former 135 to 150, hardly enough to feed himself, his family, and his livestock.15 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Penetrat- ing the market while at the same time preserving seigneurial relations was not unique to Georgia, but there the traditional forms were preserved to a far greater degree and for a longer time than in Russia proper. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet already by the first decades after emancipation, the landless khizani, the former house serfs of the nobility, and others of the least fortunate liberated serfs found their precarious place on the fringes of urban society. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Like the propaganda circles in Russia proper, these intellectual-led groups provided the workers with a broad new perspective on the world, introducing them to everything from Russian language and history to astronomy and biology. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The effects of this defeat on worker morale are difficult to judge, but the very scale of the strike changed the nature of labor activity and official response. The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘With the phenomenally rapid success of social democracy in the Russian empire, the delegation making its way first to Brussels and then to London for the Second Party Congress probably shared Plekhanov’s enthusiastic greeting: “It is a joy to live in such a time.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
From January 1905, Georgian social democracy became an almost ex- clusively Menshevik movement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The waves of activity in Georgia approximated those in the urban centers of Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The lefi End of Tsarist Georgia 169 170 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE demanded freedom for political activity, local self-government, and the end of the military threat. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On December 10, a strike committee of all the revolutionary parties was formed in Tiflis, and a general strike was declared. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Immediately the new governor’s troops moved into the province, burning rebel villages, executing insurgents, and imposing an armed peace. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The period 1906—1917 was unique in Russia’s history. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He rejected the notion, still quite popular among Russian officials, that the Armenians were a dedicatedly separatist and revolutionary people, a nationality in its essence subversive to the Russian imperial idea. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“Of course, revolutionary parties exist among Armenians, as they do in Russia proper, but to speak of the revolutionary nature of the Armenian people is as strange as to suspect the Russian people of an absence of allegiance to its monarch.”13 The Making of the Georgian Nation
For the Bolsheviks the new duma was suspect, and for a time Lenin argued that social democrats should boycott the elections. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1908 Zhordania wrote a series of articles in azri (Thought) and dasatsqisi (Begin- ning)on the need to abandon revolutionary actions and operate legally in the duma, trade unions, cooperatives, and elsewhere. The Making of the Georgian Nation
There are no large factories or plants in Tiflis; small workshops and enterprises operate, but the work here is hard, and there are no propagandists anywhere. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Among Georgian social democrats there was little support for Russia’s war effort. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Aware of the risks of going it alone, the social democratic leadership refrained from declaring Georgia independent in the first year of revolution and sought the best solution to its political dilemmas within the new revolutionary Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Already on the eve of the war, as Leopold H. Haimson has shown, the most militant socialists, the Bolsheviks, were making deep inroads among the urban workers in &trograd and other large cities.3 The Making of the Georgian Nation
End of Tsarist Georgia 181 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA PART THREE 9 Revolution and Republic “Mtavrobadze has died,” the telegram read. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The government (mtavroba in Georgian) had fallen. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The long- awaited revolution had come.’ The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although in the spring of 1917 the alienation of many workers from the rest of society seemed to have abated temporarily and a spirit of cooperation between the government and the lower classes emerged, already by early summer the signs of a rapid radicalization of workers and soldiers were apparent to acute observers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The soldiers opposed any movement toward separation from Russia, and the social democratic leaders of the soviet assured the garrison that “extraordinary measures” would be taken against the nationalists. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Provisional Government’s inability to maintain credibility without the active participation of prominent members of the Petrograd soviet forced the Mensheviks and the SRs to agree reluctantly at the end of April to a coalition government. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But the Mensheviks in Tiflis vigorously opposed socialists sitting in the same government with members of the propertied classes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But their view that the coalition government must be continued was no longer shared by signifi- cant political forces, including members of the major liberal party, the Constitutional Democrats (Kadets), who had already concluded that com- promise with the soviet would lead the country into anarchy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Inhibitions to discussing the national question and moving toward separation from Russia were removed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Since both the Georgian Mensheviks and the Tiflis Dashnaks considered the Bolshevik government in central Russia illegitimate and irresponsible and since no local organ of authority existed for Transcaucasia, a debate on the regional government began. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In response to the real separation from Russia and the advancing threat from Turkey, whether one was a worker or an industrialist became less relevant than one’s relationship to the Muslim danger and the loss of Russian protection. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On April 22, 1918, the Seim, pressured by the Turkish military to separate Transcaucasia from Russia, voted to declare independence.16 The Making of the Georgian Nation
From Batumi they delivered ultimatums to the government of Transcaucasia demanding territory and extraterritorial rights. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But population increase and growing cultural awareness had not given the Georgians political or economic power in their own country until the revolution of 1917 provided the Georgians with the first important political institution (the soviet) they had controlled since the 1870s. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The shift to the Germans had its roots in a long and growing intellectual affection for Germany as a center of European culture. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgians now had the full panoply of political power and the possibility of building a new sovereign state. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The last vestiges of the seigneurial system had been removed, but, unlike Bolshevik Russia, Menshevik Georgia did not take all the land away from the nobility. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgia’s isolation from Russia, Azerbaijan, and the West in the years of independence had a devastating effect on its industrial economy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When workers began to question the wisdom of Georgia’s separa- tion from Russia and Bolsheviks argued that the shortages of goods were a direct result of that break, the minister of labor, Giorgi Eradze, was able to convince a mass meeting that independence had in fact saved Georgia from the ravages of the Russian civil war and the forced requisitioning of foodstuffs from the peasantry that the Bolsheviks had imposed on Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian social democratic leaders frequently contrasted their moderate and democratic system of government and economy with the more cen- tralized and dictatorial system in Soviet Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The major representative body of workers, the Tiflis soviet, had given up its prerogatives to the government and the Georgian constituent assembly and was rarely called into session except to sanction positions taken by the government. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgia had no serious quarrels with Azerbaijan, but both faced a menacing presence on their northern frontiers—the Volunteer Army of Gen- eral Anton Denikin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By this time, however, the White armies were being driven back by the Red Army, and no real struggle with Georgia was undertaken. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As long as Russia was a defeated nation split by civil war and Turkey a vanquished empire with its coastal cities in the victors’ hands, the peoples of Transcaucasia were able to contemplate a future free from their former overlords. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The British hoped to unify the anti-Bolshevik forces in Caucasia and Russia, but they were frustrated by a series of ethnic, territorial, and political disputes that ultimately reduced their policy in the Russian civil war to ruin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Soviet forces stood on the northern and eastern frontiers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But conflicts over the national question and ties to Russia fractured the alliance. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This option, they believed, would save Georgia from the Turks, protect it against Bolshevik Russia, and provide a vital economic and politi- cal link with a major European power. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The more internationalist aspects of their socialism disap- peared as the Mensheviks identified most immediately with the national cause of independence and sovereignty. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This Revolution and Republic 207 208 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA profound ideological shift toward nationalism divided them from the Rus- sian and Armenian social democrats, from the independent republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and from the Bolsheviks both in Georgia and to the north. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Two fundamental weaknesses in the strategy of independence were that Bolshevik Russia ultimately would not accept separation of the Caucasian republics and that no Western power was willing to give more than financial aid. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A new government had been installed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But finally the brief experiment with independence—possible only because of the power vacuum left when neither Bolshevik Russia nor Turkey was able to impose its traditional authority over the region—collapsed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When a large sack of flour was discovered in his basement, he was led away, never to be seen again. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In his famous letter to the Communists of Caucasia (April 14, 1921), Lenin analyzed the differences between Russia and the Caucasus. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Caucasus was now free from that danger and could depend on support from Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Moreover, “the Caucasian republics are countries even more peasant than Russia.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet Russia was cut off economically from the leading capitalist nations; Caucasia could coexist and trade with the West much more easily. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It was also a debate about the way social transformation would occur in Georgia and the other national republics: whether change would come gradually and with due consideration for national peculiarities and sensitivities, or more rapidly with less regard for local priorities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But Stalin and Orjonikidze’s concern for unity and their fear of local nationalism was accompanied by an insensitivity to Caucasian hostility to impositions by central Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A promi- nent former Menshevik, A. S. Martynov, arrived from Russia to participate in a series of local conferences of former Mensheviks, culminating in a congress in August 1923, convened for the purpose of disbanding the party. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The tevolts were remote from one another, cut off from the major towns. The Making of the Georgian Nation
which to a significant degree undermined the strength and power of the rural bourgeoisie in Russia.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Given the different notions of how socialism was to be built in peasant Russia, the central party leadership did not have a completely consistent policy toward the villages in the years 1924—1926, though the lack of party influence among the peasants remained a constant theme. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Tiflis the party aktiv (the most active members) considered accumulation through loans. The Making of the Georgian Nation
No easy assessment of the “Stalin revolution (or counterrevolution) can be made, and its very scope defies simple categorization by the historian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasantry in Transcaucasia was on the whole quite poor in comparison with the peasants of Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
There were other advantages unique to the poor peasantry. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In- creasingly the party located the cause of the crisis, not in its own failures, but with the antistate activity of the kulaks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the ZSFSR only 2.3 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Poorer peasants were to be incited against the better-off, and the lands and inventories of the kulaks seized for the collective farms. The Making of the Georgian Nation
76.5% The Making of the Georgian Nation
In place of the mundane empirical reconstruction of the history of the Stalinism in Georgia 269 270 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA Stalinist years in Russia (and Transcaucasia), political scientists, journalists, and historians have resorted to social scientific models to “explain” or rationalize the Soviet system. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The relative stability of that empire was in part due to the fact that the non-Russian nationalities, for all the burdens and pains they had undergone, had also benefited considerably from the forced association with the Russians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
None of these features of traditional colonialism can be discerned in an impartial analysis of Soviet policy in the republics. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Just as in tsarist Russia or Safavid Iran, Georgians were changed by their imperial experience without having been able to determine their own fate. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As part of the Soviet Union Georgians were “modernized” in a particular way and, like most peasant populations in the world, not by choice. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus, from the beginning the advantages brought by Rus- sian administration to Georgia diluted the recurring nationalist efforts to resist the new foreign authority. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By 1991 his contradictory policies ended in chaos and collapse, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and a long period of social turmoil and political drift. The Making of the Georgian Nation
These fears reinforced the deep alienation from the Communist regime, which was widely perceived as an agent of Russia, alien to Georgian national interests, and unable to act effectively as protector of the nation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Even as the war with Abkhaz nationalists dragged on, threatening a wider war with Russia, Shevardnadze pushed for negotiation.43 The Making of the Georgian Nation
With defeat and dismember- ment of the country looming, Shevardnadze was forced to invite in Russian troops and agree to have Georgia enter the Commonwealth of Independent States, now increasingly dominated by Yeltsin’s Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Unresolved ethnic conflicts south of the Cau- casian mountains inevitably bled into Russia proper, and the security of Russian military assets, as well as concerns about Turkish and Iranian de- signs on Transcaucasia, encouraged the Russia government to push for a renewed Russian presence in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From their side, the Transcaucasian republics had little choice but to gravitate back toward Russia, caught as they were between their own debilitating eco- nomic and ethnic problems and need for assistance. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On February 3, 1994, Georgia and Russia signed a military cooperation treaty that allowed Rus- sia to keep three military bases in Georgia past 1995 and promised Russian training and supplies for a renewed Georgian army.45 The Making of the Georgian Nation
It may be little comfort to nationalists to point out Georgia’s interconnections with Armenia, Byzantium, Iran, Russia, and Turkey, but small nations seldom enjoy the luxury of insularity and independence. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Artel (pl. The Making of the Georgian Nation
-i) (Russian)—association for common work; more specifically, in the Soviet period, a form of agricultural collective in which most equipment and livestock was collectively held while peasants maintained their own household plots. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Azat (Armenian)—”free”; Armenian minor noble, usually a vassal of a nakharar or prince; equivalent to the Georgian aznauri. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Columbia University, 1972), p. 44; Muriel Atkin, Russia and Iran, 1780—1828 (Minneapolis: University of Min- nesota Press, 1980), pp. 60—65. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A Russian official visiting King Erekle made tables and chairs and ordered from Russia all the table- European style. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Hats and umbrellas have re- cently been ordered and imported from Russia (Tsagareli, Gramoty i drugie, p. 190). The Making of the Georgian Nation
548, 12 September 1801. The Making of the Georgian Nation
14. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rhinelander, “Incorporation of the Caucasus,” pp. 116-17; on Tsitsianov in Caucasia, see Atkin, Russia and Iran, pp. 70—87; and Pantskhava, Ocherki (1969), p. 17. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The laborers in these “factories” were most often freemen rather than serf laborers, commonly used in Russia (ibid., The Making of the Georgian Nation
The most respected Soviet account is that of P. A. Zaionchkovskii, Otmena krepostnogo prava v Rossii, 3d ed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Bariatinskii conceded on this point, though it contradicted his instructions from St. Petersburg and the model adopted in Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
10. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This is considerably lower than comparable figures for European Russia, where two-thirds of landlord serfs were mortgaged on the eve of the emancipation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A ktseva was slightly less than an acre or 4,083 square meters. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Many more peasants in both liflis and Kutaisi provinces tried to redeem their land without governmental help. The Making of the Georgian Nation
45. The Making of the Georgian Nation
(Tbilisi, 1973), vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
desiatinas of land prior to the reform, a figure that declined to 2.7 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Chkhetiia, Dokumenty, pp. xxx—xxxi, ccviii. The Making of the Georgian Nation
hero of Goncharov’s novel, Oblomov, as an example of a “superfluous man” incap- able of taking action as required by Russia’s situation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Mochalov, Krest’ianskoe khoziaistvo, pp. 103—4; Orest Emin, Velikala god-10. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ibid., pp. 46—47, 80; Gugushvili, Karl Marks, p. 38. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Opposed to the antinationalist stance of the social democrats, the Socialist Federalists called for autonomy for every nation- ality in Russia and a federal link among them. The Making of the Georgian Nation
I, see Leopold H. Haimson, “The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 190S— 1917,” Slavic Review 23, no. 4 (December 1964): 619—42; 24, no. 1 (March 1965): 1—22. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On this strike, see G. A. Arutiunov, Rabochee dvizhenie v Zakavkaz’e v period For a view of the growing social crisis in urban Russia on the eve of World War Khatissian, “Memoirs,” vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928—1931 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978), and Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921—1 934 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, i979); and Kendall E. Bailes, Technology and Society Under Lenin and Stalin: Origins of the Soviet Technical Intelligentsia, 1917—1941 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978). The Making of the Georgian Nation
R. W. Davies, The Industrialization of Soviet Russia, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The figure for Georgian households collec- Davies, Industrialization of Soviet Russia, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Davies, Industrialization of Soviet Russia, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
His last assignment was as party chief in Magnitogorsk, where American worker John Scott met him (Behind the Urals: An American Worker in Russia’s City of Steel [Cambridge, Mass., The Making of the Georgian Nation
Friends and Foes of Change: Reformism and Conservatism in the Soviet Union,” in Stephen E Cohen, Alexander Rabinowitch, and Robert Sharlèt, eds., The Soviet Union Since Stalin (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), pp. 11—31; and George W. Breslauer, “Reformism, Conservatism, and Leadership Authority at the 26th Party Congress,” in Seweryn Bialer and Thane Gustafson, eds., Russia at the Crossroads: 65—86. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“Rumors Are Rife That Rebel Leader in the Caucasus Killed Himself,” New Celestine Bohien, “Russia and Georgia Sign Military Cooperation Treaty,” Notes for pages 326 to 331 401 Bibliographical Note A full bibliography of sources and interpretations of Georgia’s history is nearly as difficult to compose as a complete account of its three-thousand-year evolution. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Za dva goda. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Baku Commune, 1917—1918: Class and Nationality in the Russian ed., The Making of the Georgian Nation
Transcaucasia, Nationalism and Social Change: Essays in the History of Vospominaniia gruzinskogo sotsial-demokrata. The Making of the Georgian Nation
of zi Oliver Wardrop (1864—1948) as Commissioner to Trans- 22 Metekhi fortress jail, Tbilisi (Photo; J. Allan Cash) 23 Arrest of Akaki Tseretei in 1907 after writing a lampoon (Photo: Soviet W’eekly) (Photo: Soviet IVeek/y) Soviet Weekiy) Soviet lVeekly) W7eekb’) ASSR (Photo: Soviet Weekiy) Gallery, Tbilisi) Catherine the Great of Russia (Portrait in the State Gallery, Tbilis) nobility in the late i9th century (Photo by courte~y of Mrs IV. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W/~C.,. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Adyghe peoples—Circassians and Kabardians—live in north-west Caucasia; the Kabardian ASSR and the Cherkess and Adyghe Autonomous Districts are affiliated to the Russian Federative SSR. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To the south-west Georgia has a common frontier with Turkey. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian provinces of the south-west, notably Meskheti or Samtskhe, land of the Meskhians, and Tao-Klarjeti, the latter now within Turkey, played a vital part in the evolution of Georgia’s national language and civilization. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Whatever one may think of the impact of Russian ways upon the Caucasian peoples generally, there is no doubt that recent improvements in Svaneti have been highly beneficial. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Since the Russian revolution, the Georgian Church has undeçgone eclipse, although the Patriarchate continues to exist. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
After the Russian annexation in i 8oi, the city became the centre of the vice- royalty of the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Public buildings in the Russian style sprang up, together with an extensive European quarter intersected by wide streets and boulevards. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Sundry privileges granted by Georgian kings of olden times were confirmed and extended by the Russian viceroys. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the seven- teenth century, Georgia came under the artistic sway of Safavi Iran, as is shown by many beautiful miniatures executed in that period. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The knights in turn had suzerainty over their peasants, whom they would lead into battle when the summons came. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
After Kazan and Astrakhan had fallen to Ivan the Terrible in 1552 and i~~6 respectively, the Tsar sent King Levan of Kakheti a Cossack bodyguard and took him under Russian protection. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Peaceful penetration was intense. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Dadian or reigning prince of Mingreia and the King of Imereti, both within the Turkish zone of influence, were taken under nominal Russian suzer- ainty. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Seeing Persia in chaos, the Turks invaded from the west in 1723, occupying Thilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Driven from his capital, Vakhtang soon lost all hope of effective Russian support: ‘While Peter plans to succour Paul, Paul is being skinned.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The empress and her lover were aware of the important role which the Christian Georgians might be made to play in furthering Russian designs to partition Persia and the Ottoman Empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgians on their side entertained high hopes of Russian military and economic aid. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These provided among other things for the stationing in Georgia of two battalions of Russian infantry with four cannon, and the eventual re- covery by force of arms of Georgia’s ancient territories now in the hands of the Ottoman Turks. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The treaty was to remain in force permanently, and any modification was to be made only by the voluntary consent of both parties. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The destruction of his capital city was a death blow to Erelde’s dream of establishing, with Russian protection, a strong and united Georgian kingdom, into which Imereti and the lost provinces under Turkish rule would all eventually be drawn. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The king thus lived in constant fear of being deposed or even murdered by his half-brothers, or of seeing yet another Persian army invading his kingdom. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, in November , 8oo, the emperor wrote to the Russian general in command on the Caucasian front: ‘The weakening of the king’s health gives ground for expecting his decease; you are therefore imme- diately to despatch, as soon as this occurs, a proclamation in Our name that until Our consent is received no action should be taken even to nominate an heir to the Georgian throne.”9 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The following month, Paul signed a manifesto declaring the kingdom of Kartlo-Kakheti annexed to the Russian crown. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The commandant of Russian troops in Tbilisi set up a tem- porary administration, but on i~ January i 8oi, Giorgi’s eldest son, Prince David, declared himself Regent of Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This violent discord within the Bagratid house was adroitly utilized by some of Tsar Alexander’s less scrupulous intimates, who focused his attention on the rich mineral resources of Georgia, on the country’s vital military position as a springboard for invasion of the Middle East, and strongly urged him not to miss this unique opportunity of joining the land to the Russian empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A manifesto couched in grandiose terms was drawn up, announcing Eastern Georgia’s annexa- tion, and repudiating any suggestion of self-interest on the Russian side. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Taken under Russian suzerainty in 1804, Solomon later revolted and was deposed and captured by armed force in ,8,o. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian occupation turned the eyes of the Georgians away from Muslim Asia and gave them a window on to Europe, with all the opportunities which that implied, while the population of their country, surrounded by a ring of Russian bayonets, increased eight-fold in a century and a half. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
RISE AND FALL OF THE GEORGIAN KINGS 4’ The liquidation of the old order — Prince Tsitsianov — Death of a general — Subjugation of W’estern Georgia — King Solomon II ana Napoleon Bonaparte — The revolt of 1812 — Suppression of the Georgian Church — Economic progress and literarj contacts — The The liquidation of the old order WHEN TSAR ALEXANDER I published his manifesto of i 2 September i 8oi, declaring the East Georgian kingdom of Kartlo-Kakheti irrevocably joined to the Russian empire, he also made public the outline of a new system of administration for the country. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The land was now divided into five districts or ue~d~ on the Russian model, three in Kartli and two in Kakheti, with administrative centres at Tbffisi, Gori, Dusheti, Telavi and Sighnaghi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Authority on the spot was vested in a council of Russian and Georgian officials headed by the commander in chief’s deputy, who received the title of pravitel or administrator of Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Each branch was to be headed by a Russian official set over four Georgian committee members. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Corres- ponding local administrations were to be set up in the country GEORGIA UNDER THE TSARS: CHAPTER III RESISTANCE, REVOLT, PACIFICATION: conspiracj of 1832 42 18o1—32 districts under Russian kapitan-ispravniki or district officers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For civil litigation, the code of King Vakhtang VT remained in force, while criminal cases were to be judged according to Russian law. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The late King Giorgi’s second son, bane, who had come to St. Petersburg, tried to organize a nation-wide petition to be submitted to the emperor, urging him at least to maintain the royal title in the Bagratid line in accordance with the treaty of 1783 and subsequent Russian pledges. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
bane’s correspond- ence was seized by the Russian authorities, and his efforts frustrated. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian envoys who had been sent to St. Petersburg by King Giorgi to negotiate an extension of Russian suzerainty over Georgia protested vigorously at the fashion in which the Russians had devoured their country, without any pretence of negotiation, and without even notifying the Georgian delegation of what was afoot. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The effect was somewhat marred by the presence of armed Russian guards around the audience hall, making it clear that any attempt to avoid due compliance would provoke reprisals. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The new Russian administration was set up in Tbilisi in May 1802. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The administrator of Georgia was a certain Kovalensky, who had served as Russian envoy at the Georgian court during the reign of the late King Giorgi XII. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They were not reassured to see him back among them, invested with all the authority of the Russian state. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During these first two years of Russian rule, the internal situation in Eastern Georgia left much to be desired. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian authority was confined to only a small part of Transcaucasia, namely the area centred on Tbilisi, measuring about one hundred and ninety miles long by one hundred and forty miles wide. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Marauding parties of Lezghis on their agile steeds roamed the countryside, defying the less mobile Russian garrisons. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian authorities interpreted this natural aspiration as insurrection, and made a number of arrests. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Seeing scant improvement in the state of the country, the Georgians lost faith in the Russian govern- ment and its local representatives. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He was busy enriching himself by disreputable speculations in the bazaar, and allot- ting key positions in the government to his relatives and A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 44 friends. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Rumours of Kovalensky’s nefarious activities soon reached St. Petersburg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To impart an air of ceremony to the proceed- ings, it was decided that Major-General Lazarev, commander of Russian troops in Tbilisi, should proceed in full uniform to the queen’s residence, with a military band and two com- panies of infantry, and prevail upon her to take her departure forthwith. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These loyal manifestations were repulsed by the Russian soldiery. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When one of the children cried out that he was thirsty, a bystander brought up a jug of water, which the Russian escort hurled to the ground. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Now, in 1803, his country was taken under direct Russian suzerainty. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From his headquarters in Tbilisi, he turned his attention westwards to Imereti. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This success enhanced Russian prestige to such an extent that for the time being, to use the historian Dubrovin’s metaphor, the rulers of neighbouring k.banates took on a demeanour of lamb-like meekness.23 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the reign of King Erekle II, the rulers of both Ganja and the chief city of Armenia, Erivan, had been vassals of the Georgian crown. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This was the first of several spontaneous mass revolts against Russian rule. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The immediate reason for the outbreak was the severity of the Russian commandants in the Daryal Pass and Ananuri sectors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The onset of autumn and the arrival of Russian rein- forcements strengthened Tsitsianov’s hand. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
nobility. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Tsitsianov was well aware of the urgency of improving trade and communications, with a view to feeding the Russian garrisons off the land and clothing them from local resources, increasing the customs and excise revenues, and generally/ making the country self-supporting. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For some years to come, however, the occupation of Georgia entailed a substantial drain on the central Russian treasury. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1804, a mint was opened in Tbilisi, at which a distinctive Georgian silver and copper coinage was struck until 1834, when the standard Russian coinage was given exclusive currency in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He recommended that the transition from the old oral system of administering justice to the bureaucratic formalism characteristic of Russian official A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 50 procedure should be brought about by gradual stages. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, Tsitsianov set his face firmly against any concession to Georg- ian national sentiment. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Loyalty to the Russian Tsar and his own personal ambition overrode any regard which he might have had for Georgia’s glorious past and for her ancient dynasty, the Bagratids. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The successes won by Tsitsianov and the rapid expansion of Russian influence throughout Transcaucasia were a source of extreme concern to the Ottoman Porte and to the Shah of Persia, as well as to the East India Company and the British Foreign Office. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The decade which followed Tsitsianov’s death was less spectacular than these first few years, in which Russian power had spread so rapidly through Transcaucasia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On the Persian front, Derbent and Baku were at last annexed in i 8o6, though a second attack on Erivan in i 8o8 ended in another costly failure. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Western Georgia, the Russians kept up their pressure on the Turks, from whom they took the Black Sea port of Poti in 1809, Sukhum-Kaleh on the coast of Abkhazia in i8io, and the strategic town of Akhalkalaki (‘New Town’) in south-western Georgia in 1811. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
King Solomon II and Napoleon Bonaparte The remaining independent princes of Western Georgia hastened to accept Russian suzerainty. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 52 Encircled by Russian troops, the king strenuously resisted all demands for submission, in spite of the fact that he had earlier, under pressure, sworn fealty to the Tsar. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1810, the Russians despatched an ultimatum to Solomon, demanding that he hand over the heir to his throne and other Imeretian notables as hostages, and reside permanently under Russian surveillance in his capital at Kutaisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Hounded by Russian troops and by Georgian princes hostile to him, he sought refuge in the hills, but was soon captured and escorted to Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A few weeks later, Solomon staged a dramatic escape from Russian custody, and took refuge with the Turkish pasha at the frontier city of Akhaltsikhe. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Inspired by this daring feat, the people of Imereti rose against the Russian invaders. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ten fierce engage- ments were fought between the Russian forces and the guer- illas of Imereti. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A Russian administration was set up in Kutaisi, the country placed under martial law. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ten years of Russian occupation had greatly changed the attitude of a people who, a decade before, had welcomed the Russians as deliverers from the infidel Persians and Turks. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Called upon to furnish transport, fodder and supplies to the Russian Army at artificially low rates, and regarded by their new masters as mere serfs, the Georgian peasantry looked back wistfully to the bad old days. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When they heard of the Russian setback, the peasants of Kakheti broke into revolt. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In their yearning for independence, the Georgians were encouraged by the dauntless personality of Prince Alexander Bagration, son of their great king Erekle II. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘It was impossible to look on this intrepid prince, however wild and obdurate, without interest; without that sort of pity and admiration, with which a man might view the royal lion hunted from his hereditary wastes, yet still returning to hover near, and roar in proud loneliness his ceaseless threatenings to the human strangers who had disturbed his reign.’27 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
We wish rather that they would extermin- ate us. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Even the Russian author- ities in Tbilisi felt themselves menaced. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But Russian reinforcements were hurried to the scene. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A few days later, the daring Russian commander, Kotlyarevsky, crossed the River Araxes and defeated the main Persian Army at Aslanduz, leaving io,ooo of the enemy dead upon the field of battle. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With that same scant regard for treaty rights which it had shown even earlier, the Russian government now sent the Catholicos- Patriarch Antoni II into enforced retirement at St. Petersburg, replacing him by a representative of the Russian Church, the Metropolitan Varlaam, who was given the title of Exarch of ~‘ Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Himself a Georgian of noble birth, Varlaam failed to show himself sufficiently obedient to the will of his Russian masters. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He was soon replaced by a Russian cleric, Theophilact Rusanov, a man quite alien to Georgian ways. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In spite of the Russian bayonets which he had at his disposal, Theophilact encountered strong opposition throughout Geor- gia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Archbishop Dositheus of Kutaisi, stabbed and mal- treated by Russian Cossacks, died soon afterwards. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Spontan- eous uprisings followed these Russian outrages. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
By this route, manufactured goods from Russian cities and Western Europe could be trans- ported via Tbilisi to Baku on the Caspian, or into Persia overland via Tabriz. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ermolov’s administration resulted in improved public security within Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Military and post roads were built, benefiting trade and communications. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
By Western commercial standards, Georgia could not furnish a worth- while cargo of goods for export at any one time, while acts of piracy by the Circassians and Abkhazians on Black Sea shipping made sea trade hazardous.3° A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
European goods soon began to reach Persia via Trebizond and Erzurum in Turkey, without passing through Russian territory at all. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The reason for this was that the Grand Duke Constantine, who was governing Poland, had in 1822 formally renounced the succession to the Russian throne in favour of his younger brother Nicholas, though this had been kept a closely guarded state secret. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Clandestine revolutionary societies had for some years been active among the younger, liberal-minded officers of the Russian army. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Caucasia had become a base from which Russian political and military power could be directed westward across Anatolia towards the Mediterranean, southward across Persia towards the Indian Ocean, and eastward across the Caspian into the heart of Central Asia.33 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The campaign opened in May i8z8, with the surrender of the Turkish garrison in Anapa to a combined expedition of the Russian fleet and troops from the Caucasian Line. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The general proposed first to conquer Erzurum and overrun the Armenian highlands; next, to launch a combined operation against Trebizond, with the support of the Russian Navy; and thirdly, to advance into the heart of Anatolla by way of Sivas. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On ix February, the Russian mission to Tehran, headed by the playwright Griboedov, was hacked to pieces by a frenzied mob of fanatical Persians. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The first Georgian newspaper, Sakartvelos ga~eti or The Georgian Gazette, was published between 1819 and 1822. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Associated with this venture was the Georgian publicist Solomon Dodashvili, otherwise known as Dodaev-Magarsky (i 805—36), who had attended the University of St. Petersburg and was now a teacher at the government school in Tbillsi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Also prominent in the intellect- ual life of Georgia was Prince Alexander Chavchavaclze (1787—1846), father-in-law of the Russian dramatist Griboedov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Chavchavadze’s house in Tbilisi was a meeting place for the cream of Georgian and Russian society. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The prevailing cult of Byronism in Russia encouraged a mood of romantic enthusiasm for the snow-capped peaks of the Caucasus, and their valiant, picturesque denizens. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But neither the Russian romantic cult of the Caucasus, nor the hospitable welcome extended by Tbilisi society to Russian officers and poets, could efface the deep-seated antagonism which the experience of a generation of Russian rule had implanted in the Georgian nation. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
One eyewitness, Colonel Rottiers, a Belgian in the Russian service, went so far as to recommend that Russian officials be removed altogether from service in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Throughout Europe, the ideals typified by the Holy Alliance and the policies of Metterich and the Russian auto- crats were being called in question by thinking men. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Even the higher aristocracy were discontented, especially as the Russian administration had curtailed the landlords’ feudal jurisdiction over their peasants and ousted them from participation in local government, as well as questioning the titles of nobility of some of the leading princely families. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
than the most flourishing Russian province could have sustained.’35 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A striking portrayal of the results of a generation of Russian rule over Georgia is contained in the report submitted by two Russian senators, Counts Kutaysov and Mechnikov, who carried out an official inspection of Georgia in 1829—30. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
According to these two senators, Russian officials were volunteering to serve in Georgia simply in order to benefit by the advancement in rank automatically granted as an incentive to undertake a tour of duty in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The general muddle was further aggravated by the right which the Russian commanders-in- chief at Tbilisi had arrogated to themselves of acting as supreme judges of appeal, and sometimes forcing local tribunals to give verdicts against the canons of Russian law, in which nobody therefore had any faith. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The lot of the farmers was rendered intolerable by the behaviour of Russian quartermasters. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was natural, given these conditions, that the Georgians should have yearned for the removal of Russian dominance and the return of the house of Bagration. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Many of the Georgian nobles had, after all, friends or relatives by marriage among the Russian residents. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These waverers refrained, however, from disclosing their knowledge to the Russian authorities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The ball at which the Russian officers were to be assassinated was scheduled for 20 November i 832, the day of the meeting A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 68 of Georgian princes and nobles at Tbilisi for the election of deputies to the Provincial Assembly of the Nobility. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian aristocracy came more and more to identify their own interests with those of the Russian autocratic régime. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
GEORGIA UNDER ~HE TSAR5: 1801—32 69 j VICEROY VORONTSOV: 1832-55 The Murids of Daghestan — Russian reverses — Georgian feudalism and Russian serfdom — Deus ex machina — Attempts at reform — Formation of the Caucasian Vicerqyaltji — Industrial progress — Decline of the old aristocracj/ — Literature and the theatre — The The Murids of Da,ghestan IT WAS a misfortune for Georgia that the Russian government, in view of the Polish uprising of 1830, had found it necessary in the following year to recall Prince Paskevich-Erivansky from the Caucasus and send him to take charge of operations in Poland. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘In his attention to the civil administration he was indefatigable, and he put a stop to the abuses which had so long disgraced and ruined Russian affairs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His loss was deeply felt in Georgia, which he was rapidly getting into order, and he had nearly succeeded in bringing the tribes of the Caucasus into pacific relations with the Russian Government by employing a portion of their troops and not interfering with their internal government—the only system of policy, as I often heard from his own lips, that he thought likely to succeed.’37 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian annexation of Transcaucasia in the early decades of the nineteenth century helped to excite the militant religious faith of the motley clans of Daghestan. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In their Holy War against the Russian invaders, these tribes became involved in a politico-religious movement with puritanical features which, under the name of Muridism, united for a time the majority of the inhabitants of Daghestan and neighbouring Chechnya. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He set Avaria alight, invaded the north- eastern Caucasus by way of Tarku, and laid siege to the Russian stronghold of Vnezapnaya in Chechnya. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He soon afterwards defeated a Russian army under General Emanuel. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As Rosen reported to the Russian War Minister, 71 ‘I arrived here at a time of very great disturbances. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Qazi Mullah met his death in a Russian attack on the Murid stronghold of Gimri, and was succeeded as Imam by Hamzat Bek. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
At the same time, the native population not numbered among the Elect often grumbled at being ex- posed to Russian reprisals, while Shamil’s radicalism alarmed the conservative beks or tribal chiefs of Daghestan, some of whom were driven out of their estates by the Murids and forced to seek refuge with the Russians. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But while the Russian commander alleged that Shamil himself begged for a respite, in reality it was the Russians who were compelled to withdraw owing to the disorganization of the expeditionary corps, the enormous loss in personnel, and the want of ammunition. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Rosen’s period of command coincided also with a marked revival of anti-Russian activity among the Circassians, in the north-western Caucasus region. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Turks were well versed in the intricate politics of the mountain tribes and succeeded in interesting influential Englishmen in the struggle waged by the Circassians against the spread of Russian domination. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Arms and ammunition were smuggled in from Turkey under the noses of Russian gunboats, while the impetuous British diplomat David Urquhart helped to set up a Cherkess political centre in Istanbul. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian governor of Western Georgia, with some 12,000 troops, joined forces in 1835 with General Velyaminov, the commander in northern Caucasia, in an expedition to sub- due the Abkhazians and Circassians, an& prevent the Turks from landing arms and launching pirate raids on Russian ship- ping. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The effectiveness of the Russian Army in this sector was ‘I weakened by the presence within it of thousands of deported Poles who, abominably treated, were constantly on the verge 73 of mutiny. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He was handicapped, of course, by the withdrawal of the special tariff concession granted for Georgia by the Russian govern- ment in i 8zi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thus, instead of being the hub of a trade network con- necting Europe with Asia via the Black Sea and the Caspian, Tbilisi became for the time being a commercial backwater, and J the Caucasian market served mainly as an outlet for the inferior products of Russian manufacturers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgian feudalism and Russian serfdom As Georgia was a predominantly agricultural country, the peasant question, serfdom, and problems of land tenure were always to the fore. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Following the report of Senators Kutaysov and Mechnikov, and the enquiry arising from the abortive conspiracy of 1832, the Russian government tried hard to con- ciliate the landed proprietors, whom they regarded as the most reliable bulwark of the Russian autocratic system in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
An example of this occurred in 1834, when the Russian Senate decided that peasants from Western Georgia (Imereti and Mingrelia) who had run away from their masters and taken refuge in Eastern Georgia should, after due investi- gation, be handed back to their owners. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In this way, the Russian authorities endeared themselves to the landed gentry of Western Georgia, though at the expense of the wretched serfs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A French observer wrote in 1835 that ‘if slavery is a state contrary to nature, and in opposition to cTh 75 modern ideas, in Georgia at least it is fortunately mitigated by ~ the humane character of the masters, who in general treat their men with extreme mildness’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In sickness or want, it was considered shameful for any landowner not to provide for the dependents of his men. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The princes, however, refused to comply, alleging the undertaking given by Tsar Alexander I to respect and preserve Georgia’s traditional institutions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Up to that time, the Georgian peasant was called upon to take up arms only when his own village was menaced, and then solely when summoned to battle by his own prince. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian provincial governors and their subordinates were ‘vampires who sucked the blood of the peasants, and often that of the hard-pressed local princes’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They replied that the Russian officials had for- bidden them to approach him with petitions or complaints. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Seven years later, in 1840, Eastern Upper Svaneti (the so-called Free Svaneti) also became a Russian protectorate. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The criminal code of Mingrelia involved the A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 8o TSAR NICHOLAS AND VICEROY VORONTSOv: 1832—55 physical mutilation of offenders. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
All this was now abolished, and Mingrelian criminal cases were from then onwards dealt with by the Russian tribunal in Imereti at Kutaisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They now rose en masse, expelled the Russian officials, and were only subdued after a violent struggle against 3,000 Russian troops. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, almost every month brought news of some Russian detachment that had been cut to pieces by these intrepid horsemen. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A general insurrection flared up in 1840, and was not put down without heavy Russian casualties. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Vorontsov was appointed to be both commander-in-chief of the Russian armies on the Caucasian front, and Viceroy of the Tsar with overall administrative authority over the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His father, Count Simon Vorontsov, had been for many years Russian ambassador to England, and was noted for his ad- herence to British Tory principles and his attachment to the younger Pitt. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
After Napoleon’s defeat, Vorontsov commanded the Russian occupation force in France. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His appointment was well calculated to restore the faith of the Russian public in the prospects of bringing the Circassians and Shamil’s highianders to heel, as well as to instil much-needed confidence into the Georgians and other Caucasian peoples who had suffered under the rule of Voront- soy’s mediocre forerunners. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Imam lured the unwieldy Russian force into the ravines and forests of southern Chechnya. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, he had punctually carried out the orders of his august sover- eign, for which he was awarded the title of Prince of the Russian Empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Emboldened by this Russian fiasco, Shamil took the offensive 83D himself. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When Shamil and his followers had almost reached Naichik, the arrival ofa Russian force under the vigorous command of General Freitag forced him to retreat south-eastwards to his home base, though without much loss of life on the Murid side. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To what, it may be asked, did the Vorontsovs owe this devotion which they inspired among the Georgians, who had A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 8 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1848, that same Georgian aristocracy which had plotted together less than two decades previously to exterminate the Russian garrison and administration was sending a loyal address to the Tsar, protesting undying attachment to the Russian father- land. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He instilled some efficiency into the Russian bureau- cratic machine, and punished corruption. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He patronized schools, had a theatre built in Tbilisi, and vastly increased the output of journals, newspapers and books, both in Russian and in Georgian. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He encouraged the founding of the Tbilisi Public Library and the Caucasian branch of the Russian Geographical Society. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He persuaded the Russian Finance Ministry to restore the customs concessions facilitating transit trade through Georgia between Europe and the East. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A trading depot was established at Tbilisi in 1847 by a syndicate of Russian manufacturers, as well as warehouses and showrooms. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A branch of the Russian Agricultural Society was founded in Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In reality, the causes of their impoverishment lie far deeper, being bound up with the economic evolution of the Russian Empire, indeed of Europe as a whole. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1845, a Russian theatre with professional repertory company was opened in Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With the encouragement of Prince Vorontsov, a Georgian amateur dramatic society was formed, under the direction of the talented playwright Giorgi Eristavi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On z January 1850, in the great hall of the Tbilisi High School, the company made its debut in Eristavi’s comedy The Share-out (Gaqra), a play which gave a humorous satirical view of life among the Georgian squirearchy. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgia), and was elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The inadequacies of Russia’s military machine and backward economic and social system were now to be revealed in a con- flict with a rearmed Ottoman Empire supported, albeit in- efficiently, by a concert of Western powers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The first important engagement was in fact an attack on Kakheti by the Imam Shamil with io,ooo or more mountaineers in August i 8~ ~, but this was beaten off by a Russian force under Prince Argutinsky-Dolgorukov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They descended into the Alazani valley, but failed to capture any of the Russian posts guarding the Lezghian line. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The local princes and their predominantly Christian peasantry showed no inclination to rise in revolt against the Russians and join the Turks, from whom they had suffered much tyranny in earlier periods. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thanks largely to Prince Vorontsov, the closing years of the reign had, for Georgia at least, their brighter side. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The humiliations of the Crimean War had exposed the bank- ruptcy of the old order, while the growth of industry in Russia underlined the chronic shortage of free labour. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
En- lightened public opinion, both at home and abroad, clamoured for the abolition of a system which reduced the bulk of the population of a European state to a condition similar to that of the mediaeval villein, or even to that of negro slaves on the American plantations. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It will be recalled that the Dadian or ruling prince of Mingrelia had been placed under a Russian protectorate in 1803, but had retained a large measure of authority as a vassal of the emperor. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the Turkish invasion under Omar Pasha in i8~ ~ -~6, the Regent of Mm- grelia, Catherine Dadiani, showed attachment to the Russian 95 cause, and organized a militia to help drive out the intruders. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A peasant revolt broke out, led by a blacksmith named thu Mikava. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Most of Mingrelia was reduced to a state of turmoil. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Fate thus played into the hands of the Russian authorities, who sent in 1857 a commission to Min- grelia, and removed the Regent Catherine from office. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
At this interview, Constantine Dadeshkeiani suddenly drew his dagger and stabbed to death the Russian general and three of his staff. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In ii 8~ 8, the whole of Upper Svaneti was annexed to the Russian viceroyalty of the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It will be recalled that the Lord of Abkhazia, Safar Bey or Giorgi Sharvashidze, had been received under Russian protection as long ago as 1809, and confirmed in perpetual possession of his domains. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the intervening period, Abkhazia had been frequently involved in the Russian campaigns against the Circassians, with whom the Abkhaz, many of them Muslims, had cultural, ethnic and linguistic connexions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Turkish envoys who arrived at the Abkhazian capital, Sukhumi, found the ruling dynasty of the Sharvashidzes divided: the Christian princes adhered to the Russian interest, but bskander (Alexander), a Muslim, was prepared to help the Turks in return for permission to annex the neighbouring Mingrelian district of Samurzaqano. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Chechnya and Daghestan, the Russians were satisfied with the submission of the local popula- tion to Russian law. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But on the Black Sea coast, their plans involved the seizure of the wide and fertile Cherkess lands to provide for a part of the wave of Russian peasant migration which resulted from the emancipation of the serfs in i 86i. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Rather than remain under infidel rule, some 6oo,ooo Circassian Muslims emigrated to various regions of the Ottoman Empire, where their descendants may be found to this day. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The rise of the Georgian intelligentsia The Georgian peasant had vigorous champions among the younger generation of intellectuals, many of whom belonged to leading aristocratic families. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The writer shares Gogol’s disgust with the poshlost—the triviality and sordidness of life in the dim back- waters of the Tsarist Empire, and his description of the domain of Prince Luarsab Tatkaridze, a feudal lord of Kakheti, is one of the most picturesque pages of Georgian literature. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Chavchavadze pokes fun at all kinds of hallowed features of Georgian life. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Following the Russian annexation of the Black Sea port of Batumi after the war of 1877-78, a line between Batumi and Samtredia was opened in 1883, while Tbilisi was simultaneously connected by rail with the great Caspian oil town of Baku. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The whole of Russian Trans- caucasia was now spanned by rail from the Caspian to the Black Sea coast. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgians had accepted Christianity more than six centuries before the Russians, had been a bulwark of Christendom in the East for a millennium and a half, and had entered voluntarily under the Russian sceptre—only to be treated now as if they were barbarians. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thus, from i 871 the study of Georgian language and literature in State Schools was replaced by compulsory Latin and Greek. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Admittedly, Georg- ian could be studied as a voluntary extra, but it was deprived of its place on the official time-table. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
lila’s real aim, which under the Tsarist censorship could not be proclaimed in print, was to unite his fellow countrymen, regardless of social status, into a closely knit national com- munity capable one day of winning independence from the Russian overlord. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While forced to instruct their flock in the uncongenial idiom of Russian, the teachers drum- med into their pupils contempt for alien ways and pride in their native Georgian heritage. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The most remarkable of these teachers was lakob Goge-. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For Gogebashvili, there could be no revival of self-respect among his fellow-countrymen without a revival of interest in the Georgian language. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Throughout his life, Gogebash- viii spared no effort in remedying this situation. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The intensification of Russian reaction had unpleasant reper- cussions in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The government in St. Petersburg habitually sent to Georgia the dregs of the Russian civil service. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian magis- trates, according to this observer, were arrogant when sober and odious when drunk. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Wardrop himself once witnessed the reception accorded to a line, tall mountaineer who came humbly to present a petition to a puny, besotted Russian magistrate. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘All this has permeated our little literature, in so far as our burdensome situation permits. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The development of the Georgian romantic novel received powerful stimulus from the work of Alexander Qazbegi (1848—93). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Among his best-known novels are Elguja and Khevisberi Gocha. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The emancipation of the serfs dealt a massive blow to the decaying feudal order. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Conditions in the factories run by Russian and foreign entrepreneurs were bad. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Populists of the 1870’s had discovered to their cost how difficult it was for the town-bred intellectual to win the confidence of the mu~bik, whose main aim in life was to turn himself into a petty-bourgeois . A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Pronouncements such as these, far from intimidating the Russian public, merely exacerbated opinion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Liberals, moder- ate socialists and clandestine revolutionaries alike set to work with a will to undermine the Russian leviathan and topple it from its throne. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Georgia, of course, there had been many sporadic rebellions against Russian rule, as well as peasant insurrections against the landed proprietors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Prince Grigory Golitsyn, who was appointed governor-general in December i 896, was an individual of very different stamp: nicknamed ‘Gri-Gri’ in St. Petersburg society, he was a man of the narrowest upbringing and outlook, owing his appoint- ment to the personal patronage of a member of the imperial family. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Later he joined the Nechaev group, who planned a nation-wide plot against the government. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Tried with eighty-six others, Cherkesov was sentenced to forced labour in Siberia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Cherkesov favoured the anarchist creed because it promised greater freedom to small nations than did Marxist dictatorship and centralist rule. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1907, Cherkesov helped to organize a mass petition of the Georgian people against Tsarist oppression, which was presented, though with scant result, to the Inter- national Peace Conference at The Hague. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
An uncompromising critic of the doctrines of Marx and Engels, he is excluded today from the Russian revolutionary pantheon. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He died in London at an advanced age. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, many of the Narodnik ideas were subsequently revived by the Russian and Georgian Socialist-Revolutionary parties. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Among the leaders of the Mesame Dasi were Silibistro (Sylves- ter) Jibladze, an erstwhile pupil at the Thilisi Theological Seminary, expelled for assaulting the Russian rector of that institution; Nikolai (‘Karlo’) Chkheidze, who was to become the Menshevik President of the Petrograd Soviet in 1917; and Noe Zhordania, the future President of independent Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He recalls how, at the age of sixteen, he chanced on a Russian treatise on natural philosophy, which convinced him that ‘God is Nature herself; as for a white-bearded deity, seated upon a throne, such a personage simply does not exist’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The fiery utter- ances of that stormy petrel of Russian radicalism dispelled the A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 122 Georgian student’s last misgivings. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Atheism and republicanism commended themselves to me as twin doctrines of equal validity.’64 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
One stuck to the time-honoured agrarian programme; the other, led by G. V. Plekhanov, set out to graft on to the Russian revolutionary movement the ideas of Western industrial socialism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He became the teacher of Lenin and of a whole generation of Russian, as well as of Georgian revolu- tionaries. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘I now realized for the first time that Russian socialism was a thoroughly utopian and reactionary movement, and that if it should ever be put into operation anywhere, we should be plunged back into barbarism.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Again, the Poles’ deep-rooted antagonism to Russian ways, language and religious dogma, more intense than anything Zhordania had seen in Georgia, made him see that ‘in subjugated countries there must first of all take place a political revolution; democracy must be estab- lished first, and only afterwards, by the furtherance of economic progress and by extensive organizational work, can we pro- ceed towards social revolution’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From Warsaw, Zhordania kept up a clandestine correspond- ence with friends in Georgia, such as Sylvester Jibladze and the proletarian writer Egnate Ninoshvili(Ingoroqva), whom he also kept supplied with Russian subversive political literature. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Other Georgian student groups operated in the various Russian university centres. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
After what he had seen in Poland, he brought with him the conviction that the Georgians must make common cause with their Russian and Polish brethren and work towards revolution on an all- Russian scale. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
By herself, Georgia could never vanquish the Russian dragon. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His historical novel, The Revolt in Guria, brings to life the events of the Gurian peasant uprising in 1841 directed against the feudal magnates and the Russian occupying power. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He visited Switzerland, one of the main refuges for Russian revolutionaries, and met Plekhanov and the redoubtable Vera Zasulich in Geneva. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Like other visitors before and since, Zhordania found the structure of English society particularly baffling. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But of true peasants on the Russian or Georgian model, no sign was to be seen. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, Zhordania’s years in Western Europe had considerable significance for the future development of socialism in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Trade unions were proscribed, strikes forbidden and suppressed by the police and militia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, the largest landlord of all in Georgia was the Russian crown. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1900, after just a century of occupation, the Russian government had swallowed up more than half the landed estates in the country. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This was distributed as follows: These figures show that the Russian imperial government owned some 58 per cent, of the land, the landed proprietors 31 per cent.; A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
a substantial slice, as will be seen, belonged personally to individual members of the Russian imperial family. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Pauperization of A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA Russian government: Landowners: Peasants: Merchants and others: Russian imperial family: Church domains: 3,535,544 des. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Zhordania’s view, the idea of a Georgian national revival within the framework of Russian tsar- dom was absurd. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The salvation of Georgia lay, he believed, in solidarity between the Georgian and the Russian and inter- national working classes. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Under the promise of an amnesty, Zhordania had returned to Georgia from Western Europe in 1897. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Expelled with more than eighty othei students from the Thilisi Theological Seminary in 1894, Ketskhovei went to Kiev, where he made contact with clandestine groups of Russian socialists and became initiated into the underground revolutionary movement. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The following year was marked by strikes in a Tbilisi tobacco factory, at the horse tram depot, at the Adelkhanov shoe factory, at the Sharadze printing works, as well as in Batumi at the Rothschild oil refinery. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The first of May 1899, was celebrated by the first May Day demonstration to be held in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Friends, let us too join our Russian comrades! A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ketskhoveli also made Brd~ola into a local mouthpiece of the all-Russian Social- Democratic movement, adopting the programme of Lenin’s Iskra, with its emphasis on the creation of a united all-Russian party to co-ordinate political agitation and work for the dictator- ship of the proletariat. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ketskhoveli and his assistants printed A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 138 broadsheets addressed to the army, inciting the troops to mutiny—’which manifestoes,’ according to a gendarmerie re- port of the time, ‘were very widely circulated among the troops’.74 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Ketskhoveli soon afterwards handed over the Baku secret press to another Georgian revolutionary, T. T. Enukidze who passed it on in 1904 to his namesake, Abel Enukidze. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The work- ing day averaged fourteen hours, compulsory overtime bring- ing it at times up to sixteen hours. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The incident was widely reported in the Russian and foreign press. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the meantime, his comrade Lado Ketskhovei, who had been seized and confined in the Metekhi prison at Thilisi, was shot dead in his cell by the Tsarist police. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1902, matters came to a head with a direct challenge thrown down by the Gurian peasantry to the Russian author- ities and to their own landed proprietors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They boycotted unpopular squires as well as all organs and representatives of the Russian administration. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They sent troops to round up the ringleaders, who included the majority of the local village schoolmasters and a number of socialist agitators who had arrived from the towns. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Leaflets were distributed whole- sale, denouncing Tsarist militarism and calling on the workers to rally against the chauvinistic and ultra-patriotic Russian movement of the ‘Black Hundreds’, which the local authorities frequently incited to acts of violence against the minority communities of the empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘During the entire month of February,’ we read in a document of the time, ‘there was evidence of the growth of the revolutionary activity of the Social-Democratic organization, political meetings were held with increasing frequency, broadsheets with various titles in Russian, Georgian and Armenian have been scattered about not only in the streets, in factories, schools, and in the main work- shops of the Transcaucasian railways, but even in churchyards and A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA ‘44 inside the churches themselves. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the summer of 1904, bad news from the theatre of war seriously unsettled Russian public opinion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian fleet was blockaded in Port Arthur. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This banquet campaign was particularly well supported in Georgia, where natural con- viviality reinforced the universal patriotic urge to free Georgia from Russian absolutism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In July-August 1903, the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party had unexpectedly found itself divided into two antagonistic factions —the Mensheviks (literally—Men of the Minority), who aimed at the establishment of a constitutional republic as a step towards socialism, and the Bolsheviks, or Men of the Majority, who stood for the overthrow of the régime by revolutionary methods and the establishment of the dictatorship of the • proletariat by a dedicated elite of professional agitators and party men. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Georgia, the formal split of the Russian Social-Democratic movement into two camps served to underline temperamental and doctrinal differences which had been agitating the Mesame Dasi or Third Group for several years past, and had already given rise to enmity between the pioneer ‘legal Marxists’ like Zhordania and Chkheidze, and the militant underground headed by Ketskhoveli, Dsulukidze and Stalin. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the Far East, Port Arthur fell to the Japanese. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Many of the country squires and village priests, either to save their skins or from genuine sympathy with the rising against the Russian GEORGIA IN THE 1905 REVOLUTION IS’ overlord, lent support to the insurgents. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The peasant spokesmen for their part were efficiently coached by the local Social-Democratic committee, and put forward a series of demands which included the return to their homes of persons exiled to Siberia without trial; the withdrawal of troops recently sent to in- timidate the population; abolition of censorship and establish- ment of freedom of Press and publication; election of peasant deputies to a Constituent Assembly by free and secret ballot; abolition of the internal passport system, and granting of freedom of movement within the whole Russian Empire; freedom of assembly and association and the right of appeal from arbitrary acts by local officials; enlargement of peasant allotments at the expense of State and Church domains; the abolition of tithes; the regularization of share-cropping and tenantry agreements, with provision for reduction of taxes and dues in the event of bad harvests; provision of schooling for all children; and the reopening of local Georgian libraries and reading rooms, shut down three years previously by the former Governor-General. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He recommended immediate action to alleviate economic distress, combat the corrupt practices of Russian officialdom, and raise the moral and intellectual standards of the people by improved educational facilities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian Church Militant While the Socialists sought to regenerate Georgia through the application of Marxist principles and the intensification of the class struggle, the Georgian Church, after a century of en- forced quiescence, also sought to play an active part in the national movement. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Many officials joined with local Russian residents in supporting the ultra-patriotic, monarchist organization known as the Russian Patriotic League and run by the priests S. Gorodtsev and I. Vostorgov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This society was a branch of the notorious ‘Union of the Russian People’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Ultras also sought to stir up the fanatical Muslim Turks and Tatars of Transcaucasia against the Christ- ian Armenians, whom many Russian officials suspected of subversive leanings. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Two sets of printed proclamations of the “Tbilisi Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party” have appeared; one set urges an organized uprising as a result of the occurrence of 29 August; the other calls for the exposure of Mayor Vermyshev and the entire body of city coundillors to public ignominy and boycott, on the ground that the bloodshed on 29 August took place as a result of collusion between the Town Council and the Governor-General. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Now times are different. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian Bolsheviks, on the other hand, led by Stalin and his associates, declared that the workers should be content with nothing short of the overthrow of the Russian monarchy and the setting up of a popular Constituent Assembly. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Only on the bones of the oppressors can the people’s freedom be erected, only with the blood of the oppressors can the soil be fertilized for the autocracy of the people! A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Only when the armed people come out headed by the proletariat and raise the banner of general insurrection can the Tsarist government, which rests on bayonets, be overthrown.’82 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The workers, they believed, should renounce terrorism and lay down their arms. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He was constantly at odds with Russian military commanders like the ferocious General Alikhanov, whose troops were harried by Georgian guerillas and were panting to go into action. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As Vorontsov-Dashkov wrote of Staroselsky in a subsequent report: A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 162 ‘He exerted influence only in those cases when it suited the revolutionary organizations, and was so trusting that when the insurgent bands started forcibly removing weapons from members of government units who had been issued with them for their official duties, he failed to perceive that this was in open preparation for an armed uprising in the event of a victory of the proletariat in metropolitan Russia, on which the revolutionaries counted. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, the revolutionaries succeeded only in gaining control of the working-class quarters of Nadzaladevi and Didube, the greater part of Tbilisi remain- ing in the hands of the Russian authorities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Cossacks with armed volunteers of the Russian Patriotic League invaded the Nadzaladevi district and overwhelmed the insurgents there. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
They planned to make the most of the forthcoming convention of the Russian Duma, send to St. Petersburg their best orators, and proclaim Georgia’s cause from the housetops, to the confusion of their country’s oppressors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
At the Tammerfors conference of the Russian Social- Democratic Party held in 1905, the Master argued against the barren tactics of boycotting the Duma: he saw no reason why revolution should not be furthered from the parliamentary tribune. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In despair, Silva walked into Zhordania’s house nearby and threw himself down in a chair. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Gryaznov lay dead, and Arsena Jorjiashvili had been seized by the general’s escort. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In January ¶906, the Tbilisi Social-Democrats decided to eliminate the chief of the Caucas- ian army’s general staff, General Gryaznov, who had taken a leading part in bombarding the workers’ suburb. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The next day they stationed themselves at the same spot. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, the Russian Social-Democrats decided to boycott the Duma. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In spite of intimidation and obstruction by the Russian authori- ties, the Georgian Social-Democratic candidates were returned almost everywhere with massive majorities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On his arrival at the Russian capital, Ilia declared that he intended to be not a defender of sectional interests, but a champion of the Georgian national cause. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Before the Kropotkinite movement faded out, however, leading Georgian Marxists spent much energy in combating the Anarchist ideology, which they considered especially pernicious. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘89 Stoljpin and the Second Duma Meanwhile, preparations were going on for the convocation of the Second Duma. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Irakli Tsereteli proved himself an accomplished orator and parliamentary tactician, and was elected leader of the Duma’s Social-Democratic faction, Russian and Georgian deputies alike acknowledging his leadership. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While the Second Duma was in session, the Fifth Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Party took place in London in May 1907. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian delegates were mainly Bolsheviks, but the Georgian representatives, headed by Noe Zhordania (under the pseudonym Castro), were solidly Menshevik. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
90 In 1921, when the Russian comrades felt themselves secure, they were to prove less eager to tolerate the independent ideas of their little brothers in Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In other parts of the Empire where a non-Russian population was in the majority, similar measures were taken to secure the return of Cossacks or Russian colonists. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thus, in Feb- ruary 1907, the poet Akaki Tsereteli was arrested and conducted to the Metekhi Prison in Tbilisi for publishing a lampoon making fun of the governor, Rausch von Traubenberg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Huge crowds followed the cortege from Saguramo to Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The con- Commissar for Foreign Affairs, were arrested while trying to change the money. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A great uproar ensued among the various Social-Democratic factions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Trotsky, then a Menshevik, joined with other rivals of Lenin in accusing the Master of reducing socialism to the level of brigandage and highway robbery. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Matters reached a head in 1908, when the Russian Exarch of Georgia, Archbishop Nikon, was murdered on z8 May at his ON BORROWED TIME: 1906—17 ‘77 residence in Thilisi by unidentified assassins. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Nikon was said to sympathize with the cause of the Georgian Church, and his murderers were alleged to be hooligans from the Russian extremist Black-Hundred gangs who feared that Nikon would intercede for the Georgian Church with the authorities in St. Petersburg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On the other hand, the chauvinists of the Russian Patriotic League, led by the fanatical Fathers I. Vostorgov and S. Gorodtsev, accused Georgian clerics of being behind the crime, and great bitterness was engendered on all sides. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These events aroused world-wide comment among church- men of all denominations, who were virtually unanimous in championing the Georgians against their Russian persecutors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The British Bishop of Gibraltar intervened with the Russian Synod on behalf of the Georgian Church. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1910, Father Michael Tamarati (Tamarashvili), a Georgian Catholic priest, brought out in Rome a detailed and well documented history of the Georgian Church, written in French, in which he showed how this important branch of Christendom, which neither Arabs, Mongols, Turks nor Persians could exterminate, had finally been subjugated and crushed by Russian fellow-Christians of the Holy Orthodox Church. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian Embassy in Rome bought up and destroyed as many copies of this important and revealing work as it could. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The dissolution of the Second Duma in 1907 evoked a general mood of lassitude and gloom in Russian political circles. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The nobility elected Prince Sharvashidze, while the popular vote returned Nikolai (Karlo) Chkheidze (d. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Particularly unfortunate was the lot of a category of peasant known as khi~ani, originally free migrant peasants who settled on a lord’s estates for a period and entered into share-cropping and other contractual relationships with the local squire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This long overdue reform could not, however, solve the land hunger of the Georgian peasantry. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was difficult for any respon- sible government lightly to hand over well-run plantations, vineyards and arable land to an impoverished and backward peasantry whose methods of farming did not rise above bare subsistence level and provided no surplus for export or for the provisioning of urban centres. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Georgian mining centres, justifiable agitation for better working conditions was rife. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russia’s A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 8o Muslim subjects, exempt as they were from military service, remained passive, though many hoped for Russia’s defeat by the Central Powers. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As Christians, many shared the Armenians’ fear and loathing of the Turk and were happy to support the Russian war effort. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Others, including extremists both on the nationalist wing and among the revolutionary groups, hoped for a Russian defeat at the hands of Germany and Austria, to be followed eventually by a new order for the peoples of the Tsarist empire. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Zhordania told Mussolini that most of his colleagues prayed for a repetition of the military débâcle which had precipitated the Russian revolution of 1905, and doubted whether the Tsarist régime, undermined by revolu- tionary agitation among the masses, the opposition of liberals in the Duma and the corruption and effeteness of the Court, could stand up to the might of the Kaiser and the Austrian emperor. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Some Russian and Georgian socialists genuinely regarded Imperial Germany as more ‘progressive’ than France, pointing to the superior state of German industry, the excellent organization of the German Trade Union movement and the strength of the German Social- Democratic party, compared with all of which France appeared a stagnant preserve of backward bourgeoisie. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, other Georgian Bolsheviks carried on the struggle, fomenting mutinies among the Russian troops on the Caucasus front and strikes on the railways and in the factories. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The chairman of this committee was Petre Surguladze; other members included Prince Giorgi Machabeli, Mikhako Tseretei (who had given up Kropotkinite Anarchism in favour of extreme Georgian nationalism), Leo and Giorgi Kereseidze, and the Muslim Georgian Kartsivadze (otherwise known as Meliton or Osman Bey). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1915, a German Caucasus expedition was formed, A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA i8z incorporating a body of Georgian volunteers, some seven hundred strong, known as the Georgian Legion. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
His first objective was the Russian raithead at Sari-Kamish. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
While the main Russian force defending Sari- Kamish was engaged with the Turkish i ith Corps, the ioth Corps further to the north made to cut the railway between Sari-Kamish and Kars. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Turks on the defensive The Russian commander, Myshlaevsky, was in a panic and talked wildly of evacuating Transcaucasia altogether and withdrawing the Russian Army north of the Caucasus range. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the following year, the Caucasian front reverted to secondary importance in the global strategy of World War I. While the Turks’ attention was centred on the Dardanelles, they also built up their shattered Third Army facing the Russian border. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On the other side, fresh units were recruited to strengthen the Russian front line. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In July 1916 the Russians occupied Erzinjan—about the furthest point within the Turkish dominions in Anatolia ever captured by a Russian army. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On the southern flank, they hoped to link up with the British in Mesopotamia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Plans were worked out for a Russian thrust on Mosul to coincide with the anticipated British capture of Baghdad, which took place at length in March 1917. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA i86 To counter the revolutionary menace, the Russian Minister of the Interior sent to Thilisi a special emissary empowered to deport from Georgia any individual suspected of defeatism or subversive activities, with the sole exception of the viceroy himself. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In March 1917, the Russian secret police planned a wholesale round-up of Georgian political leaders of all shades, including the chief of the Georgian Social-Democrats, Noe Zhordania. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Even better known was David Kldiashvili (I 86z— 193 i), a writer whose forebears belonged to the squirearchy and who served as an officer in the Russian Army before his outspoken sympathy with the Georgian national cause led to his disgrace and dismissal. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In painting, a refreshing reaction against the historical realism of the Russian Repin school was launched almost single-handed by the inimitable primitive painter Pirosmani (Niko Pirosmanashvili, i86o— 1918). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Alongside the official Russian network of schools and seminaries, there grew up an unofficial system of independent, purely Georgian scholastic institutions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Despite the Russian govern- ment’s refusal to set up a university in the Caucasus, a number of local pedagogues banded together and organized an un- official People’s University of their own. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It would be unjust to belittle the support given by the Rus- sian government and by Russian learned societies to the study of Georgian and Caucasian antiquities. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In spite of the repressive features of the Stolypin era in Russian history, the Tsarist government could not annul all the concessions which had been wrung from it during the revolu- tion of 1905. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In Tbilisi and elsewhere, the police vanished from their posts and administrative offices closed down. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Plantations, forests and vineyards owned by members of the former Russian imperial family were confiscated and national- ized. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As soon as news of the March revolution reached Tbilisi, the Georgian bishops invaded the headquarters of the Russian exarchate and ejected the Russian chief bishop and his staff. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Belated steps were taken to introduce into Georgia the Russian Zemstvo or rural district council organization, which had played a leading part in local government affairs as well as in the liberal reform movement since its inception during the i 86o’s. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
lila Chav- chavadze and other leading figures in Georgian public life had for half a century petitioned successive Russian governors to introduce the Zemstvo pattern of local government into Georgia—a demand regularly rejected by St. Petersburg. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In fact, Trotsky and the Bolsheviks were some- what afraid of what they contemptuously termed the ‘Georgian Gironde’, and accused Chkheidze, Tsereteli and Zhordania of attempting to dominate and pervert the Russian revolution and foist upon it their own provincial interests and ideology. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thus, Zhordania was strongly critical of the ‘democratic cretinism’ which inspired the Kerensky govern- ment to postpone settlement of the many crying social and economic problems left over from Tsardom until these could be referred to a constituent assembly convened with every refinement of electoral procedure from all corners of the far- flung Russian state. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
There was indeed much to be said in favour of a ceasefire on the Caucasian front, where the Russian army had conquered vast areas of Turkish Anatolia and Armenia and was holding out deep in Turkish territory against the depleted and demoralized remains of the Ottoman Army. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In May i 917, the first congress of delegates of the Caucasian army met in Tbilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Mortally afraid of the Turks, the Armenians had been encouraged by the American President Wilson to believe that an Allied victory would be followed by the creation of an independent Greater Armenia carved from the debris of the Turkish empire and stretching from the Mediterranean to the Caspian Sea. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
of flour and 36 million poods of corn, oats and barley annually, while the needs of the civilian population of Transcaucasia amounted to another ~ i million poods of grain— a total of iii million poods. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The procurement of such quantities was out of the question. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With public speakers of the calibre of Irakli Tsereteli and Nikolai Chkheidze prominent first in the Tsarist Dumas and then under Kerensky, the Georgian Mensheviks exerted an influence in Russian affairs out of all proportion to their numerical strength. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the autumn of 1917, the food shortage in Georgia and Transcaucasia generally became acute. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Since this was regarded as merely a temporary expedient, pending the suppression of the Bol- shevik rebels, the Georgians continued to make arrangements for the forthcoming elections to the all-Russian Constituent Assembly. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the event, the Constituent Assembly, in which Lenin’s followers were a minority, was forcibly dispersed by Bolshevik troops after one sitting in January 1918—an event which marked the death- knell of Russian parliamentary democracy. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A provisional agreement between the Russian General Przhevalsky and the Turkish commander, Vehip Pasha, was concluded at Erainjan Oil i8 December 1917. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Meanwhile, the Russian Bolsheviks were busily negotiating a separate peace with Germany and Austro-Hungary at Brest-Litovsk, at which conference, however, the Caucasian peoples were not directly represented. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Vehip Pasha protested repeatedly to the Russian commander and the Transcaucasian government about alleged massacres of Turks and other Muslims by vengeful Armenian guerilla bands. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the meantime, Trotsky had signed the Treaty of Brest- Litovsk, whereby the Bolsheviks agreed to exclude from Russian territory the districts of Batumi, Ardahan and Kars, where the fate of the population was to be decided by a free plebiscite. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This new parliamen- tary body, which assembled at Tbilisi on 23 February 1918, was a local substitute for the short-lived Russian Constituent Assembly in Petrograd which had been so unceremoniously dispersed by Lenin’s Bolsheviks. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
According to Russian Bolshevik writers, Zhordania and his colleagues were rabid reactionaries, tools of the German and later of the British imperialists, agents of the darkest obscurantism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgian was declared the sole permitted medium of official business, the use of Russian being outlawed in the Constituent Assembly, the law courts and the army. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Such policies inflicted hardship upon Russian and Armenian officials and professional men, who became estranged from the new régime. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Early in 1918, Georgia’s first regular university was opened in Tbilisi, thus realizing a dream cherished by generations of Georgian intellectuals but consistently frustrated by Russian obscurantism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From its walls there soon began to emerge hundreds of H INDEPENDENT GEORGIA: 1918—21 211 keen and well-qualified graduates who rapidly made their mark as teachers, scientific workers and members of the professions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Hydro- electric power, mineral springs and spas, the Tqibuli coal mines, the Chiatura manganese industry, the ports and rail- ways, were all nationalized. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 14 September 1918, Dunsterville had to evacuate Baku, which fell to the Turks and Azeris. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The armistice of Mudros, con- duded on 30 October 1918, obliged Turkey to withdraw to the west of the 1914 Turco-Russian frontier, while the military collapse of Imperial Germany in November 1918 led inevitably to the evacuation of Georgia by the German garrisons there. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The British commander, General Thomson, told Zhordania that British objectives included the restoration of the Caucasian viceroyalty in the name of Russian authority. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The main threat from the Russian side appeared at first to derive less from Lenin and Trotsky’s Red Army than from the White Russian Volunteer Army of Alekseev and Denikin. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Had he possessed the most rudi- mentary political acumen he would have made friends with Rumania and left the Bessarabian question to be settled after the Bolsheviks were beaten; he would have acted similarly, mutatis mutandis, with regard to Poland, the Baltic Republics, the Caucasians, the Trans- caucasians and the other Russian ‘Succession States’ instead of antagonizing them and in some cases actually engaging in hostilities against them.”°2 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Armed clashes between Denikin and the Georgians had to be quelled by the British military representatives. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
By now it was too late to salvage anything from the wreck of the counter revolution. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 19 January the Georgian and Azerbaijani delegates were summoned before a plenary meeting of the Supreme Council at the Quai d’Orsay, where they were confronted by Clemenceau, Lloyd George, Lord Curzon, Winston Churchill, Jules Cambon, Francesco Nitti, Marshal Foch, Admiral Beatty, Sir Henry Wilson and others, who enquired about the ability and determination of the Caucasian peoples to withstand Russian aggression, and their require- ments in terms of military aid and supplies. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
One of these, Gubeli (real name: S. Medzmariashvili) murdered the White Russian General Lyakhov, notorious for his suppression of the Constitutional movement in Persia and his reign of terror in the northern Caucasus under Denikin. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The White Russian forces of Denikin and his associates formed a physical barrier between Moscow and Thilisi, and political mistrust inhibited any establishment of diplomatic relations between the two centres. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 8 April 1920, a North Caucasian bureau of the Central Committee of the All- Russian Communist Party was set up, its members including Orjonikidze, Smilga, Mdivani and Kirov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
S. M. Kirov, a member of the Caucasian Bureau of the All-Russian Communist Party, was appointed the first Soviet Ambassador to Thilisi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 29 June 1920, Kixov threatened that ‘if the happenings mentioned by me should not be stopped, my Government would have no other choice but to retaliate against Georgian citizens in the territory of the RSFSR.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Conflict also arose out of Georgia’s contacts with Baron Wrangel, who had succeeded the inept Denikin as head of the White Russian movement, and managed to maintain himself from April until November 1920 in the Crimea. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, they were obliged to negotiate with him concerning the supply of wheat and oats for Georgia, and there were occasions when the Georgians failed to intern and hand over to the Communists certain White Russian units and ships seeking a temporary refuge on Georgian soil or in Georgian ports. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Kirov and his successor, Sheinman, seized upon such incidents as a pretext for the accusation that Georgia was abetting the White Russian reactionaries. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The territory of the Ossetes straddles the Daryal Pass and extends on the Russian side well into North Caucasia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the spring of the following year, the Caucasian Bureau of the All-Russian Communist Party formed a special South Ossetian Revolutionary Committee to lead an armed revolt against the Georgian government. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A Russian-sponsored Ossete force crossed the border from Vladikavkaz in June 1920 and attacked the Georgian Army and People’s Guard. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During Krassin’s negotiations in London, he was given to understand that Baku oil—the main commodity he had to offer—lost much of its value without complete Russian control of the Transcaucasian pipe-line leading into Batumi over a section of Georgian territory. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In view of Lloyd George’s attitude, the Kremlin could discount a telegram of protest from Lord Curzon against Russian mobilization on the Georgian border. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
General Odishelidze represented to his government in January 1921 that in the event of a Russian attack, his front line forces would be outnumbered two to one. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russian attack on Georgia produced unexpected repercussions in neighbouring Armenia, where the nationalists rose in force, marched on Erivan and overthrew the Bolshevik régime there. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On 23 February 1921, after prolonged con- sultations with his superiors in Ankara and with the Russian government in Moscow, Kazim issued an ultimatum demand- ing the evacuation of Ardahan and Artvin by Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Simultaneously, Red Army units prepared to invade Georgia from the north through the Daryal and Mamison passes and along the Black Sea coast towards Suk- humi. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Any encouragement which the Georgians might have derived from this was outweighed by the actions of the Turkish commander in Armenia, Kazim Karabekir Pasha. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Thrust into the background by Zhordania and the other Mensheviks, Stalin had thrown in his lot with Lenin and the Russian Communist party. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘I must remind you that the internal and international position of Georgia requires of the Georgian Communists not the applica- tion of the Russian stereotype, but.. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, the Pout- bureau was obliged to accept Georgia’s annexation as a fait accompli, and Trotsky, though highly critical of Stalin’s hand- ling of the situation, wrote a pamphlet in defence of Russian policy towards Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Far from permitting the formation of a Georgian Red Army, Stalin saw that all military formations were disbanded, and posted Russian garrisons at strategic points. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Russian agents of the political police or Cheka were sent to Georgia to mop up the local Mensheviks, whom the Georgian Bolsheviks would rather have been left to win over or render harmless in their own way. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As soon as he appeared on the platform, surrounded by Cheka agents and guards, the crowd began to hiss. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The most urgent task of the Georgian Communists was a ruth- less struggle against the relics of nationalism. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To smash ‘the hydra of nationalism’, the party must purge its ranks of local i~ patriots and get rid of all who wquld not subordinate Georgia’s interests to those of the entire Soviet Union. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Stalin also began to toy with the idea of bringing Georgia into a Transcaucasian Federation of Soviet Republics, into which Armenia and Azerbaijan would also be merged. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The local Georgian Bolsheviks, on the other hand, preferred to re- tain the country as an autonomous Soviet Republic loosely associated with Moscow, and possessing its own political and administrative organs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In July 1921 Stalin came to Tbilisi on a personal visit of inspection and addressed a mass meeting in the working-class quarter of Tbilisi, where he had spent so A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 238 many months of revolutionary activity. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The excesses committed by the Cheka and the Russian occupation troops in Georgia led to the formation of a well- organized resistance movement. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The trouble was, Lenin shrewdly diagnosed, that Stalin the Georgian and Dzerzhinsky the Pole had gone out of their way to assume true Russian char- acteristics. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
‘It is well known that russified people of foreign birth always overshoot themselves in the matter of the true Russian disposition.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
On ~ March 1923, Lenin broke off personal relations with Stalin, and urged Trotsky to defend the Georgian ‘deviationists’ before the Central Committee of the all-Russian Communist Party. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He even helped Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev to conceal from the world Lenin’s deathbed confession of shame at the intolerant treatment of the non-Russian nationalities, the text of which was not published until 1956. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
With Lenin’s notes suppressed, every word uttered from the platform against Georgian or Ukrainian nationalism was greeted with stormy applause, while the mildest allusion to Great Russian chauvin- ism was received in stony silence. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But the Russian commander in Georgia, Mogilevsky, reinforced all strategic positions in and around Tbilisi, and repulsed the chief forces of the patriots, led by Colonel Kaikhosro Choloqashvili. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
As Lenin rightly foresaw, the Great Russian chauvinism of that vindictive Caucasian exposed the Russian Communist party to world-wide opprobrium, and proved a great obstacle to the Soviet government’s attempts to come to an understanding with foreign socialist parties and countries abroad. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Small- holdings operated on a primitive subsistence basis proved less productive than the larger, systematically cultivated estates which had existed prior to the 1917 Revolution. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is instructive to note, however, that the return from ‘technical cultures’, i.e. sub-tropical and specialized crops such as tobacco, tea and citrus fruits, exceeded the pre-1914 figure by 26~7 per cent.”4 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian peasantry, to whom such characteristically Russian institutions as the peasant mir or commune were alien, clung with the cour- age of desperation to their individual small-holdings. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, a scapegoat was found in the person of Kakhiani, who was dismissed from the post of Secretary of the Central Committee of the Georgian Com- munist Party and sent off to a minor post in Turkestan. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Georgia during W’orld W’ar II After killing Marshal Tukhachevsky and decimating the Red Army high command during the purges, Stalin proceeded in 1939 to make war inevitable by concluding the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact with Nazi Germany. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
There were, however, manifestations of unrest within the country which gave the authorities grounds for disquiet. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Beria did not long share the sweets of power with Malenkov and Molotov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Second Secretary is a Russian, P. V. Kovanov. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Professor Simon Qaukhchishvili has brought out a new edition of the Georgian Annals (Kartlis tskbovreba), based on all the best manuscripts. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
There are naturally some Georgians who would like to cast loose the leading strings of Moscow, while retaining the concrete benefits which have accrued in recent years. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Soviet formula for a federa- tion of European and Asiatic peoples under the domination of Russian Communists is not a perfect one, especially as it takes absolutely no account of the personal preferences or political aspirations of each national group. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
D. M. Lang, The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchy, p.239. In this work, the negotiations between the Russian and Georgian governments are traced in much greater detail than is possible here. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
CHAPTER III: GEORGIA UNDER THE TSARS: RESISTANCE, See Russian sources cited in D. M. Lang, The Last Years of the Georgian20. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
J. F. Baddeley, The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus, London 1908, p. 68. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
D. M. Lang, The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchy, pp. 267—68. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
~ 36. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
39. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
4!. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Akaki Tseretei, Pere~bitoe (Reminiscences), trans. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was fashionable in the nineteenth century to replace the Georgian name endings in -sbvili and -d~e (both meaning ‘son of’) with the Russian termina- tion in -ov, e.g. Baratashvili into Baratov, Tsitsishvili into Tsitsianov, and many others. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
K. P. Pobedonostsev (2827—1907), Head Procurator of the Russian Holy Synod; a well-known obscurantist. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
See David Shub, ‘Kamo—the Legendary Old Bolshevik of the Caucasus’, in Russian Review, Vol. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This book is based largely on Russian and Georgian original sources, though use has also been made of memoirs, travel literature and special works in English and other European languages which throw light on particular aspects and phases of the period under review. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
For the older period prior to the Russian occupation of i 8oi, reference should be made to the vividly written and finely illustrated work by W. E. D. Allen, A Historj of the Georgian People (London: Kegan Paul, 1932). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The events immediately preceding and accompanying the Russian annexation ate studied in more detail in my own monograph The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchj, 16J8—1832 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957). A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The general history of Russian expansion in Caucasia is dealt with in The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus (London: Longmans, Green, 1908) by John F. Baddeley, who also wrote a splendid book of travel and history under the title The Rugged Flanks of Caucasus (z vols. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Successive Russian efforts between 1828 and 1921 to use Georgia as a springboard for conquest of the Ottoman Empire are described in detail in Caucasian Battlefields by W. E. D. Allen and Paul Muratoff (Cambridge University Press, i9~ 3), which is illustrated with photographs and many excellent sketch maps. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Abkhazia, Abkhaz, 4, 5, 32, 41, 52, 56, 58, 68, 73, 8o, 92, 97, 102—3, 153, 249, 252, 255—6 Abo, Saint, of Tbilisi, iz Abuladze, Professor Ilia, 271 Achaemenid dynasty, 3 Adana, 184 Adelkhanov leather factory, 135, 145 Adrianople, Treaty of, 62, 73 Adsquri, 62, 91 Adyghe peoples, 4 Afghans, 35 Agha Muhammad Shah Qajar, King of Persia, 14, 38, 40, 48, 50 Agriculture and farming, agrarian question in Georgia, II, 17, 86, 98—9, 102—3, ,x6, 131—3, 141—3, 150—3, 179—80, 194, 212—13, 246—5,, 269~—7I Agul tribe, 4 Ahulgo, 82 Ahura-Mazda, 23 Metes, King of Colchis, 9, 23 Ajaria, Ajar, see Atchara Akhalgori, treasure found at, 24 Akhalkalaki, 52, 55, 61—2, 75, 91, 205, 208, 217, 236 Akhal-Senaki, 163 Akhaltsildie, 6, 52—3, 61—2, 79, 91, 205, 208, 236 Mans, 4 Alazani, river, 5, 63, 92 Aleksandropol, 92, 205, 229 Alekseev, White Russian general, 217 Aleksiev-Meskhiev (Aleksishvili), Sh., A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
263 Baku, 48, 51—2, 56—7, 105, 130, 138—9, 143, 149, 155, i6x, 163, i65, 197, 205—6, 239, 252—3 Balkans, Balkan Slays, 34, xo8 Balkar people, 4, 260 Baltic, Baltic states, 164, 218 Baratashvili, Nicholas, Georgian Rom- antic poet, 88—9 Barnovi, Vasil, Georgian novelist, 187 Baryatinsky, Prince A. I., Russian viceroy, 95—6 Batumi, 4—7, 10, 61—2, 91, 104—5, 125, 128, 130—I, 135, 137, 139—40, 142, 149, 152, 163, 170, 174, i8o, i8~, 198, 202—8, 257 Bayazid, 62 Bayburt, 28 Beatty, David, 1st Earl, British ad- miral, 221 Bebutov, Prince V. 0., A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
scholar and historian, 90—I Brussels, 267 Bucarest, 267; Treaty of, 55 Bukharin, Soviet politician, 252 Bulgarians, 98 Bulygin, Tsarist Minister during 1905 Revolution, 149, i56, 159 Bunge, N. Kh., A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
152—3 Sumerians, 3, 259 Surami, 2, 6, 10-Il, 23, 99 Surguladze, Petre, 182 Svaneti, Svans, 6, 9—ho, x8, 32, 41, 8o, 96—7, Svyatopolk-Mirsky, Prince, Russian Minister, 147, 149 Swabian peasants in Georgia, 58 Switzerland, Swiss, 58, 120, 128 Synod, Russian Holy, 37, 56, 154, 177—8 Syria, Syrians, 13, 25, 32 Syrtsov, critic of Stalin, liquidated, 252 Tabasaran people, 4 Tabidze, Titsian, Georgian poet, purge victim, ,88, 255—6 Tabriz, 57, 6o Taganrog, 59 Tamar, Queen of Georgia, 13, 21, 29—30, 4’ Tamar, Order of Queen, 183 Tamarati (Tamarashvili), Father M., writes history of Georgian Church, 178 Tambov, 177 Tamerlane (Leng Timur), 31 Tammerfors Conference of 1905, 166 Tao, Georgian province, 7, 28, 104 Taqaishvili, Ekvtime, Georgian arch- aeologist, 189 Tarku, fortress of, 32, 71 Tatars, 14, 43, ii8, 155, 202, 205 Tatkaridze, Luarsab and Darejan, fictional types of Georgian provincial life, ioi Tauride Palace, St. Petersburg, 170 Taurus mountains, 2 Tbilisi (Tiflis), 5—7, 10, 13—16, i8, 23, 28, 32—50, 53, 55, 57—64, 66—9, 73—4, 105, 108—Il, 114, I19—27, 130-I, 134—41, 186—93, 230-I, 233—40, 243—6, 249, 253—9, 264—5, Tbilisi Public Library, 85 Tbilisi State University, see University 102, 249 77, 79-80, 84—91, 99, 102, 144—5, 149—67, 170-8, 183, 195—207, 214—20, 224—7, 267—9, 271, 273 INDEX Tchqondidi, archbishop of, 29 Tea growing in Georgia, 247, 253, 269 Tebran, 62 Teimuraz I, King of Kakheti, 34 Teimuraz II, King of Kartli, 35 Teimuraz Bagration, Georgian prince and historical scholar, 90 Telavi, 6, 16—17, 42, 54, 248 Terek, river, 71, 84, 100 Terek Cossacks, 32 Ter-Petrossian (‘Kamo’), Armenian revolutionary, 141, 176 Tetnuld, Mount, 9 ‘Tetri Giorgi’, Georgian nationalist organization, 259 Thackeray, W. M., translated into Georgian, 272 Theatre in Georgia, 21, 89—9o, 187—8 ‘Third Group’, see Mesame Dasi Thomas a Becket, 30 Thomson, British general at Baku, 216 Tiffis, see Tbilisi Tirebolu, 183 Todtleben, Count von, Russian army commander in Georgia, 36 Toroshelidze, Mikha, Georgian Com- munist, purge victim, 254—5 Tortum, 6 Tqibuli coal mines, 9, 105, 149, 213 Tqvarcheli coal fields, 230 Transcaucasian Commissariat, 200-4, 212 Transcaucasian Committee, 82 Transcaucasian Diet (Seim), 203—7, 209 Transcaucasian Federation, 238, 24!, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Traubenberg, Rausch von, Tsarist254, 258 governor of Tbilisi, 175 Trebizond, 29, 54, 59, 6; 91, 184—5, 201—3 Trialeti, 21 Trieste, 58 Trotsky, Leon, 159, 164, 177, 198, 217, 236—7, Troy, 3 Tsageri, 9 Tsereteli, Akaki, Georgian poet, 76, 87, 100-I, 113—14, 119, 175—6 Tsereteli, Giorgi, Georgian man of letters, 109—10, 122, 129 Tsereteli, Professor Grigol, purge vic- tim, 255 Tsereteli, Irakil, Georgian Menshevik leader, 174—5, 196—7, 199, 203, 207, 220, 230, 237 Tsereteli, Professor M. G. (‘Mikhako’), 172, 182—3, 259 Tsinandali, 17, 92, 269 Tsisperi Qandsebi, Georgian literary group, 188 Tsitsianov, Prince P. D., Russian general commanding in Georgia, 44—52, Tsitsishvili, Georgian princely family, 45 Tskhakaia, Mikha, Georgian Bolshevik, ‘54 297 240, 243, 254 83 r Tskhinvali (formerly Stalinir), 273 Tsushima, Batt eof, 155 Tuapse, 7 Tubal, 2 Tukhachevsky, Soviet Marshal, purge victim, 259 Turgenev, I. S., zoo Turkestan, 2, 251 Turkey, Turks, 2, 4—7, 12, 14, 19, 26, 32—7, 73, 75, 77—9, 81, 83, 91—3, 95—8, 103—4, ~8o—6, 196—208, 210, 215—16, 219, 222, 229, 233—6, 265—6 Turkmanchai, Treaty of, 6o Tusheti, Tush, 7, 43 Tver, ii8 Ukraine, Ukrainians, 2, 82, io8, 206, 240, 243, 270 al-’Umari, Arabic writer, cited, 19 Uniat Church, 112 University of Tbilisi, 211—12, 245, 255, 271, 273 Urartu, 3 Uratadze, Grigol, negotiates Russo- Georgian treaty of 1920, 222—6 Urquhart, David, British diplomat, 73 Urushadze, Georgian nobleman, ass- assinated, 151 Ushba, Mount, io Uvarov, Count, President of Moscow Archaeological Society, 189 Uvarova, Countess Praskovya, Russian archaeologist, i 89—9o Vakhtang VI, King of Kartli, 30—I, 34—5, 43, 8, Vakhtang Batonishvili, Bagratid prince, 46 Vakhushti, Prince, Georgian historian and geographer, 7—9, z8, 33, 90 Van, i8~, 202 Vandervelde, Emile, Belgian socialist, 230 Vansittart, Lord, 221—2 Varlaam, Exarch of Georgia, ~6 Vazha-Pshavela, Georgian writer, 114 Vehip Pasha, Turkish general, 201—6 Velyaminov, Russian general, 73 Vermyshev, Mayor of Tbilisi, z~8 Vespasian, Roman emperor, 25 Viborg Declaration of 1906, 171—3 Vienna, 267 Vladikavkaz, see Orjonikidze Vnezapnaya, fortress of, 71 Volga, 2 Voronezh, 47, 123 Vorontsov, Count Simon, Russian am- bassador in London, 83 Vorontsov, Prince M. S., Russian viceroy of the Caucasus, 69, 82—7, 89—93, 98, 152 Vorontsov, Princess Elizabeth, 84, 87 40-I, 44, 51—5, 59, 61—3, 65, ,o8, 141, 146, 155, 162, 178, INDEX Vorontsov-Dashkov, Count, Russian viceroy of the Caucasus, 152, 155, 162, 164—7, 176, 179, 185 Vorontsovka, 233 Voroshilov, Marshal, Soviet President, 262 Vostorgov, Father I., 155, 161, x78 Voznesensky, Soviet planning chief, killed by Stalin, 260 Vyatka, 69 Wardrop, Marjory, English poetess and Georgian scholar, 112—13, i68 Wardrop, Sir Oliver, 112, x68, 214, 218-19 Warsaw, 124—3, 128 wergild, 30—31 Wesendonk, 0. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Aden by itself was near 140,000 of whom less than a third were “Adenis”, yet on this tiny foothold rested questions of global strategy in the face of both Russian policy (this, of course, was the period of the Cold War) and Arab Nationalism.43 A History of Modern Yemen
In the South, where shaykhs had been swept away, “Salmayn” was as prominent. A History of Modern Yemen
A Russian group found encouraging signs near Shabwah, an Italian firm made a small off-shore find near Mukall~ in 1982; an American company, Hunt Oil, had signed an agreement for work in the North, near Ma’rib, in ig8r, and at the end of 1983 a border clash occurred between Northerners and Saudis which some attributed to the sniff of oil, though smuggling is more likely to have been the issue. A History of Modern Yemen
In the last two months of the year agreements worth $~o million were signed with foreign companies (Russian, Chinese, British) for develop- ment work, much of it concentrated in ‘All Näsir’s home area of Abyan and adjacent Shabwah. A History of Modern Yemen
Hoardings and the sides of public buildings showed wheat-fields, combine harvesters, vast facto- ries, and electricity pylons in the Russian manner — none of which existed — and the toiling masses were depicted similarly. A History of Modern Yemen
Cynthia Myntti’s friends in Ta~izz province, whom we mentioned in Chapter ~, are again a touchstone for Lower Yemen.59 A History of Modern Yemen
The Americans, concerned in those weeks to retain Russian diplomatic support, let them go despite a UN resolution sup- porting a trade embargo against Iraq and the tankers docked. A History of Modern Yemen
Lackner (1985: 172) ~5 scath- ing The South Yemeni government after independence, however, gave several Russian visitors the impression that what the British built through the Ig5oS was built by themselves in the 1970s. A History of Modern Yemen
YSP ig86: 5, 54—5.40 A History of Modern Yemen
He was in particular much impressed by the Irgun, the brainchild of the Russian-born agitator Vladimir Jabotinsky, who called for the unabashed use of force—an “iron wall”—against the Arabs to establish full Jewish sovereignty over both banks of the Jordan, an agenda adopted by his loyal disciples Yitzhak Shamir and Menachem Begin. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Isaac Deutscher, a historian of the Russian revolution, was one of the first to observe that colonizing a million or more Arabs would hurt Israel. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Following a wave of pernicious Russian pogroms in 1881, many Jews fled to Western Europe and the United States, and some went to Palestine and formed farming settlements.8 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Palestinians claim that Jews, Christians, and Muslims had lived in harmony in Palestine before the Zionist movement. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The Struggle for Statehood 22 Arab and Israeli Terrorism the back of a truck, causing tremendous fear, especially among the sexually subdued Arabs.’4 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Government troops stormed the hotel and killed all gunmen. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
(2) They also have a more realistic view of the obstacles faced in states on the ‘non-capitalist path’. Comtemporary Yemen
The proclivity toward terror on the Soviet side had clearly defined origins. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Afghanistan Hamas gave unreserved support to the Afghan jihad to terminate the Soviet presence in that country. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Like other Islamic movements through- out the world, Hamas hastened to congratulate “the Muslim people of Afghanistan on the expulsion of the last Russian soldier from the land of Islam in Afghanistan,” considering it to be “a harbinger of victory in Pales- tine.”93 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Occasionally, Hamas has condemned incidents in which Muslims were victimized, such as in October 1993 when “the Indian army in Kashmir indiscriminately opened fire on Muslims who were demon- strating against the siege of their mosques.”95 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
After Hindu extremists attacked the Babri Mosque in India in December 1992, Hamas issued a strong condemnation of the act, calling on “the government of India tc punish the aggressors, and to take action to deter them from pursuin~ their hostile practices and their covetous claims.”96 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The Russian armed forces waged fierce war against the Chechens. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
In voicing support for the people of Chechnya, Hamas once again focused on the issues of independence and self-determination, in addition to the Islamic faith of the Chechen people. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas leaflet, “Statement on the Iniquitous Attack on the Babri Mosque in India,” dated 9 December 1992. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
See Islamic institutions al-Musallamia, Abu Nidal, 100 Muslim Brotherhood, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 114, 128, 129, 140, 147, 175, 200, 215, 233—34, 235, 243, 253; in Egypt, 12—13, 14, 15, 17, 23, 25, 28, 29, 93; in Gaza, 15, 23—25, 30, 31, 35, 39, 126; in Jordan, 19, 20, 22; legacy of for Hamas, 148—49; in Pales- tine, 7, 11, 12, 13—14,15,16-19, Index 325 326 I HAMAS 26, 35—36, 147—48; in Syria, 57; in the West Bank, 20—23, 31 N Nablus, 20, 21, 22, 106, 212, 216, 218, 219, 229 al-Najah University, 106; student elections at, 212, 217, 218 al-Namruti, Sa’id, 224 al-Nashshar, ‘Isa, 39, 129 Nasir, Gamal ‘Abdel, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29 National Dialogue Conference, 198 National Independence Front, 122 National Islamic Salvation Party, 139, 259 Nazzal, Muhammad, 75, 77, 167, 213, 223 Netanyahu, Benyamin, 107, 109, 244, 258 New York: arrest of Abu Marzouq in, 188, 198; World Trade Center bombing in, 196 0 Occupied Territories, 6, 58, 59, 67, 74, 81, 82, 83, 92, 94, 95, 99, 102, 113, 114, 115, 119, 123, 124, 125, 130, 131, 134, 138, 145, 146, 151, 156, 179, 186, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 213, 215, 216, 220, 224, 226, 229, 235, 236, 241, 253, 254, 259. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Washing- ton was alarmed to see Iran also breaking out of its previously isolated position, as the Iranian Foreign Minister Au Akbar Velayati held discussions in Damascus with his Russian and French counterparts. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
94-6592 For Armena, in memory of our son, Grikor Martiros Suni (1978—1980) Contents Preface to the Second Edition Preface Note on Transliteration and Dating PART ONE THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GEORGIAN MONARCHIES I The Formation of the Georgian Nation 2 Christian Georgia: The First Thousand Years 3 The Long Twilight of the Georgian Kingdoms PART TWO GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE 4 Russian Rule and Georgian Society 5 Emancipation and the End of Seigneurial Georgia 6 The Emergence of Political Society 7 Marxism and the National Struggle 8 The End of Tsarist Georgia ix xiii xvii 3 20 42 63 96 113 144 16S viii Contents 9 10 I I 12 13 14 PART THREE REVOLUTIONARy AND SOVIET GEORGIA evolution and Republic 185 Bolshevik Georgia Stalin’s Revolution Stalinism in Georgia Georgia and Soviet Nationality Policy since Stalin The Georgian Road to Independence Glossary Notes Bibliographical Note Index 209 237 260 292 317 337 343 403 409 L Preface to the Second Edition In the decade after the first edition of The Making of the Georgian Nation was written, a number of coincidental processes changed the landscape for the study of nationalism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The first section of the book, “The Rise and Fall of the Georgian Monarchies,” briefly surveys the ethnogenesis of the Georgians and traces their political and social development from a variety of linguistically and culturally affiliated tribes to a single, though still inchoate, ethnic formation divided by loyalty to various princes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The available sources largely tell us the exploits of royal houses and stories of foreign invasion and domestic revolt. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At this level the history of Georgia is a montage of rapidly shifting monarchs, alliances, conquerers, and rebels. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Culturally and politically, Georgia, like its neighbor to the south, Armenia, represented a blend of Western (Greco-Roman and Byzantine) and Eastern (Persian, and to some extent Turkish) influences, which were reflected in language, social structure, and cultural practices. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once again a relatively independent Georgian state was overwhelmed by Russian occupation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As a historian of modern Transcaucasia, I am particularly indebted to those scholars who have written on the period before the Russian annexation— Cyril Toumanoff, G. A. Melikishvili, N. A. Berdzenishvili, Sh. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once again the paradoxical impact of the new government was the creation of a deep national awareness and, even- tually, a new nationalism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In a sense the Georgian nation was remade, this time in a Soviet mold. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Special thanks are due to Peter Golden and to my teacher of Armenian history, Nina G. Garsoian, for their learned readings of the early chapters. The Making of the Georgian Nation
My colleagues at the University of Michigan—Geoff Eley, ‘William G. Rosenberg, and Roman Szporluk—concentrated on the modern period, as did the detailed and perceptive critique of Moshe Lewin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The bulk of my own research has been concentrated in this period. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The treaty placed the old capital of Mtskheta in Roman hands and the new capital of Tbilisi in Iranian hands. The Making of the Georgian Nation
To build up his army and increase the population of his country, David II invited foreigners to join his forces and to settle depopulated areas in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tamar chose to di- vorce her Russian husband, and in 1189 she wed David Soslan, an Osetin prince raised at the Georgian court. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Together the queen and her consort successfully routed a rebellion of west Georgian nobles, who in 1191 had rallied around Iurii, the scorned Russian prince. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The first Russian contacts were made with King Levan I of Kakheti (1520—1574) in 1558, but it was during the reign of his son, Aleksandre II of Kakheti, that Moscow sent a series of embassies to Gremi. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Little else came of the Russian promises. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Five years later, Aleksandre repeated his lament to two other Russian envoys, Nashchekin and Leont’ev: “Sixteen years have passed since I grasped the tail of the Muscovite Sovereign’s coat, but I have seen no help.”25 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1602, Shah Abbas re- newed his country’s war with the Turks, invading Transcaucasia, laying seige to Erevan, and establishing khanates in Lori, Dabeda, and Eniseli. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the second half of the seventeenth century attempts by Georgians to alter the status quo—to unite the divided kingdoms or to replace Muslim with Russian overlordship—were successfully thwarted by the Ottomans and Safavids. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For two years he was a virtual prisoner in Isfahan while his convert brother, lese (Ali-Quli-Khan), ruled in Tbilisi. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Unfortunately for the Georgians-and for the Armenians of Karabagh, also engaged in a complex struggle against the Muslims—Peter’s campaign stopped short of linking with the Christian rebels, and the tsar withdrew so as not to antagonize the Turks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But his efforts were thwarted by the moun- taineers and the occasional incursions of the Iranians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian money was increasingly used in commercial transactions in eastern Georgia, and the predominantly natural economy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was challenged by monetary dealings in the major commercial centers—Tbilisi, Gori, Telavi, and Sighnaghi. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Erekle, who had earlier been angered by Russian rejections of his late father’s pleas for assistance, agreed to cooperate with the Russians only if they promised to protect Kartli-Kakheti against Ottoman reprisals. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although eastern Geor- gians had grown more ambivalent about the Russian connection, a Russian orientation still found supporters among the Georgian ruling elite, which hoped for Christian aid against Iranian, Turkish, and Daghestani intrusions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
King Solomon I of Imereti (1752—1765, 1768—1784), only recently restored to his throne, was more enthusiastic than most about Russian intervention, since the Turks were a much more immediate danger to him. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Solomon had antagonized the Turks early in his reign by prohibiting the Twilight of the Georgian Kingdoms 57 58 THE GEORGIAN MONARCHIES lucrative slave trade, and the Turks had responded by invading his kingdom (1757—1758), driving him from Kutaisi (1765), and placing his cousin, Taimuraz, on the throne. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russians sent a small force of five hundred headed by the impetuous intriguer, General Todtleben, whose rudeness and condescension antag- onized the Georgians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At a crucial moment, Todtleben pulled back his troops, and Erekle was left to face a huge Turkish force without Russian help.48 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Erekle decided that Georgia’s survival depended on a firm commitment from Russia, and in 1773 his son, Levan, and Catholicos Antoni reached St. Petersburg on a mission to petition the empress to take Kartli-Kakheti under her protection. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once again the Georgians had little to show for their appeals to tsarist Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite the losses suffered in the past, Erekle was anxious to ally his small kingdom with the empire to the north. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the treaty’s provisions, Erekle’s throne was guaranteed, and his heirs were to receive investiture from St. Petersburg. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At first the new Russo-Georgian relationship seemed to promise a revival of Kartli-Kakhetian fortunes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the second Russo-Turkish war broke out in 1787, Catherine ordered her troops to evacuate Georgia in order to concentrate Russian efforts in the Balkans. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite their treatment at the hands of the Russian court, the Georgian leaders had no recourse but to attempt to renew the Russian protectorate. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The last king of eastern Georgia, Giorgi XII (1798—1800), opposed by his brothers in a fight for control of the country, made a desperate request that his country be incorporated into the Russian empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On December 18, 1800, Tsar Paul (1796— 1801) declared Kartli-Kakheti’s annexation to the Russian crown. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Conveniently, Giorgi XII died just before the first Russian troops arrived in Tbilisi.52 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Instead of signing a treaty of mutual consent, the tsar made the final decision without even consulting the Georgian representatives in St. Petersburg. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Prince Garsevan Chavchavadze wrote to his relatives in Tbilisi that the Russians had “not fulfilled [even] one of King Giorgi’s requirements. The Making of the Georgian Nation
No country has ever been so humiliated as Georgia.”53 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Twilight of the Georgian Kingdoms 59 A GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE PART TWO Russian Rule and 4 Georgian Society In the half-century from the Russian annexation of eastern Georgia (Kartli- Kakheti) to the outbreak of the Crimean War, Transcaucasian society was irreversibly transformed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Whether the move into the Russian orbit was “progressive,” as Soviet historians insist, or a fatal perversion of the nation’s natural development, as some nationalists argue, is not a historical judgment capable of empirical demonstration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Responding to that resistance, the tsarist administration enticed the nobility of Georgia into participation in the new order. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the end of the first fifty years of Russian rule, the once rebellious, semi-independent dynasts of Georgia had been transformed into a service gentry loyal to their new monarch. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time, the Armenian merchants and craftsmen of Caucasia’s towns benefited from the new security provided by Russian arms and, while competing with privileged Russian traders, oriented themselves away from the Middle East and toward Russian and European commerce. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the process they laid the foundation for their own fortunes and their future as the leading economic and political element in Russian Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasantry of Trans- caucasia was forced in the meantime to submit to new exactions as its status became increasingly similar to that of Russian peasants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
And the churches of Georgia and Armenia made fundamental and irreversible accommodations to the new political order. The Making of the Georgian Nation
64 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE Georgian history before the Russian occupation had been a complex story of division (political and territorial) and periodic attempts at unifica. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Through its superior military power, the Russian state was able in the first decades of the nineteenth century to “gather” the Georgian lands and establish over them a single political authority. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After the incorporation of Kartli-Kakheti in 1801, the Russians moved westward, first taking Samegrelo (Mingrelia) under their formal protection in December 1803, and then forcing King Solomon II of Imereti to accept Russian sovereignty in 1804. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only King Solomon refused to accept Russian authority without resistance. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He tried to enlist Turkey, Persia, and France in his cause but, when the Treaty of Bucharest ended the Russian war with Turkey, Solomon received nothing from his erstwhile ally. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Poti and Akhalkalaki were returned to the Turks, but when the Turks were defeated in another war (1828—1829) Russia received these two towns and Akhaltsikhe as well. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A permanent Russian presence in Transcaucasia was assured by the capture in 1 828 of the Iranian fortress at Erevan. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet even before the Russians arrived, the satavadebi were being broken up, and some of the earliest legislation of the Russian government concerning the Caucasus was directed against the entailment of Georgian estates. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Before the Russian annexation, the Georgian princes not only had nearly unlimited power over their estates and the enserfed peasantry but had long been accustomed to exercising police and judicial power. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Almost immediately with his decree to abolish the Georgian monarchy, Tsar Paul ordered that “Georgia” (Kartli-Kakheti) be Russian Rule and Georgian Society 65 66 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE organized as the Gruzinskaia guberniia (Georgian province) and divided into two provintsiia: Kartli and Kakheti. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The victim of an aristocratic conspiracy, the capricious tsar was murdered and replaced by his son, Alexander I. Almost immediately, the liberally educated young monarch changed his father’s plans and on Septem- ber 1, 1801, reorganized the Georgian administration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Instead of two provinces, eastern Georgia was divided into five uezdy (districts) and at every level of administration Georgian nobles were given a role to play. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tsarist officials replaced many of the sixty Georgian nobles who held the powerful and lucrative position of mouravi in various parts of the country. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But the Russians’ lack of familiarity with customary law and practice created friction with the local population. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1805, for example, General Tsitsianov recommended that local police officers, formerly elected by the nobility, be appointed by the commander in chief.7 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The princes steadily lost ground, first as hereditary political and police authorities in their districts and later as rulers of their own vassal gentry, the aznaurni. The Making of the Georgian Nation
An ukaz (edict) of February 25, 1827, declared that all Georgian nobles, whether in state service or not, were equal in privilege and status to Russian nobles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But which Georgians’ claims to nobility should be recognized by the Russian authorities? The burden of proof was placed on the Georgians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As part of the effort to transform Geor- gian nobles into Russian dvoriane, the administration ordered the formation of noble assemblies in Tiflis (formerly Tbilisi) and Kutaisi provinces. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time that Russian legislation was redefining membership in the Georgian nobility, it was also enhancing the nobles’ social position in significant ways. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although the Russian presence thus strengthened the Georgian no- bleman’s hold over his serfs, it also changed many aspects of the traditional lord-peasant relationship in ways that many nobles found irritating. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the early 1830s a Georgian Russian Rule and Georgian Society 67 68 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE nobleman faced an alien bureaucracy that at one and the same time de- manded that he prove he was of noble status and that he owned his serfs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the eighteenth century Georgian serfdom had permitted peasants to “volunteer” for bondage, but this practice was ended by the Russians in 1821. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time nobles were prohibited from enserfing freemen, a previously common practice. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On the one hand, the tsarist government wished to develop an effective Caucasian administration by recruiting loyal men of rank who knew the local conditions and languages. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the early 1 830s, Senator Mechnikov, then on an inspection tour of Transcaucasia, wrote to the minister of justice regarding the desirability of using Georgian nobles: “The landlords in Georgia make up the best and most loyal police, numerous and wide-spread.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
He recommended that the government “should either not face the Georgian landlords with a free peasantry or should limit that freedom as much as possible.”13 The Making of the Georgian Nation
On the other hand, any independent authority of the traditional elite was to be uprooted and replaced by the sovereign authority that directly flowed from the Russian crown. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In attempting to realize both these goals the Russians managed simultaneously to alienate a significant number of Georgian nobles and to draw others into the service of the tsar. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He won the respect of the Georgians by encouraging their recruit- ment into state service, opening a noble school in Tiflis (May 1804), abolish- ing corporal punishment and penal servitude for nobles, and generally displaying interest in Georgian culture. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From 1816 to 1827 General Aleksei Petrovich Ermolov, a hero of the Battle of Borodino, ruled the Caucasus as chief administrator while con- tinuing the Russian expansion against the Iranians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Whereas Ermolov had attempted to “establish an effective and lasting balance between customary patterns of life and the requirements of Russian imperial uniformity,” Paskevich, an administrative martinet in the mold of his imperial master, was determined to bring the Caucasus more completely into the Russian system of government. The Making of the Georgian Nation
To build a bridge to his Georgian subjects, Ermolov had ordered that the law code of Vakhtang VI be translated into Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The process of transforming Georgian tavadni and aznaurni into Rus- 69Russian Rule and Georgian Society 70 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE sian dvoriane was not merely a matter of more clearly defining their tax status and their rights over peasants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The ideal Georgian noble of the past had been a brave military servitor, an expansive host, and an absolute ruler in his isolated rural domain; the successful new noble had to earn a rank in state service, and could do so only with a European education and a knowledge of the Russian language. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian nobility was from the beginning divided in its attitude toward the Russian occupation.19 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian nobles partici- pated in most of the rebellions against the Russian occupation in the first third of the nineteenth century—the conspiracy of the Kakhetian princes (1802), the insurrection in Mtiuleti (1804), the Kakhetian uprising (1812— 1813), and the rebellion in Imereti (1819—1820). The Making of the Georgian Nation
From their days as schoolboys these young nobles found it difficult to tolerate the arbitrariness of their Russian overlords, manifested most imme- diately by the behavior of their teachers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The young nobles, supposedly engaged in the pursuit of Russian culture, imbibed instead the worst aspects of Russian bureaucracy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Throughout the Russian empire serfowning nobles resented the state bureaucrats (the chinov- niki), who were often of lower birth and less well educated, and formed a potentially rival elite. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As the third decade of Russian military rule closed, some highly placed Georgian aristo- crats planned in secret to overthrow their foreign rulers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The conspiracy of Georgian nobles was nurtured by the insecurity felt by the most aristocratic families of the Caucasus, the ambitions of royal preten- ders, and the irritation with Russian bureaucratic administration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Tiflis Georgian nobles and Russian officers mingled together in the liflis Noble Assembly and the restaurant attached to the club, where foreign and Russian newspapers could be read. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although it remained essentially an official gazette, Tiflisskie vedomosti provided a focus for Georgian and Russian nobles with political interests. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Inspired by the French revolution of 1830 and the Polish insurrection of 1830-183 1, the conspirators were united in their anti-Russian sentiment but divided in their program. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Their plans were simple and sanguinary: all Russian officers and civil officials were to be invited to a ball where they would be either arrested or murdered. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Then Alexander Batonishvili, the royal pretender exiled to Iran, would be invited to rule in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But before the “Instruction for the First Night” could be implemented, the conspirators were betrayed by one of their own number, Prince Iase Palavandishvili.23 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Altogether 145 people were investigated and 18 were brought to trial. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ten were condemned to death, but their sentences were reduced to exile. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In fact, the noble status of many of the conspirators saved 71Russian Rule and Georgian Society 72 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE them from harsh punishment, and most returned from exile before the end of the decade. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He urged the minister of education, Count Uvarov, to require the children of Russian officials to study Caucasian languages. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rozen also petitioned the government—unsuccessfully—to forbid Georgian peasants from trying to prove they were freemen.24 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Others, notably Gudovich, Pas- kevich, and Golovin, favored a rapid integration of the Caucasus into a centralized Russian administration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Typically, Hahn, knowing almost nothing about the Caucasus, chose to work alone using Speranskii’s law code as a guide rather than to consult with Baron Rozen or other local authorities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The essence of Hahn’s program was the immediate and complete incor- poration of Transcaucasia into Russia’s administrative system, the introduc- tion of Russian law and language into government, and the elimination of local divergences. The Making of the Georgian Nation
They reported that Hahn’s “institutions were trans- posed here from Russian provinces and did not correspond to the level of citizenship of the inhabitants, who have totally different conceptions, beliefs, customs, and ways of life.”28 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In his nine-year reign in the Caucasus (1845—1854) Vorontsov was extraordinarily successful in winning the support of the Georgian nobility. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The former vassals were allowed to keep part of their lands.31 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Immediately before Vorontsov’s arrival in Tiflis, the tsar had issued an ukaz requiring that forty- eight noble witnesses attest to a candidate’s lineage and the authenticity of his documentation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Since Erekie II had provided a list of Georgian noble families at the time of the treaty, Kipiani suggested that Georgians be required merely to prove that they belonged to these families and that a commission of nobles supervise this process.33 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The brilliance of the viceroy’s court, the numerous balls and receptions at the newly built palace, and Princess Vorontsova’s insistence on fashionable attire for the women of liflis forced the local nobles to spend great sums on their increasingly Europeanized style of life. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian nobility, which fifteen years earlier had plotted to murder Russian officials and separate Georgia from the empire, made its peace with the tsarist autocracy during the viceroyalty of Vorontsov. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As if to advertise their fidelity to the throne, the nobles of Tiflis province responded to the revolutions of 1848 with a letter to the tsar pledging their willingness to serve outside their country if the “disturbances upsetting Western Europe” should threaten the Russian empire.35 The Making of the Georgian Nation
When danger did approach during the Crimean War, Georgians of all classes rallied to the Russian banner. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Joint Russian-Georgian units under a Georgian general, Ivan Andronikov (Andronikashvili), defeated the Turks near Akhaltsikhe in November 1853. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In western Georgia popular militia were formed to fight the invading Turks, and when Russian troops were withdrawn from Guria to defend Kutaisi, the Gurian peasants and nobles engaged in partisan warfare. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It had survived the first half-century of Russian occupation by being transformed from a divided political elite in conflict with its own monarch into a united corporation devoted to its new sovereign, the Romanov tsar. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It shared power with Russian of- ficialdom and increasingly defined itself as a service nobility, or dvorianstvo, whose identity stemmed as much from its members’ performance as state servants as it did from possession of land and serfs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The land and the peasants belonged to the lords, who had full power over them, although landlords could not Russian Rule and Georgian Society 75 76 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE maim or kill serfs without penalty of law. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The noble elite of Georgia lived on the labor of the vast majority of the population—the peasants who worked the fields, herded the livestock, and tended the vineyards. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgia in the days before reform was a country recovering from the ravages of war, plague, and civil disorder. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Before the house stood a small church that, until Russian influence made itself felt, was divided into a section for men (in the front) and one for women (in the rear). The Making of the Georgian Nation
The dominance of Russian Rule and Georgian Society 77 78 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE the nobles over these petty clerics compromised their independence in mat- ters spiritual, as reflected in the Georgian saying: “Don’t expect paradise from the family priest.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
This gave him a firsthand knowledge of peasant life and the conviction that “relations be- tween the upper and lower estates in our country were smoother and more humane than in other countries.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Trouble often began when one of the parties, peasant or noble, deviated from the strict observation of their obligations. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet it is true that Georgian serfdom in the pre-Russian period was an informal institution based on custom rather than written law, and the paternalism and informality of that system continued through the early decades of the nineteenth century. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Tiflis province the heavy plow required eight to nine pairs of draft Russian Rule and Georgian Society 79 80 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE animals and five to seven workers; in one day not more than a third of a desiatina could be plowed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Farming in prereform Georgia was still quite primitive, and productivity was low. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Their right to purchase land was recognized by Article 160 of the Code of Vakhtang VI, and many peasants used this to acquire new lands, thus breaking the nobles’ near-monopoly on land ownership.55 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In western Georgia agriculture was even less developed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Peasants grew corn and ghomi (millet) almost exclusively, and planted just one crop for ten to fifteen years until the land was exhausted and had to be abandoned. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Vassal gentry, many clergymen, urban dwellers, and most peasants were to various degrees unfree, required to render service or dues to an overlord. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Often skilled peasants were bought and sold in their capacity as craftsmen, and their obligations to their lord consisted of performing that craft.5° The Making of the Georgian Nation
The most unfortunate serf was the sheudzlebeli movale, a peasant sold into serfdom in order to pay off a debt, either his own or that of a close relative, and the tkve, a captive from another land. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The dualistic policy of the Russian authorities toward the Georgian noble elite, which at one and the same time eliminated nobles from tradi- tional political posts and attempted to draw loyal elements into state service, offered no compensating advantages for the peasantry. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tsarist administrators believed that to enhance the state, the Georgian social order had to be integrated into the Russian system as fully as possible. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time Russian state power was used to restrict peasant movement and maintain an agri- cultural work force for the nobility. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian rule also brought an increase in the use of money. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Whenever possible, Russian officials tried to collect taxes and dues in cash rather than kind, but for most peasants in Georgia this innovation was yet another affront to custom. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the first years of the Russian occupation, Georgians in one region or another, members of one class or Russian Rule and Georgian Society 83 84 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE another, protested the presence of the tsarist forces. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Resistance to the changes brought by the Russians began soon after the first soldier passed through the Daryal. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In September 1802 royalist disturbances were recorded in various parts of Kartli-Kakheti, and the tsar responded by having Tsitsianov remove members of the Bagratid family from Transcaucasia for fear they would serve as a focus for anti- Russian activity. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In May 1804 the Georgian mountaineers of the upper river valleys of the Ksani and Aragvi rose in revolt against Russian demands for money payments, supplies, and labor along the Georgian Military Highway. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Hunger, sickness, and the forced requisitioning of goods by the army troops quartered in many villages finally resulted in a peasant raid on a requisitioning brigade in the village of Akhmeta (January 31, 1812). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rus- sian soldiers suffered more than a thousand casualties. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the end of March the revolt had been crushed; 13 peasants were hanged, 520 were killed in the fighting. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Among those exiled to Siberia were 62 tavadebi, nobles who had allied with peas- ants in the hope of ending Russian rule and restoring the decentralized monarchy of the Bagratids.63 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russian administration reacted to the Kakhetian revolt by abolish- ing the office of mouravi, over which the Russians and Georgian nobles had quarreled—thus further restricting noble power. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After eight hundred years of existence, the autocephaly of the Georgian church was abolished against the will of the Georgian clergy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Briefly a Georgian archbishop, Varlaam, served at the pleasure of the tsar as exarch, but in 1817 Varlaam was called to St. Petersburg and replaced by a Russian archbishop, Feofilakt. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The affront to the national church was as serious a blow to traditional Georgian society as the removal of the Bagratid house, the replacement of the noble mouravebi by Russian officials, and the stiffer requirements placed on the peasantry. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Less than a decade after the Kakhetian revolt, the complex of grievances against the Russian bureaucracy congealed into another massive uprising, this time in Imereti. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian church in the west had been independent until 1815, when a new hierarchy was imposed by the Russian administration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once again only the most brutal repression could force the Georgians to submit to the Russian authorities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
General Ermolov supervised the systematic ruination of the peasant economy in western Georgia and justified Russian action as appropriate retribution: “Extreme poverty will be their punishment.”65 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Without regard to local conditions, the government ordered peasants to cultivate potatoes and to pay their taxes with Russian rubles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
All fortified places in the province were seized, and peasant rebels fired on Russian troops, killing seventy-seven in Gogoreti. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In September the Russian forces, aided by a number of Georgian nobles, put down the revolt. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite the evident. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once more the tsarist government sided with the nobility in an effort to maintain order and the loyalty of the local landed elite. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Serfdom in Georgia had by the mid-nineteenth century been effectively remolded along Russian lines. The Making of the Georgian Nation
These changes brought the state and its officials in much closer contact with the peasants of Georgia than the Georgian monarchy had ever been. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The structure of the Russian system—the greater regularity of tax collection, the presence of soldiers, the threat of the draft, and the state’s role as policeman enforcing the authority of the landlords—combined with the arbitrariness and willfulness of petty bureaucrats to produce a peasant hostility toward the Russian state that periodically exploded into rebellion. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Tiflis this office merged Russian Rule and Georgian Society 87 88 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE in the eighteenth century with the Armenian community’s melik, a position that was concerned primarily with economic matters and was usually held in hereditary succession by members of the Bebutov family. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Georgian towns were gov- erned by royal officials, the mouravni, appointed by the king from among the aristocrats. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Occasionally, however, the king elevated a mokalake to the nobility. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Jews, who lived in Tskhinvali, Ali, Mdzovreti, and other places, played a relatively insignificant role. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russian civil administrator, Kovalenskii, planned a new administra- tion for Tiflis featuring a municipal board chaired by a nobleman but with four seats reserved for “eminent citizens” and four for ordinary urbanites. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For nearly forty years, the Russian administration hesitated either to grant formal political institutions to the urban guilds or to take the more drastic step, urged by some, of abolishing them. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Not until 1840 was the Russian Rule and Georgian Society 89 90 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE guilds’ influence in urban affairs officially recognized in a municipal statute. The Making of the Georgian Nation
There were complaints that many goods were too highly priced for the lower classes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the first years of Russian rule, competition flared up between local and outside merchants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russians at first envisioned Transcaucasia as a trade bridge between Europe and Asia, and in the 1820s Russian and foreign businessmen penetrated Transcaucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As early as 1827, the Russian government lent eighty thousand silver rubles to a Frenchman named Castella to build a silk-spinning mill in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But this outlay of government capital was exceptional, and by the end of the 1 820s Russian authorities began to see the Asian continent as a source of raw materials for the embryonic industry of central Russia.82 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian factory owners never liked the tariff-free trade route through Transcaucasia and complained to Minister of Finance Egor Kankrin that they were losing out to the more cheaply produced European goods on the Persian market. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The issue of the tariff and the role of Russian merchants in the Caucasus become part of an intense debate within the government on Rus- sian policy toward the southern periphery of the empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kankrin, on one side, defended the interests of nascent Russian industry and the need for a tariff. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Such a colonial relationship would keep Transcaucasia somewhat apart from the empire’s political system: “Calling the Transcauca- Russian Rule and Georgian Society 91 92 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE sian territory a colony means that it is not the object of the government to join it to the general state system, that it is not hoped to make of this part of Russia and the Russian people in the moral sense, but to leave this territory as an Asian province, although better governed.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
However, we are speaking here only of those manufactures which because of great profits might soon compete with similar enterprises in Russia and thus undermine their well-being.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Besides the short-lived silk mill, no other factory was opened in Georgia in the first four decades after the Russian annexation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When Nicholas I visited Erevan in 1837, Rozen presented nine Armenian merchants who petitioned the tsar for permission to open the European trade once again.88 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In these efforts he was opposed by Finance Minister Kankrin, who wanted the Caucasus to supply raw materials to Russian industry and refrain from competing with manufacturers north of the mountains. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kankrin’s policies were not notably successful. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Before he arrived, the city had changed little under Russian rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tiflis was growing beyond its old Iranian nucleus into a graceful, lively center of the Russian Middle East. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Vorontsov promoted education and culture in the Caucasus, building the first Russian theater and public library in Tiflis (1846). The Making of the Georgian Nation
He remarked in letters that theater would not only allow natives to become acquainted with the art of the stage but aid in the spread of the Russian language. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The general cultural level of Tiflis had to be raised so that the Russian officers living there would find it less oppressive. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Official publications—Kavkaz (Cau- casus; issued in Russian and Armenian) and Kavkazskii kalendar’ (Cauca- sian Calendar)—appeared in 1846. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The spread of literary culture in the Russian Rule and Georgian Society 93 94 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE Caucasus also required the introduction in 1849 of that guardian of correct expression, the Caucasian Censor’s Committee. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In his effort to forge links of mutual interest with the Caucasian peoples, Viceroy Vorontsov became interested in reviving commerce through Trans- caucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The tariff of 1831 was the principal culprit in the decline of Russian trade with Transcaucasia and Iran and the shift of western trade through Trebizond instead of Tiflis. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A compromise was reached; on December 14, 1846, the free transit of West European goods was re-established and tariffs were slightly lowered.93 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The rivalry between Armenian and Russian merchants did not end with the restoration of lower tariffs, however, and the government remained clearly on the side of the Russians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When two Russian “trading depots” were opened in Tiflis in 1847—1848, Armenian merchants complained to Vorontsov that the Russians were being given an unfair advantage. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although goods bought at the last Nizhegorod fair by Armenians were subject to a 12 percent tariff, goods produced in Moscow and Ivanovo and sold directly through the depots were spared this duty. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite such official support, the Russian producers and merchants continued to have difficulty in local markets. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Vorontsov’s vision, so different from that of Kankrin and Paskevich, included not only the advance of Russian trade but also the economic development of the Cau- casus. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian rule did not successfully foster Russian trade with Caucasia, but it did permit local merchants to flourish and turned the attention of the Armenian mokalakebi toward Europe. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In recognition of the central role played bythe Tiflis merchants, Vorontsov declared in 1854 that the mokalakebi were to be “hereditary eminent citizens of the Russian empire.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the end of the first half-century of Russian rule, Transcaucasia had been administratively integrated into the tsarist empire, and the social elites among the Georgians and Armenians had metamorphosed into estates (sosloviia) of the Russian type. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The central government, through its most enlightened governors, had by law and by example drawn significant seg- ments of the Georgian nobility and Armenian bourgeoisie into identifying their security, economic well-being, prestige, and political status with the Russian connection. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But at the same time that this pacification and integration was taking place, the stage was being set for a dual confrontation that would mature in the next half-century: between the two leading social and ethnic communities—the Georgian nobility and the Armenian bourgeoisie—and between the Russian autocracy and the intellec- tual elements emerging from these two classes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The hesitant nobility especially feared losing their land, their principal source of income; nevertheless, in the long bureaucratic process of hammering out the terms of emancipation, an irreversible decision was made that obligated the nobles to permit the peasants to redeem the land.1 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The revolt had been suppressed, but Russian authorities remained con- cerned about its repercussions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
General Koliubakin reported to his superi- ors: “I do not wish to believe that in the Caucasus in many cases the word of a Russian cannot replace the bayonet and cannon. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian officialdom could hardly afford to forget that just two years earlier, when Omar Pasha had invaded western Georgia, many peasants had responded with enthusiasm to his promises that the allies would emancipate the serfs.5 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Still, no action was taken toward emancipation in Georgia until after the Polozhenie of February 19, 1861.6 The Making of the Georgian Nation
A Trans- caucasian Committee for the Reorganization of the Landlord Peasantry was set up, headed by State Secretary Aleksei Fedorovich Kruzenshtern, and the nobles were told to elect district committees that would supply local plans for reform. The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘With sense of itself as a service nobility loyal to a new sovereign, the Georgian elite had reason to believe that its achievements in the Crimean and Caucasian wars would be rewarded appropriately by the state. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The nobles began their deliberations, wary of the consequences of emancipation but also hopeful that their privileged position would not be seriously compromised. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The negative votes were cast by members of the most exalted families in Georgia, nobles closely allied to the Russian state and least vulnerable, given their immense holdings, to the danger of impoverishment after emancipa- tion.15 The Making of the Georgian Nation
With the backing of the assembly, Kipiani set to work collecting the nobles’ views on emancipation and outlining a model for reform.16 The Making of the Georgian Nation
By late April 1863 he had completed a full report for the nobles of Tiflis province Emancipation 99 100 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE based on his own reading of Georgian history. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The lord was obliged to help the peasant in times of need, and the peasant to supply the lord with produce and labor because the lord owned both the peasant himself and the land he tilled. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Earlier, the Russian nobility had complained to the tsar about emancipation of the peasants with land, but their protests had occurred before the proclamation of February 19. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite Kipiani’s professed loyalty, St. Petersburg, already challenged militarily by the 1863 uprising in Poland, was apprehensive about the shift in noble leadership in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Baron Aleksandr Nikolai’s report to the Cauca- sian Committee, reassuring the members of Kipiani’s devotion to the mon- archy, may have helped: Emancipation 101 102 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE As far as the political convictions of Mister Kipiani are concerned, it is possible to say one thing about them, and that is that he is sufficiently intelligent to comprehend that unconditional submission to the Russian government is the single rule for the survival of his homeland.25 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet at the same time the serf remained dependent materially, and in part legally, on his former master. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The dues paid by peasants increased significantly after the reform. The Making of the Georgian Nation
instead of the 20 percent that Russian peasants paid. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasant allotments were very meager in eastern Georgia and even smaller in the west. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This differed from the practice in Russia, where an obshchestvo included only peasants of one landlord. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Each commune was to be administered by a peasant assembly, an elder (starshina in Russian, mamasakhlisi in Georgian), and a peasant court. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although in Georgia there had been very little communal landholding by peasants, the Transcaucasian Committee for the Reorganization of the Landlord Peasantry decided to extend krugovaia poruka, the collective re- sponsibility of the village commune for paying taxes and debts, to the Georgian villages. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian nobles lost much in the reform—part of the lands they had owned for centuries, labor obligations from their serfs, the dues from the serfs—but they also retained much. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Furthermore, the zemstvo reform of 1864, which had created elective local administrative bodies, was not extended to Transcaucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A mere thirty years earlier many of these same men had been prepared to murder Russian officials and to fight to re-establish an independent Georgian kingdom. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet in the 1860s their opposition to emancipation was contained within legal bounds, and once the tsar’s will was announced, they took no further action. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the age of Paskevich through the reign of Vorontsov to the viceroyalties of Bariatinskii and Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich, the Georgian nobles’ fate was increasingly tied to the Russian state, in war and peace. The Making of the Georgian Nation
There was no longer any Batonishvili alternative to the Romanovs, no possible hope of restoration of the Bagratid monarchy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgia’s finest families were no longer primarily a national elite, as they had been in the first three decades of the century, but a cosmopolitan aristocracy with loyalties extending beyond Georgia, binding them to the Russian autocratic order. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This was not merely psychological or cultural. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The corporate solidarity of the Georgian nobles had paid off in important concessions, though they were much further from the govern- ment’s position on emancipation than many Russian nobles were. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian peasantry did not at first understand fully the implications of the reform. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasants often interpreted the emancipation as more complete than it actually was. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Responding to a few “agitators,” peas- ants would refuse to pay their dues or do begara (labor obligations) for their landlords. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Now noble authority, however slightly, was compromised, and peasants, however incompletely, gained a degree of freedom. The Making of the Georgian Nation
No significant group within Georgia was satisfied with the reform. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Even hearing the text of the Polozhenie, which had been translated into a rather bookish Georgian, did not clarify the complex provisions of the law.55 The Making of the Georgian Nation
For example, what kind of abolition of serfdom is it when a state Emancipation 111 112 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE official held in his hands the lord and the serf, tied together by chains, and smothered and fleeced them? What help could be expected from the courts in which one’s own language was forbidden and people, thanks to their ignorance of a foreign language, fell into the clutches of every thief and rascaL57 The abolition of serfdom in Georgia was initiated, designed, and carried out by the Russian state, by bureaucrats acting in the name of the tsar and his viceroy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It was carried out against the expressed desires of the organized gentry and its newly chosen leadership. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Up to 1864 the principal concern of the Georgian nobility had been the protection of their privileges by the Russian authorities who were steadily eroding their political powers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The causes of the precipitate decline of the nobility in the half-century after emancipation were both material and psychological. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In absolute terms all three nationalities were increasing their num- bers in the city, but the rate of growth was highest for Russians and lowest for Armenians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
These were almost entirely held by Armenians, although a few Russian and foreign merchants owned “trade houses and stores.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1821—1831, 1846, and 1864, low tariffs encouraged transit trade from Europe and Iran to cross Russian Trans- caucasia rather than go through Turkish Trebizond. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The economy of Tiflis gradually shifted from transit trade and small 117Emergence of Political Society 118 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE craft production to larger-scale industrial production, bringing new oppor- tunities for enterprising people to build their fortunes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Some capital invest- ment came from eager Russian merchants and even from foreigners, but the bulk of the new workshops and factories was built with local Armenian capital. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1870 the Russian tariff was introduced in the Caucasus, replacing the lower duties imposed six years earlier and creating a protected area in which infant industries could grow without serious competition from cheaper European goods. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent were Georgian (2,619) and 6 percent Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The wealthiest Armenians—the Arzumanovs, Avetisians, and Mantashevs in the oil industry; the Adel- khanovs in leather goods; the Tumaniants, Kevorkovs, Avetisovs and Pitoevs in commerce; the Egiazarovs, Ter-Asaturovs, Bozarjiants, and Enfianjiants in tobacco—made up a fraternity of entrepreneurs who worked together in a variety of joint-stock companies, pooling their capital to maintain the pri- macy of the local bourgeoisie in the face of Russian and foreign competi- tion.9 The Making of the Georgian Nation
A Russian observer, S. Mak- simov, early in the 1870s echoed many other visitors: Trade in the Caucasus is entirely in the hands of clever and calculating Armenians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian ethnographer P. I. Kovalevskii spoke of the Georgians as “merry [and] sociable,” but also as noted for their “laziness, insufficient energy and enterprise, instability, lack of self-restraint, little ability in work, light-minded and superficial attitude toward business and matters at hand.”11 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Final authority in Transcaucasia always rested with the Russian military-bureaucratic administration, but local government was delegated to the wealthy men of property in Tiflis. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1866 the Russian judicial reform of 1864 was extended to Caucasia, thus eliminating the local courts and laws and integrating the region into the imperial system. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet no zemstva were established in Transcaucasia, which meant that the Georgian nobility did not enjoy the local political influence that their Russian brethren exercised. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Armenians are higher than Georgians in intelligence and in love for work, and for that reason there is nothing surprising in the fact that Georgian properties are rapidly falling into Armenian hands. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The integration of Yiflis into the urban administrative system of the Russian empire was completed in 1874, when the municipal statute granted to Russian cities in 1870 was extended to certain cities in the Caucasus.17 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tsarist law had a dual effect on the Armenian bourgeoisie, forcing its modernization by eliminating the merchant guilds and restricting the craft guilds while at the same time preserving, indeed extending, its privileged political position within the municipality. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As the Georgian nobility failed to adjust to the spreading market economy and lost its ancient lands to middle-class creditors or land-hungry peasants, it was also pushed aside politically. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus, Russian colonial dominance of Transcaucasia, which guaranteed a degree of peace, security; and economic progress in certain sectors, had fostered conditions for both national refor- mation and ethnic confrontation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Protection by tsarist arms was both a necessity and a restrictive imposition for Georgians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the second half of the eighteenth century, at a time when Russian letters were flourishing under the patronage of Catherine II and the founda- tion of the Armenian national revival was being laid by Catholic monks in Venice (the Mekhitarist fathers), Georgia was still imperiled by both the Ottoman and Iranian empires. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nevertheless a printing press was set up in Tiflis in 1749, and three decades later the clergyman Gaioz opened a school that taught Russian in the Georgian capital. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Learning in Georgia was almost entirely religious, and it is esti- mated that 85 percent of the output of the Georgian printers was clerical literature.20 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The poetry of Chavchavadze lamented the lost past of Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The pupil of Soghomon Dodiashvili, one of the conspirators of 1832, and the nephew of Grigol Orbeliani, Baratashvili found his muse in Ekaterina Chavchavadze, the second daughter of Alex- andre, and wrote a series of lyric poems to her. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Three years later Brosset published a Georgian-French-Russian dictionary with D. I. Chubinashvili (Chubinov) and a year later completed his translation into Russian of Rustaveli’s twelfth- century epic poem, “vepkhistqaosani.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Native Georgian scholarship had already produced a short history of Georgia in Russian, Kratkaia istoniia Gruzii (St. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Under the impact of Russian rule Georgian intellectuals initiated their own search into their country’s past, a search that immediately raised doubts about Georgia’s present and future while at the same time it created a congenial view of the past and a source of national pride. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The first members of the Georgian intelligentsia, known later as the “fathers,” were a small, close-knit group of aristocratic writers who shared with a few others of their noble brothers the benefits of Russian state service. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Those who completed their secondary educa- tion in the Caucasus and wished to continue had to enroll in one of the half- dozen Russian universities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The mem- bers of this tiny intellectual world were similar in social background but their literary tastes and political outlooks differed greatly, and those differences can be traced to the unique experience of the sons in Russia in the late 1 850s and early 1860s. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Numbering about thirty in the early 1 860s, the Georgian students in St. Petersburg lived separately from the Russians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the various non-Russian minority groups in the university decided to form zemliachestva (circles of people from the same town, region, or ethnic group), some Georgians argued in favor of a pan-Caucasian zemliachestvo. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The majority, however, were convinced by the young writer Ilia Chavchavadze (1837—1907) to form separate Georgian, Armenian, Russian, and “Lezgin” organizations with strong ties among them.24 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Inspired by the liberation movements in Italy and Hungary, the more zealous among them began wearing their hair like Garibaldi. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In his verse “poeti,” written during his student years, Chavchavadze announced his view of his literary and social obligation: The Russian radical intelligentsia made social commitment to the peo- ple the touchstone of its ideas and behavior and this had a profound effect on the Georgians who studied in the north. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Akaki Tsereteli remembered the great influence of the radical “sons” of the Russian intelligentsia—Nikolai Chernyshevskii (1828—1889) and Nikolai Dobroliubov (1836—1.861)— The Making of the Georgian Nation
To become a brother to the people, A friend in joy and sorrow, so that its suffering in pain lights fire to my soul. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Central to the question of ethnic identity in Transcaucasia was the use of language. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But language—the knowledge of Georgian and the degree of fluency in Rus- sian—was a key to social and political mobility and to the degree of identity with one’s own people or the dominant nationality. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From 1868 Georgian was clearly inferior to Russian, not only in popular attitudes or the views of officials, but in the law as well. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The teaching of Russian was required in all schools in the empire, and Georgian was no longer a required subject. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Beginning in the 1870s only private schools taught courses in Georgian, usually on the primary level, with Russian given as a special course. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When a student reached middle school the courses were taught in Russian, with Georgian given as a separate course. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As early as 1860 Niko Nikoladze discerned this tendency in his first published article, “Do We Need the Georgian Lan- guage?” This painful question was addressed in the first influential and long-lived Georgian journal, tsiskani (Dawn), which appeared briefly from 1852 to 1853 under the editorship of playwright Giorgi Eristavi (1811—1864) and enjoyed a longer run (1857—1875) under Ivane Kereselidze (1829—1883). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Similar struggles over the archaic literary language of the upper classes and the church and the “demo- cratic” reform of the written language were then dividing the Armenian intelligentsia and had stirred hostilities a generation earlier among Russian writers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
No longer able to work together with the “fathers,” the tengdaleulni issued their own periodicals. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Even I, a child of eight, was interested in the journal. The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘With the pages of tsiskani closed to him, Chavchavadze published his own and his friends’ articles, as well as translations of authors and theorists considered progressive. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The ideas of the so-called Russian enlighteners (prosvetiteli), particularly Nikolai Chernyshevskii and Nikolai Dobroliubov, were as much appeals to emotion and calls to action as they were intellectual stimulants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Stimulated by the revival of political activity among Russian intellectuals, the Tiflis literati used the pages of droeba to introduce their readers to the ideas of progressive liberal thinkers like John Stuart Mill and “utopian socialists” like Robert Owen, Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, Pierre Proudhon, and Louis Blanc. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The meore dasi was the first group of Georgian intellectuals to become involved primarily in the urban and economic life of Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
And on the left was the emerging revolutionary movement, first influenced by Rus- sian populism and later by Marxism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Inspired by the successes of Russian arms against the Emergence of Political Society 133 134 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE Ottoman Turks in 1877—1878, both the Armenians and the Georgians dared to hope that their brethren living in eastern Anatolia might be liberated from Muslim rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The dissemination of Georgian national feeling by the patriotic intel- ligentsia in the last third of the nineteenth century paralleled developments among the Armenians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rejecting revolution and dedicated to reform, the liberals de- pended on the good will of the state for the implementation of their program. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nikoladze took his own advice and went for a time to work in St. Petersburg for a private railroad company. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Meanwhile, in the 1870s a ne~ generation of young noblemen responded to the contradictory messages d the Russian Enlightenment by turning toward populism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
One student latet claimed that “his house was for the Georgian intelligentsia what Stankevich’s home had been for Russian writers.”42 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In general young Georgian intellectuals experienced a ne~ liveliness, and in this stimulating climate they were attracted both by the radical political message of Russian populists and a sense of their respon- sibility to their own people. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At one extreme, farthest from the Georgian “patriots” (mamulishvilebi)~ were a few Georgian populists who linked their fate directly to that of the Russian revolutionary movement of the 1870s. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian people can be freed only if the political order in Russia is destroyed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Consequently the Georgian youth are helping the cause of the Russian revolution, and in this way they serve not only the Russian people but the interests of Georgia.”43 The Making of the Georgian Nation
When he met his old friends from Tiflis, he found them much less interesting than the Russians.46 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The main question at the congress was whether to support Nikoladze’s notion of a federative republic of Caucasia or to join the all-Russian social revolutionary movement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The majority proposed Switzerland as a model of what a Russian federal state should be in the future.48 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Given their strategy, it was appropriate that Jabadari and his comrades soon joined forces with a small group of Russian women in Zurich, the so- called Frichi, who had refused to obey their government’s command to return home in 1873. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization, founded in 1875, included the Georgian-born Georgii Zdanovich (1855—1917), Aleksandre Tsitsianov, and Mikhail Chikoidze, as well as the Russian women from Zurich: Sofia Bardin, Olga Liubatovich, Lydia Figner, and others. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Held in prison for almost two years, they were finally tried in the famous Trial of the Fifty in February 1877, one of a series of mass trials designed by the Russian government to discredit the revolutionary movement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For all the prominence of Georgians in the Russian populist movement, the movement had very little impact within Georgia itself. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Organizations were formed in Tiflis and Kutaisi, and their members received the simple literature prepared for the peasants—books like The Clever Mechanic and The Tale of Four Brothers—and translated them into Georgian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Searching for some explanation of their difficulties, some target on which to fix blame, Geor- gians often focused on the Armenians of the towns or on Russian officials. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although both the liberals and the populists were deeply concerned with Georgia’s economic and social problems, they tended to neglect specifically ethnic aspects of the situation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Particularly grating was the practice of wealthy Armenians buying up the property of impoverished Georgian nobles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the same time the growth of Russian nationalism in the government bureaucracy and in the population affected the administration of the empire’s ethnic periphery. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The viceroys had been independent of the various ministries in the capital and could report directly to the tsar, but the administrative system introduced in Janaury 1883 required the governor-general to report routinely through the bureaucracy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nationality was made a consideration in recruitment of state officials. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian language studies were further discouraged, even in the Yiflis seminary where a harsh Russianizing regime was installed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Suddenly and dramatically, the political tranquility that had deceptively marked the first decade of the new reign was shattered on May 24, 1886, when a student at the Tiflis seminary, loseb Laghiashvili, fatally stabbed the Russian rector, Pavl Chudetskii. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Apparently the seminary radicals had decided to avenge Jibladze’s treatment with the assassination of the rector. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the city board put forth its list of seventy-seven candidates in 1893, ten were Russian, seven Georgian, and two German; the rest were Armenian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ethnic conflicts in the duma heightened in the next few years. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From 1893 to 1897 the council attempted to put aside ethnic considerations in its daily practice and concentrated on sanitation, municipal infirmaries, and better veterinary supervision of the city slaughterhouse, all in response to the cholera epidemic of 1892—1893. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The tsarist government began restricting Armenian cultural and political institutions, closing charitable organizations and schools. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By campaigning against all Armenians rather than just the ruling party~ the opposition produced a backlash among the electors and assured its own defeat. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By 1905 the Marxists, now adherents of the Menshevik wing of Russian social democracy, were the de facto leaders of a massive national liberation movement, the dimensions of which had not been seen elsewhere in the Russian empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Marxism Georgians had a non-nationalist idelology that was a weapon against both their ethnic enemies: Russian officials and the Arme- nian bourgeoisie. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the view of the Marxists Georgia could be returned to the Georgians only when revolution eliminated the dual domination of Russian bureaucracy and Armenian industrialists. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As we have seen, the great majority of former serfs in Georgia remained “tem- porarily obligated” long after their Russian counterparts had been freed from that category~ Former landlords and the state bureaucracy retained much of the power they had exercised before 1864, and they continued, all too frequently, to abuse their prerogatives. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Peasants farmed their own plots, and because these plots were too small to support the household they either rented noble lands or worked on them as wage laborers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
With so much land in their hands, and given their general reluctance to reorganize agriculture on a more productive basis, the nobles constituted the most powerful social barrier to the creation of a capitalist agriculture in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tea culture was concentrated in Batumi oblast’, and since Georgia was the only tea producer in the Russian empire its market was guaranteed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the earliest years of Russian rule peasants who could not find work or make a livelihood in their villages migrated, at least for a season, to the towns. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The European proletariat has a family—true, aggravating him, but for all that, sweetening often the bitterness of his life; the Georgian musha also has a wife and children but “over the mountains, across the plains.”18 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Among the crafts that did persevere, the old system of training appren- tices and journeymen to become full masters was steadily replaced by harsher and more distant treatment of employees. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Under such conditions the productivity of the Asiatic worker for whom the factory or plant is a temporary refuge is significantly less than the productiv- ity of the Russian worker of the industrial region.27 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1891 a Russian worker, Fedor Afanas’ev, formed a circle known to its members as the A mass of unskilled workers are coming here from Persia and the Armenian Marxism and National Struggle 1SS 156 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE “Krasnogorskaia kommuna” (Red Mountain Commune), in which the young writer Aleksei Peshkov (Maxim Gorky) lived for a year.32 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In workshops, particularly among Russians in the railroad yards, popu- list workers like Fedor Guzenko and Petr Shafranov in 1887 formed study circles and supplied them with illegal literature.31 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Almost all these circles were Russian-language study groups of radical orientation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The young intellectuals who gravitated toward Marxism in the 1890s were not the product of the established intelligentsia of urban Georgia, but rather neophytes who emerged from the most backward rural districts of western Georgia, most often from Guria. The Making of the Georgian Nation
I have come to the conclusion that Marx and Engels and their young Russian disciple, Georgii Plekhanov, are our leaders and teachers lighting for us the way. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Attracted as he was by the Marxist reliance on the working class, Ingoroqva-Ninoshvili, like most of the radical activists of the early 1 890s, was intellectually still quite close to the dominant populist views of the Russian revolutionary movement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
No sharp distinctions were yet made be- tween Russian socialism and its European variants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This same mix of radical ideas could be found in the more politically aware students in the Tiflis seminary, who met in secret circles and read the Russian radical literature available from the bookshop of Zakhari Chinchinadze. The Making of the Georgian Nation
More highly industrialized than their homeland, with an active work- ing class and an articulate student movement, Poland seemed a completely foreign land, much more European than the rest of the Russian empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1891 Zhordania and Makharadze embarked together for study at the Veterinary Institute in Warsaw. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The city was a revelation to the young Geor- gians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Bitter debates over conflicting allegiances to patriotism and socialist internationalism divided the Polish students and resonated in the discussions of the Georgians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the last decade of the nineteenth century a remarkable upsurge of intellectual, political, and economic activity, comparable only to the 1860s, spread through educated society in the Russian empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1893 alone, the Marxist intelligentsia established its organiza- tion and the students of the Tiflis seminary renewed their struggle against the school’s Russian administration; a tense electoral campaign for the city duma pitted the dominant Armenians against an embittered Georgian op- position; workers in Batumi struck the Rothschild plant again; and a new weekly journal, destined to change the complexion of the educated youth of Georgia, appeared in Tiflis. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Zhordania wanted to demonstrate that “our country has already imper- Marxism and National Struggle 159 160 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE ceptibly stood on the road of industry. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The mesame dasi discovered Afanas’ev and Stanislaw Reniger (lustin), who were distributing revolutionary literature among Russian workers, and set up “reading circles” in which these translated works were provided for Georgians who did not understand Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Early in 1899 the first Tiflis committee of the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party (RSDRP) was formed to coordinate the numerous activities of the circles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The epicenter of the labor movement was the railroad workshops in Tiflis, where many of the earliest Russian and Georgian workers’ circles had been established and where strikes had occurred periodically since the late 1880s. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The first actions had been motivated almost entirely by economic consid- erations—the harvest of 1901 had been quite poor—but once the police and soldiers intervened on the side of the landlords, the movement broadened into a political struggle against local Russian authority and autocracy itself. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian social democracy was unique in the Russian empire for its close ties with both an ethnic labor movement and a mass peasant organiza- tion. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite their national base and involvement with the peasantry, however, the Georgian Marxists conceived of themselves as part of an all-Russian movement to organize workers against the tsarist autocracy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Interestingly enough, the future Bolsheviks Tskhakaia and Makharadze defended the principle of co-optation onto committees.61 The Making of the Georgian Nation
8 The End of Tsarist Georgia Through 1901 tsarist loyalists gathered at banquets and ceremonies to marl~ the centennial of imperial Russia’s annexation of Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Betweer 1905 and 1917, the possibility of a revolutionary overthrow of tsarism remained a vivid hope, even in the dark days of “reaction” and the years ol working within the new “constitutional” framework. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Through that lasi decade of Russian imperial rule, resistance to restabilizing tsarism in Trans- caucasia was the constant reality to which imperial authority was forced tc accommodate itself. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The local nobility’s advan- tages in landholding and freedom from tax and labor obligations (like road work) infuriated the peasants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
To contain the widespread rebellion of west Georgian peasants and pacify the towns of Caucasia, the tsar appointed Count Illarion Ivanovich Vorontsov-Dashkov (1837—1916) viceroy of the Caucasus with extraordinary powers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But on August 25, two thousand people crowded into the crescent-shaped duma chamber in the city hail. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The local “Red Guards” ambushed the district administrator, Lazarenko, and kept him and his men under seige until word was received that the tsar had issued the Manifesto of October 17. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But this rare instance of cooperation could not end the strain between the rebellious population and the shaken government. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By returning the church lands to the Armenians and abolishing the ethnic restrictions on entrance into the state service, Vorontsov-Dashkov went far toward winning over powerful elements in the Armenian com- munity. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nevertheless, the current exarch of Georgia, Innokenti, “has done much to turn this into a theoretical ques- tion.”14 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The viceroy showed somewhat more anxiety about the Caucasian Mus- lims, among whom “ideas of national consciousness are beginning to de- velop.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
One of his earliest acts had been to eliminate his predecessors’ requirement that instruction in local schools be in Russian from the first year. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He was particularly pleased that the Armenian church schools, which were not required to teach Russian, had decided to offer Russian language, “though not sufficiently grammatical.”15 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The government’s hope that new elections would result in a more pliable or conservative duma were not fulfilled. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The young Iraklii Tsereteli (1881—1959) became the End of Tsarist Georgia 173 174 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE leader of the social democratic faction in the duma and emerged quickly as a major political figure on the Russian scene. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The section on Georgia is worth reproducing in full: The party crisis has affected Transcaucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Before the London Congress, 15,670 members of the party could be counted, but now, 14,100, i.e., a decrease of 10 percent. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In certain organizations this decline is even more noticeable, especially in rural organizations, for example, in Kutaisi press, in articles dealing with the party’s tactics in the post-1905 era. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The crisis in the party was reflected in the Georgian and Russian socialist In two “Letters from the Caucasus” published in Sotsialdemokrat in Refusing to become mired in this theoretical debate, the Georgian social End of Tsarist Georgia 175 176 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE democrats, meeting in the fall of 1910 in Guria, rejected the Bolsheviks’ charge that likvidatorstvo existed in the party and reaffirmed the need for both legal and illegal work.24 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In some parts of Transcaucasia the [party] crisis has been influenced by the economic crisis. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the Batumi-Sukhumi-Kars electoral district the social demo- cratic candidate, Akaki Chkhenkeli, defeated the rightist candidate, Sher- vashidze, despite the government’s efforts to have the socialist arrested and exiled. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After a month and a half, workers returned to the job as individual mine owners came to agree with some of their demands.29 The Making of the Georgian Nation
transformed into a front-line area. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He urged the social democrats to consider a pro-German orientation, but Zhordania considered any break with the expressed Russian orientation political sui- cide. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The pro-German feeling among many Georgians and the cool neutrality of most social democrats toward the Russian government distanced the tsarist officials from Georgian society; at the same time Armenian Rus- sophilia brought the government closer to the middle-class Armenians of Tiflis and Baku who so enthusiastically backed the war effort. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Azerbaijanis, particularly suspect be- cause of their ethnic and linguistic ties to the Turks, were excluded from 179End of Tsarist Georgia 180 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE governmental grace. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When Countess Vorontsova-Dashkova set up a commit- tee to aid refugees, and local Azerbaijanis asked that the committee aid “Tatars” [Azerbaijanis] as well, the countess rebuffed them: “I know no Tatar refugees; I only know Tatar traitors.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the Russian army occupied eastern Anatolia in 1916, after the Ottoman government had carried out genocidal massacres against Armenians, Russian officials seriously consid- ered an “Armenia without Armenians.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Plans were discussed to settle Rus- sians in the area devastated by the 1915 Turkish deportation and killing of Armenians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
‘Within two months women in &trograd went out onto the streets in demonstrations for bread. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The February Revolution of 1917 had begun. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The century of Russian rule had prepared Georgians for statehood, but its full realization presented dangers and difficulties. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The soldiers, the great majority of whom were Russian and whose party sympathies were closest to the Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs), became agitated in April over nationalist efforts to establish autonomy for Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The workers, as noted, were largely Georgian and Menshevik; the soldiers were Russian peasants and supported the SRs; and the “progressive bourgeoisie” was largely Armenian and politically divided between the Dashnaks and the liberal parties (the Kadets and their local Armenian ally, the Armenian People’s Party). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Not surprisingly, Menshevik efforts to keep the Bolsheviks within a common social democratic organization failed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Bolsheviks formed their own party in early June, sharply separating themselves and their advocacy of “all power to the soviets!” The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Tiflis Bolsheviks were supported largely by militant soldiers and, to some extent, Russian workers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It was also a struggle for power in the city, and its outcome would determine whether the Georgian working class or the Russian soldiery would decide the political fate of central Transcaucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By early 1918 the political situation in Transcaucasia had changed dramatically, as the Russian army “voted with its feet” against the war. The Making of the Georgian Nation
With the army abandoning Transcaucasia, the Russian national element was severely reduced in the territory. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The central political issue became self-defense, and in the context of Russian retreat and Turkish advance, it inevitably took on an ethnic dimension. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Kadets and Russian SRs opposed the declaration and were joined in their feeble opposition by the Bolsheviks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In exchange for diplomatic recognition and protection from the increasing territorial appetite of the Turks, the Georgians gave the German empire use of their railroads, free circulation of German money in Georgia, all ships in Georgian ports, and a monopoly over mining and the export of raw materials. The Making of the Georgian Nation
German troops arrived in Tiflis on June 10. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As they continued their advance toward Baku, the Turks met with a sympa- thetic response from local Muslims. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The commissar was replaced, and to the chagrin of the nobles further attempts to collect dues and taxes proved futile.28 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian Menshevik M. Liadov argued that the only solution was formation of larger farms and intensification of agriculture.44 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Their success testifies to their skills in labor relations and the fact that class antagonisms in Georgia were not nearly as deep as they were in central Russian cities or even in Baku. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only British intervention brought this short, inconclusive war to an end, but relations between the two republics and between Armenians and Georgians within the Georgian republic re- mained strained. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On June 16, 1919, delegates from TIflis and Baku signed a mutual defense pact against the Russian threat. The Making of the Georgian Nation
They man- aged to bring the border war between Armenia and Georgia to an end in late December 1918, but were less successful in reconciling the separatist ambi- tions of the Georgians with the British-sponsored Volunteer Army’s plans for a unitary Russian state.S4 The Making of the Georgian Nation
On July 9, 1920, the last British troops were evacuated from Batumi and the city handed over to the Georgians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By that time the Red Army was already in Azerbaijan, and the Western powers had conceded the likelihood of a Soviet future for Georgia and Armenia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A Caucasian bureau (Kavburo) of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) [RKP(b)] was also set up (April 8, 1920) to coordinate the work of Communists in Caucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite treaty obligations, the Georgian government prudently decided not to come to the aid of Azerbaijan and take on the Red Army. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Still it was clear to the local Communists that they had no hope of coming to power soon without the intervention of the Red Army. The Making of the Georgian Nation
I ask you to remember that the internal and international situation of Georgia demands from the Georgian Communists, not the application of the Russian pattern, but the skillful and flexible creation of a distinctive tactic based on the greatest compliance with all kinds of petty-bourgeois elements.6 The Making of the Georgian Nation
The “Russian pattern” of which Lenin spoke was in fact the harsh series of emergency measures known as “War Communism,” which the party leaders were already planning to abandon in favor of a more accommodating approach, the so-called New Economic Policy (NEP) adopted at the Tenth Party Congress in March 1921. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lenin, like Stalin and Orjonikidze, was committed to keeping Georgia Soviet, but unlike them, he preferred a moderate approach toward By the time Caucasia was fully in Soviet hands, the Russian republic had From Baku Orjonikidze assured Lenin that “the Georgian Communists Bolshevik Georgia 211 212 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA are in complete agreement with us,” that a delegation had been sent to the former Menshevik government “with a proposal to end further fighting and to recognize Soviet power,” and that there was “full solidarity” on the question of small trade. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The warning that Communists must be wary of their own Russian nationalism had already been taken up in earnest by Lenin, and the “danger of Great Russian chauvinism” had been specifically condemned at the Tenth Party Congress just four months ear- lier.11 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Still the efforts to centralize decision-making at the Transcaucasian level and higher, at the all-Russian level, went on. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Stalin’s plan was approved by the Orgburo in Moscow and seemed headed for passage in the Politburo, when it met stiff resistance from Lenin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From Tiflis the Georgian leaders wired Moscow in protest and heatedly criticized the authoritarianism of the Trans- caucasian Territory Party Committee (Zakkraikom), which had replaced the Kavburo. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Orjonikidze quickly appointed a new Central Committee of people who agreed with the positions taken in Moscow, but the Mdivani-Makharadze forces stepped up their protests. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Again stricken by illness in December, the weakened, semiparalyzed leader embarked on what Moshe Lewin has called his “last struggle,” a desperate attempt to support the Georgian Communists, to limit the power of Stalin and the burgeoning bureaucracy in party and state, and to prevent a triumph of “Great Russian chauvinism” in nationality policy.21 The Making of the Georgian Nation
As Lenin in convalescence became increasingly troubled by Stalin and Orjonikidze’s activities, the centralizers managed to reconstitute the FSSSZR into a single Soviet republic, the Transcaucasian Federated Soviet Socialist Republic (ZSFSR) (December 10, 1922). The Making of the Georgian Nation
That same day Lenin, now convinced that he had underestimated the depth and power of Great Russian chauvinism within the bureaucracy, began dictating his notes on the national question.22 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lenin ended by declaring that Orjonikidze must be punished as an example, that Stalin and Dzerzhinskii must be held politically responsible for “this whole truly Great Russian nationalist campaign,” and that the abuses against the nationalities carried out in the name of unification be ended. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lenin’s vision was directed beyond the expedient requirements of forming the new Soviet Union and toward the goal of maintaining the prestige of the Russian Revolution and its liberating mission among the “awakening mil- lions” of Asia.24 The Making of the Georgian Nation
This left only the Commissariat of Finance and the Sovnarkhoz, the supreme economic council, at the federal level. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He maintained that the Orjonikidze majority in the KPG was not representative of the tried and experienced Georgian Communists. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Since the Great Russian proletariat was the backbone of that dictatorship and the peripheral nationalities were primarily peasant, he warned those who feared Great Russian chauvinism not to go too far toward appeasing the peasant peripheries. The Making of the Georgian Nation
These efforts were carried out in line with the nationality policies elaborated at the Twelfth Party Congress and a subsequent meeting of non-Russian activists that discussed the threat of “national communism,” local variants that favored different degrees of accommodation to cultural particularities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He appeared much more conciliatory toward the non-Russian peoples than he had during the Georgian controversy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Moreover, he added later, the greater danger at the time came from the Left applying Russian practices mechanistically and disregarding the par- ticularities of various nationalities.34 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Support for the regime was to be established through “nationalization” of the local governing institutions, or what had been referred to as korenizatsiia (“rooting” or “nativization” of the Soviet superstructure in the non-Russian areas), but overt nationalism was not to be tolerated within the party or state apparatus. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“After the Sovietization of Georgia, not only Men- sheviks but the whole people were hostile to the Communists, and, I will say openly, they were ready to fight against them.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
This potential weakness, of which the Soviet leaders were only too aware, made the government particularly vulnerable to the under- ground Menshevik opposition. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Besides, it is necessary to note that the Gurian nobles are not like the Russian nobles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This petty nobility, which has eight to ten desiatinas of land, are closer to the Russian kulaks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian intelligentsia—Mensheviks, National Democrats, Federalists—is flesh and blood, skin and bones part of the Russian counter- revolution. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Bolshevik revolution, like other social revolutions, had transformed the class structure and brought new social groups into power; but in contrast to the great revolutions in England and France, the long civil war in the Russian empire had removed the old ruling elite so completely that restoration was impossible. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The congress pointed out that “the Georgian village in the period of the existence of Soviet power, in contrast to the Russian village, did not experience the influence of War Communism and civil war (requisition of produce, con- fiscation of grain surpluses from the better-off peasants, committees of poor peasants, etc.), The Making of the Georgian Nation
In July 1925, the People’s Commissariat of Agriculture of Georgia drafted a plan that went beyond the limits of party policy and permitted the sale and purchase of land.56 The Making of the Georgian Nation
- Here workers [rabotniki] are needed, and as much as they cry, I am a Georgian, an Armenian, an Azerbaijani, and you cannot put someone else in but me, we nevertheless declare that we will invite that person who can best do the job, who is best able to revive our economy, no matter what his national origin: Georgian or Armenian, Azerbaijani or Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As E. H. Can explains it, “The logic of socialism in one country compelled Stalin to call a halt to the policy of concessions to the ku/ak and, almost in spite of himself, carried him over to the camp of the industrialists.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Primary education, •though not compulsory until 1930, was expanded, and instruction was introduced in Georgian, Armenian, Azeri, Abkhaz, Osetin, and Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For Georgia it was not only a “revolution from above” but a “revolution from outside,” for both its inception and its pace were dictated from Moscow, not Tiflis. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In a reversal of earlier directives, the resolution found economic work to be too centralized: republic-level organs had been overlooked, their initiative dampened. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Modifying the formula of Lenin, Stalin settled the question of which national deviation was the “principal danger”: local nationalism or Great Russian chauvinism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Over the next decade, as the Soviet state attempted to reduce the autonomy of regional authorities, the centralizing tendencies also led to the promotion of Russians and Russian language. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Expertise rather than ethnicity was pushed as a criterion for choosing cadres, and Russian as a lingua franca for the whole Soviet Union was encouraged. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1938 instruction in the Russian language was made a compulsory subject in all Soviet schools. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When a regional organization proved reluctant to carry out the orders of the Georgian party bureau, quick reprisals were taken. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thirty-three letters were borrowed directly, and six new letters were formed for specifically Abkhaz phonemes.65 The Making of the Georgian Nation
But with the outbreak of war it became clear that national units were imperative, given the diffi- culties of recruiting and training men who knew little Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Both Soviet patriotism and Georgian nationalism were employed in the cause. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As one analyst has concluded, his authority over Transcaucasia allowed the Georgians “to es- cape the degree of Russian supervision (such as Russian second secretaries) that was normal in the other union republics and procured for Georgia, at least, special consideration in the allotment of scarce goods.”79 The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the Nineteenth Party Congress in October 1952 speaker after speaker condemned minority nationalism without mentioning Great Russian chau- vinism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“A concrete reason for Beria’s favoring the non- Russian nationalities more than other leaders did,” writes Fairbanks, “is his territorial fiefdom in the Transcaucasus. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Kremlin’s power over the destiny of the non-Russian peoples and the latter’s ultimate impotence were most brutally illustrated when several small nationalities were physically moved from their homelands. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ethnic discrimination and attacks on nationalism went hand in hand with an aggressive promotion of Russian culture and nationalism. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Party chief Mgeladze told the delegates that “the idealization of the past by the writer Gamsakhurdia is an expression of bourgeois nationalism, the essence of which is concealed in an attempt to isolate and close itself off in the confines of national narrow- mindedness without seeing what is bringing closer together and uniting the laborers of all the nationalities of the Soviet Union.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Shalva Dadiani’s novel Iurii Bogoliubskii, which was based on the life of Queen Tamar’s unfortunate Russian first husband, was attacked for distorting the “centuries-long friend- ship of the Russian and Georgian peoples.”91 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Dramatists and cin- ematographers were damned for the poverty of their work, and translators were told to turn out more Georgian-language editions of the classics of Russian literature. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian na- tionalism was self-protection against the pressures and the blandishments of the “higher culture” of the Russians and an argument in favor of preferential treatment of one ethnic group over its rivals. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Perhaps Stalin’s greatest legacy was the building of an empire, both within and outside the Soviet Union, that proved to have greater capacity to survive his death than many contemporary analysts expected. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For the Georgians, who entered the Stalinist period as a largely peasant nation, the relationship with the Great Russian center was marked by this kind of “internal colonialism.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
All the constituent peoples of the Soviet Union were affected by the social revolution of the Stalin years as well as by the political changes that followed, but the emphasis of most analysts of the recent Soviet past has been, understandably, on the center and on the top, that is, on the Russian heartland and the ruling communist elite. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When attention has been turned to the non-Russian periphery, it has usually been to look at the treatment of the minority nationalities as a separate aspect of Soviet policy, as “nationality policy” or the “national question.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only an unquestioning acceptance of the outdated totalitarian model of the USSR would permit a researcher to make the facile conclusion that the writ of the Kremlin always ran without resistance in outlying areas. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the most general Nationality Policy since Stalin 295 296 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA way one can describe the last 150 years as the period of the “re-formation” of the Georgian nation. The Making of the Georgian Nation
With the Russian annexations of Georgian lands (1801—1829), most Georgian-speaking peoples were united under a single political authority for the first time since the fifteenth century~ The security provided by the Russians permitted the re-establishment of the agrarian economy and the rebirth of urban life.10 The Making of the Georgian Nation
This ambivalence toward Russia remained part of Georgian national consciousness for the next century and a half. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This phenomenon is difficult to explain, for the expectation remains that in developing societies, traditional ethnic allegiances will become less relevant.17 The Making of the Georgian Nation
As for bilingualism, high percentages of Georgians had no fluency in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent of rural Georgians and 63 percent of urban Georgians were not fluent in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent of Georgians were not fluent in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent are not fluent in Russian). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Again, the figures for Georgians show little tendency toward assimilation through the acquisition of Russian; indeed, a clear resistance to learning Russian is evident. The Making of the Georgian Nation
While the state-initiated economic de- velopment was creating a new industrial, urban society with greater mobility and material wealth, and greater opportunities for education and integration into Russian and European life, renationalization was creating a new national culture, preserving and revitalizing local traditions, and in a variety of ways preventing the assimilation of the Georgians into an amorphous interethnic conglomerate. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The political de-Stalinization and cultural “thaw” of the early post- Stalinist period raised hopes for more far-reaching reforms and caused much confusion in Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The costs and limits of reform within the system left by Stalin became apparent within the first few years after his death. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From Moscow the Central Committee issued a resolution in July that was critical of the Georgian Central Committee, and in August the second secretary in Tbilisi was replaced by a Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Stalin’s denigration was an appropriate symbol for the treatment of Georgian national consciousness at the hands of the Russian (Soviet) rulers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent of the Georgian republic’s population Armenians accounted for only 3.6 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In other speeches the party leader condemned “national narrow-mindedness and isolation,” and particularly the reluctance of many Georgians to study Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Abkhaz, Ajar, and South Ossetian regions had for years resisted both Russian and Georgian intervention into their internal operations. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Gamsakhurdia and V. Pailodze soon publicized their claims and made contact with the Russian dissident movement and the Western press. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the Eighth Congress of Georgian Writers in April 1976, Revaz Japaridze angrily opposed suggestions by the Georgian minister of education that history, geography, and other subjects should be taught in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He was outraged by an order from Moscow that all textbooks for higher educational institutions be published in Russian and that dissertations and their defenses be translated into Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The government made an ill-advised attempt to remove from the draft of the new Georgian constitution a clause that affirmed Georgian as the sole official state language of the republic and attempted to replace it with a clause that gave equal status to Russian and other languages. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian intellectuals were dissatisfied with the requirements set forth in 1975 by the USSR Ministry of Education that candidate and doctoral dissertations be submitted in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Shevardnadze, however, repeatedly stressed the importance of learning Russian and improving the instruction of Russian in Georgia in order to broaden the horizons of the Georgian people. The Making of the Georgian Nation
His methods contrasted with those of his predecessor, Mzhavanadze; he would not permit the un- limited “exploitation” of the state economy for private gain nor would he allow the unfettered growth of Georgian nationalism at the expense of the Russian language or of other ethnic groups in the republic. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus, ethnic consolidation both in the republic and in the ruling institutions also contributed to the rise in national identi- fication and pride. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian society remained a network in which family and kinship ties, ideas of honor and trust, nepotism, and patron- client alliances provided informal links within the population and prevented penetration of outsiders, whether members of other nationalities or repre- sentatives of state power. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Far more numerous in the past, before the Russian annexations and the migra- tion of many Abkhaz to Turkey, the Abkhaz had become a minority in their own homeland. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the 1979 census only 17 percent of the Abkhaz autonomous republic’s citizens were Abkhaz (83,000 people), while 43 per- cent (213,000) were Georgian, 16 percent (80,000) Russian, and 15 percent (73,000) Armenian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Abkhaz had fought against Georgian rule during the years of the Russian Revolution and Civil War, but with the establishment of Soviet power in Georgia in 1921, they were given their own cultural and political autonomy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ab- khaz intellectuals attempted on several occasions, most notably in 1978, to convince Moscow to permit their republic to be moved from Georgia into the Russian republic. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Gorba- chev’s own tentative steps in the area of nationality policy simultaneously raised expectations for the non-Russian peoples and failed to deliver.13 The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the September 1989 plenum of the Central Committee in Moscow, Gumbaridze defended the republic’s right to deal internally with its interethnic problems and proposed that ethnic military units be permit- ted in the non-Russian republics. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This appeal to the hated impe- rial power infuriated Georgian nationalists, who believed that the Ossetians in Georgia wanted political union with North Ossetia, an autonomous republic within the Russian Federation.17 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Assassination and arson were used as tactics in the increasingly violent rivalry between Gamsakhurdia and Chanturia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Septem- ber, the Russian government intervened more directly in Abkhazeti, The Georgian Road to Independence 329 330 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA straining relations between the Yeltsin and Shevardnadze governments. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In western Georgia the Gamsakhurdia forces were able to continue their resistance to Tbilisi through 1992 and 1993. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In May and again in June 1992, “Zviadists” rallied in Tbilisi, and armed men clashed in the streets. The Making of the Georgian Nation
With Yelt- sin’s government locked in mortal combat with the Russian parliament, Moscow’s control over Russian forces in the Caucasus was dubious. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In March 1993, while Abkhaz forces attacked Sukhumi, Russian aircraft bombed the city. The Making of the Georgian Nation
After months of futile fighting, a Russian-brokered cease- fire was signed by the Abkhaz and Georgians on July 28, and Shevardnadze muscled the agreement through a reluctant parliament. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The mere presence of Russian troops shifted the balance of forces in Georgia and secured victory for Shevardnadze. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yeltsin dissolved the Russian parliament on September 21 and two weeks later drove its mem- bers from the White House with military force. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian policy in Transcau- casia, which from the August 1991 putsch until Yeltsin’s coup in September 1993 had vacillated between reluctant respect for Caucasian independence and inconsistent intervention, now became more determined to restore Rus- sian hegemony in the region. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Shevardnadze calcu- lated that the restoration of Georgian statehood and the economy, as well as its territorial integrity, ironically depended on Russian support and goodwill. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ortho- dox Christianity provided an identity and ideology that delineated the Georgians from their Muslim and Armenian neighbors. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Like the other republics floating free after the demise of the Soviet empire, Georgia is reinventing its past, recovering what had been forgotten or distorted during the long years of Soviet rule and reconstructing the story of Georgia as a land belonging for all time to the Georgian people. The Making of the Georgian Nation
the Russian Conquest in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1932; New York: Barnes and Noble, 1971), p. 41. The Making of the Georgian Nation
59. The Making of the Georgian Nation
54. The Making of the Georgian Nation
56. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Just as Svimon of Kartli reached the pinnacle of his success, his royal cousin in Kakheti was informing the Russian ambassadors that Svimon “has lost nearly the whole of his kingdom for he eats opium and always quarrels with Turkish men” (Allen, Russian Embassies, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Istoniia Gruzii, p. 295; Allen, History of the Georgian People, p. 165, and Russian Embassies, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Allen, Russian Embassies, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Cited in Minorsky, “liflis,” p. 759; Allen, Russian Embassies, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
211—764. The Making of the Georgian Nation
the Russian Empire: The Case of Georgia” (Ph.D. The Making of the Georgian Nation
early years of Russian administration, see Lang, Last Years; and two unpublished dissertations: Rhinelander, “The Incorporation of the Caucasus,” and Henry John Armani, “The Russian Annexation of the Kingdom of Imeretia, 1800—1815: In the Light of Russo-Ottoman Relations” (Georgetown University, 1970). The Making of the Georgian Nation
States- men and Statescraft of the Modern West: Essays in Honor of Dwight E. Lee and H. Donaldson Jordan (Bane, Mass.: The Making of the Georgian Nation
15. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The second party offered Prince lulon, son of Erekle II and Queen Darejan, as the candidate for the throne, and the third party was made up of those pro-Russian nobles prepared to accept the end of Georgia’s independence (I. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At that time only two other provincial Russian cities, Kharkov and Astrakhan, had local newspapers. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The first raznochinets intellectual in Georgia, the philosopher-publicist Solomon Ivanis dze Dodiashvili (1805—1836) was the son of an enserfed clergyman and attended the only school in liflis open to non-nobles, the Tiflis seminary, and then went on to university in St. Petersburg, where he published the first textbook on logic in Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Dodiashvili’s non-noble birth seemed to hinder him little socially, and he was soon involved with the scions of the most noble families in Georgia in a plot against the Russian administration. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For an account of Grigol Orbeliani’s role, see Igor Bogomolov, Grigol Or- beliani I russkaia kultura (Tbilisi, 1964), Bogomolov argues that Orbeliani, Dodiashvili, Chavchavadze and others were not anti-Russian but antiaristocratic. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In his words, they were “healthy patriots” and not “anti-Russian nationalists.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Akaki Tsereteli, Perezhitoe (Moscow, 1940), p. 120. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Sofrom Mgaloblishvili, Vospominaniia o moei zhizni. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On medieval Russian towns, see Lawrence N. Langer, “The Medieval Russian Town,” in Michael E Hamm, ed., The Making of the Georgian Nation
The City in Russian History (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1976), pp. 11—33. The Making of the Georgian Nation
All merchants and craftsmen paid mali and a host of special taxes: samaspinszlo to finance royal visits; sursati and saleko to maintain troops; saruso to support Russian troops; satarguo and samouravo to maintain the mouravi; and maspad to maintain public buildings, repair bridges, and so on. The Making of the Georgian Nation
srednem vostoke vo vtoroi chetverti XIX veka i russkaia burzhuaziia (Moscow- Leningrad, 1949), pp. 80—81; I. G. Antelava, E. A. Ordzhonikidze, and E. V. Khoshtaria, K voprosu o genezise i razvitii kapitalizma v sel’skom khoziaistve i promyshlennosti Gruzii (Tbilisi, 1967), p. 85; Walter Pintner, Russian Economic Policy Under Nicholas I (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 43n. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian Imperialism from Ivan the Great to the Revolution (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1974), p. 254. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kazemzadeh argues in this essay that trade considerations influenced Russian expansion into the Caucasus but that “trade with Asia was not an end but rather a means to political domination. The Making of the Georgian Nation
While other than purely mercantile motives certainly played a role in Russian expansion into the Caucasus, Kazemzadeh’s quotation to prove his point shows the importance of economic considerations and does not demonstrate a strict separation between economic and political ends and means. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As part of his colonial policy, Kankrin planned to send Russian peasants to settle in Georgia, and Ermolov was forced to inform him that the treasury owned no free land in Georgia for such settlers (Khachapuridze, K istorii Gruzii, p. 140). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Firuz Kazemzadeh, “Russian Penetration of the Caucasus,” in Taras Hunczak, Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskaia politika, pp. 94—95. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kazemzadeh, “Russian Pen- Chkhetiia, Tbilisi, pp. 224 (citing Syn otechestva 44, no. 38, pp. 44—45), 224n, Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskaia politika, pp. 96—101. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nine schools were established for the Muslims. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A. V. Fadeev, “Razvitie kapitalizma vshir’ v poreformennoi Rossii,” Doklady i Chkhetiia, Tbilisi, p. 206; Khachapuridze, K istorii Gruzii, p. 464. The Making of the Georgian Nation
CHAPTER 5 1 . The Making of the Georgian Nation
Another important consideration was the administration’s plan to integrate as fully as possible the Transcaucasian provinces into the all-Russian governmental system; to eliminate, as much as Transcaucasian conditions would permit, local peculiarities and deviations from the Russian patterns of landholding and peasant-noble relations. The Making of the Georgian Nation
G. Megrelishvili, Gruzinskaia obshchestvenno-ekonomicheskaia mysl’ vtoroi14. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When the rector of the Tiflis seminary was killed by a former student, the exarch of Georgia, Pav’l, anathematized Georgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
2, 1861—1917: Period kapitalizma, 2d ed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Droeba, 1876, no. 48; Antelava, Ordzhonikidze, and Khoshtaria, K voprosu, p. 66n. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Megrelishvili, Gruzinskaia obshchestvenno-ekonomicheskaia mysi’, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Avaliani, Krest’ianskii vopros, vol. The Making of the Georgian Nation
1, p. 421. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The percentage of schools teaching all subjects in Russian rose from 49.8 The Making of the Georgian Nation
On Nikoladze’s Russian journalism, see G. D. Dzhavakhishvili (Javakhishvili), Niko Nikoladze I russkaia zhurnalistika (Tbilisi, 1978). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Louise Nalbandian, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Develop- ment of Armenian Political Parties Through the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963), p. 137; Kristapor Mikaielian, “Bekorner im husherits,” Hairenik Amsakir 2, no. 10 (August 1924): 56—57; Ronald Grigor Suny, “Populism, Nationalism and Marxism: The Origins of Revolu- tionary Parties Among the Armenians of the Caucasus,” Armenian Review 32, no. 2-126 (June 1979): 134—51; Norman M. Naimark, Terrorists and Social Demo- crats: The Russian Revolutionary Movement Under Alexander III (Cambridge, Mass.: The Making of the Georgian Nation
Khoshtaria, Ocherki, p. 207. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The newspaper iveria was closed down by the government for eight months in 1896 because of “harmful propaganda, aimed principally at students, against Russian authority in the Caucasus, against the Russian language, and in general against Russian influence in any form” (from a government order, cited in Bakhtadze, Ocherki, p. 166). The Making of the Georgian Nation
There were a few other legal Marxist periodicals in the Russian empire, namely Samarskii vestnik (1895) and Novoe slovo (1897). The Making of the Georgian Nation
For discussion of the complex diplomatic, military, and political events in early 1918, see Richard G. Hovannisian, Armenia on the Road to independence, 1918 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967); and Ronald Grigor Suny, The Baku Commune, 1917—1918: Class and Nationality in the Russian Revolution (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tiflis from June 10, 1918, as the organ of a group of Mensheviks who opposed the creation of independent republics in Transcaucasia and the separation from “Russian democracy.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Of the eighteen members of the editorial collective only one was clearly a Georgian; the others were Armenian, Russian, and Jewish. The Making of the Georgian Nation
55. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Moshe Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power: A Study of Collectivization (Evanston, Ill.: The Making of the Georgian Nation
David Marshall Lang, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia (New York: Grove Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. 7. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. 286. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. 488. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Lewin, Russian Peasants, p. SiS. The Making of the Georgian Nation
While the Russian edition of 1967 does not mention Malenkov’s name, the Armenian version of 1963 does. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For the most complete account of these events and their consequences, see Aleksandr M. Nekrich, The Punished Peoples: The Deportation and Fate of Soviet Minorities at the End of the Second World War (New York: Norton, 1978). The Making of the Georgian Nation
S. A. Shtromas, “The Legal Position of Soviet Nationalities and Their Territorial Units According to the 1977 Constitution of the USSR,” Russian Review 37, no. 3 (July 1978): 267. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Erevan is a special case because of the large number of immigrants from outside the Soviet Union, who usually do not speak Russian. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In May 1978, twelve thousand people gathered in the village of Lykhny to support the signers of the letter and to demand that Abkhazeti be allowed to secede from Georgia and join the Russian republic (RSFSR). The Making of the Georgian Nation
A Russian translation of Japaridze’s speech was published in AS 2583 in MS New York Times, April 15, 1978; April 18, 1978; Zaria vostoka, April 16, Interview with Professor Teimuraz Mamedovich Jafarli, deputy director of the The letter, which was first published in Russkaia mysi’ in Paris, was published For discussions of reformism versus preservation, see Stephen E Cohen, “The The 26th Congress of the CPSU (London: Allen and Unwin, 1982), pp. Notes for pages 309 to 311 397 398 Notes for pages 311 to 319 S2. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Few scholars have attempted to cover the entire history of Georgia, and most have stopped short of the twentieth century. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Russian Embassies to the Georgian Kings (1589—1605). The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russian translation is Istoriia tsarstva gruzinskogo. The Making of the Georgian Nation
“The Russian Annexation of the Kingdom of Imeretia, 1800— 1815: In the Light of Russo-Ottoman Relations.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
This is certainly the most important document collection for the first half-century of Russian rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ocherki agrarnoi istorii Gruzii pervoi poloviny XIX veka. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Russian translation is Moia zhizn’. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Tiflis, 1919. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Bibliographical Note 407 Index Abakumov, A. S., 287 Abasgia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The next few years—international tensions apart—should bring both the Georgians and the Russians many more of those material advantages and personal free- doms which we in the West tend rather complacently to take for granted. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The third category was that of the free farmers, herdsmen and warriors. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
But it is highly probable that the bulk of the people were free husbandmen and herdsmen, some with their own clan organization, or else vassals or serfs of the king or leading nobles. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The conclusion of peace with Persia set Paskevich free to concentrate on Turkish affairs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Men of every rank and class had free access to him; they might bring their own interpreter, and be sure of hav- ing justice quickly administered. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In some cases, both landlords and peasants united in face of the unpopular Russian administration. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A like fate soon overtook the free mountaineers of Upper Svaneti, high up in the Caucasus range looking down over Imereti and Mingrelia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In 1857, Prince Baryatinsky ordered Svaneti to be subdued by armed force, despite the existence of the treaties of 1833 and 1840, which established a protectorate over the principality of Western Upper Svaneti and the self-governing tribal area of Free (Eastern Upper) Svaneti. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Economic change brought with it changes in social relation- ships and habits of mind. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Tbilisi gendarmerie could report with truth that ‘the principal leader of the movement which aims at the intensifying of nationalistic trends is Prince lila Chavchavadze, Chairman of the Tbilisi Bank of the Nobility. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
From then onwards Gogebashviii became a free-lance and devoted his energies to spreading education and enlightenment among his fellow-countrymen and their children. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Then followed a period of success and literary renown in Tbilisi, after which Qazbegi took to acting and travelled round Georgia as a strolling player. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The countries of Western Europe (apart from special instances like that of Alsace- Lorraine) were free from foreign domination and the handicap A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA iz8 of a colonial régime. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
He came back to the Caucasus eager to free the revolutionary movement in his homeland out of its provincial swaddling clothes by setting up a secret printing press and embarking on terroristic campaigns. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In December i 898, the main Tbilisi railway depot came out on strike in protest against a reduction in wages, the abolition of free railway passes for railwaymen and their families, and other vexatious measures. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Russians resumed their old campaign against Georgian middle-class nationalism and upper-class ‘separatism’. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
1926), the future leader of the Petrograd Soviet, and the young lawyer Evgeni Gegechkori (1882—1954), future Foreign Minister of the independent Georgian Republic. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The rise of the Georgian ku/ak, the life of the Georgian aristocratic intellectual and dilettante, and the impact on them both of the revolutionary upheavals of 1917 and 1921 have never been more successfully depicted than in the masterly novel by Mikheil Javakbishvili (1881—1937), Jaqos kbi~nebi (Jaqo’s Guests), first published in 1924—2 ~. With devastating realism and many humorous touches, Javakhishvili contrasts the swashbuckling Jaqo, swindler, seducer and false bon- homme, with his victim, Prince Teimuraz Khevistavi, the amiable and ineffectual philanthropist whom Jaqo robs of his fortune, his wife, and even of his sanity. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Vehip now demanded the cession of the Georgian regions of Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki and the Armenian district of Aleksandropol, transfer of the Aleksandropol- Echmiadzin-Julfa railway to Turkish control and the free use 205 by the Turks of all Transcaucasian railways so long as the war against Great Britain continued. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This convention provided among other things for Germany to have free and unrestricted use of Georgia’s railway system and all ships found in Georgian ports, for the occupation of strategic points by German troops, the free circulation of German money in Georgia, the establishment of a German- Georgian mining corporation, and the exchange of diplomatic and consular representatives. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Now free from Turkish occupation, Armenia was basking in the favour of President Wilson and confident of world support in the redressing of her millennial wrongs. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
This bureau later formed the nucleus of an enlarged Caucasian Bureau, which came into being in May. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Grigol Uratadze, a veteran Menshe- vik, was sent clandestinely to Moscow to negotiate with Chicherin and the other People’s Commissars. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
A peasant uprising had already occurred in South Ossetia in 1918 and been suppressed with great severity by the Menshevik People’s Guard commanded by Valiko Jugheli. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
When Baron Wrangel’s Crimean force collapsed in Novem- ber 1920, the Red Army was free to send extra troops to reinforce the Caucasian front. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It passed resolutions calling upon the Revcom to defend Georgia’s rights to self-determination and independence; to hasten the formation of a national Red Army of Georgia; to secure for the working masses of Georgia the right to select their representatives by free elections; to ensure that the new Soviet order was introduced into Georgia in such a way as to respect the customs of the people; and to legalize the existence of all socialist organizations not actually engaging in activities directed against the régime. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The crowd reserved its ovation for the veteran revolu- tionary leader Isidore Ramishvili and another of their leaders, Alexander Dgebuadze, who asked Stalin straight out: ‘Why have you destroyed Georgia? What have you to offer by way of atonement?’ Surrounded by the angry faces of his old comrades Stalin turned pale and could only stutter a few words of self- justification, after which he left the hail cowering behind his Russian bodyguard. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
However, as the Soviet Union’s internal trading and communications system becomes further rationalized, it should be easy to supplement local food pro- duction with cheap grain and dairy products from the Ukraine and elsewhere, leaving Georgian growers free to concentrate on the more rewarding sub-tropical and specialized crops for which Georgia’s climate is uniquely suited. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The case of Georgia illustrates the achievements, both good and less good, of the radical and drastic methods of Soviet social engineering when applied to economically backward areas. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
What were those registers? Where did they go? What else is there?) But there are secondary sources which already cover the course of politics. A History of Modern Yemen
One can see the sensitivity of the issue in two editions of the same book, I was a badawi, utterly free, Not asking permission, my country likewise We sought Abü 1-Hasan in every trouble, Our Caliph who orders all my affairs. A History of Modern Yemen
Jazim al-Hirwl, a ShafiCi merchant with interests in Ethiopia, had his house destroyed, while Ahmad Pasha of Tacizz, a pillar of the local administration, quietly supported the exiled “Liberals” or “Free Yemenis”. A History of Modern Yemen
He visited the North, then Italy, Ethiopia, Britain and India before arriving in Iladramawt where he set up a school. A History of Modern Yemen
But the North was the pressing problem. A History of Modern Yemen
La~j was paid more for cotton than was Abyan (the debt-structure of the projects differed), and it was widely assumed the British were extract- ing great wealth from agriculture; in the British vie~ meanwhile, the Protectorate States absorbed ~i ,ooo,ooo per annum in free hand-outs. A History of Modern Yemen
Among Al?mad’s tribal opponents was Sinän Abü Lahum whose future brother-in-law Muhsin al-’Ayni was head of the Teacher’s Union in Aden and a prominent figure in the ATUC until the British, alarmed by upsetting the Imam, expelled him. A History of Modern Yemen
There were strikes in Ta’izz, and pamphlets circulated from the “Free Officers” while radio broadcasts from Cairo depicted Arab republics as everywhere the form of progress. A History of Modern Yemen
In November 1962 (the same month a small British party was noticed in Arhab, just north of Sanaa) the Egyptians had announced the forma- tion of a National Liberation Army to free the South. A History of Modern Yemen
Tomorrow the volcano will erupt in the heart of Aden; the free will destroy the base of colonialism; the revolutionaries will burn down the oil refineries.”27 A History of Modern Yemen
In 1968, as people returned from Aden or the army, peasant reform committees had appeared around Ta’izz, Rada’ and Ibb, and in some places landlords were arrested.9 A History of Modern Yemen
A “committee of free officers” then published their own version, Secrets and Documents of the Yemeni Revolution, for there were arguments to be had over who was a “Septembrist”, that is, rightly an inheritor of the nationalist revolution. A History of Modern Yemen
But the tribes soon complained of losing their land to those with presidential connections (yet again, MECO was prominent; it even- tually acquired about 20,000 hectares around Ma’rib and the Jawf; dwarfing most land-holdings of Imamic times), nor did local people benefit directly from oil in their own region. A History of Modern Yemen
Islam had aimed to free humanity from slavery, says the text, and the chapters jump directly from the conquest of Mecca (seventh century AD) to the nineteenth century: “Egypt, like all the Arab World, MODERN YEMEN was in a severe state of backwardness. A History of Modern Yemen
The Faqih Sadid marches against Aden. A History of Modern Yemen
Douglas himself uses the term “Free Yemenis”, but this refers at times to a specific organisa- tion. A History of Modern Yemen
That this one is from AI~mad is sug- gested by hostile mention of ‘Abdullah al-Hakimi, a Free Yemeni based first in Cardiff. A History of Modern Yemen
Douglas, L. 1987 The Free Yemeni Movement 1935—1962, Beirut: American University. A History of Modern Yemen
pubbat ahrar (Committee of Free Officers). A History of Modern Yemen
248 n.22 China, Chinese, 82, 87, 128, 129, 133, 140, 169 class and class analysis, 83, g~, 97, 103—4, 123, 191, 206—7, 238 fl.20 A History of Modern Yemen
Then they went to a small supermarket, where Au bought several cartons of soap powder and two dozen films. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
“Hamza! Let the women go free. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
On the contrary, the further away he was from the lost homeland, the more he dreamed of “the return,” the obsessive idea that filled the minds of countless Palestinians. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
In his early twenties, already conscious of his latent abilities, he saw himself as something of a leader, seeking to impress others by spinning yarns about his own achievements. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
“On September 18, 1973, a few days before the outbreak of the October War, we were all released under a general amnesty. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Once the passengers had been freed and the gunmen, their comrades, and the crew were alone on board, Abu lyad persuaded them to give themselves up in exchange for free passage to a country of their choice. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
In the meantime, President Sadat agreed to release the five prisoners held in Egypt, who were flown to Tunis to join the gun- men on board the plane. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
In March 1984, a bomb exploded outside the Intercontinental Hotel in Amman, and in November of that year the Jordanian chargé d’affaires in Athens narrowly es- caped being shot when his attacker’s gun jammed. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
tion was focused on the small pockets of Libyan exiles—defectors from his Free Officers movement and from his diplomatic service, students who failed to return home, and the like—most of whom had taken shelter in the United States, Britain, Egypt, Morocco, or the Sudan. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
with Fatah, and especially with Abu lyad, following a row they had had when they were both being entertained by President Boumé- dienne in Algiers. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Conditions were now propitious for Abu Nidal’s reentry into Libya. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
In the meantime, Sadat had sent in a force of Egyptian commandos to overpower the gunmen and free the hostages. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
seen nothing and never offered to help me.” Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Some are killers. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Respectfully, the customs officer detailed one of his colleagues to escort Isa to the bank of his choice. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Dr. Matar has left the organiza- tion but has not wholly escaped Abu Nidal’s attentions: Since 1989, a number of attempts have been made to abduct him to Lebanon, presumably to kill him there. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Israel has had a largely free hand in Lebanon. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
The Organiza- tion Directorate’s Palestine/Jordan Committee has almost no funds or facilities and was for a long time manned by only two persons—Samir Darwish, who was sent on a mission to Peru, where he was arrested, and Fadil al-Qaisi, who died in London after undergoing heart surgery. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
May 23, 1984-Israel’s state attorney’s office indicts Palestinian fighters “terrorists” so as to deny them legitimacy, greatly expanded its exploitation of this issue, aiming to shape American attitudes. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
used by Ronald Reagan and George Shultz and echoed by Vice President George Bush and CIA director William Casey. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Apart from Hindawi, the only people thought to be in the know were two or three officers in Syrian air force intelligence, including its chief, General Muhammad al-Khuly, and two or three of Abu Nidal’s members. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
It was timed to go off while the aircraft was in flight. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
And Isa would do the same. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Having been attacked by the United States a few months earlier, and in constant fear of hostile penetration along their two thousand kilometers of exposed Mediterranean coastline, the Lib- yans were more than jumpy. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Abu Nidal in order to neutralize him, but there is no evidence that they cooperated with him in joint terrorist operations. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
A few British soldiers were also involved in the Night Squads. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The massacre was carried out not to destroy the village, which had been peaceful, but to scare other Palestinians. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
All served in half-free circumstances and were released within three years. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Infiltrating such a group would have been the first priority of the Mossad and one of the most simple tasks. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Under pressure from Eisenhower after the Suez War, Israel agreed to stop building the canal. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
George Habash, the most charismatic of the group, became its head, and eventually he, like Ché Guevara (who met several Palestinian leaders, includ- ing Arafat), gave up his medical practice in Amman for full-time political work. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Each hijacking was timed to coincide with a particular world event, culminating in a spectacular day of hijackings, bringing planes to an abandoned British military airstrip near Zarka, Jordan, called Dawson Field just after the United States brokered a ceasefire along the Suez.18 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
A mob began demon- strating to free the four arrested Palestinians, and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat gave in, granting the killers bail; soon after they were quietly helped to leave the country. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Black September vs. Mossad 61 62 Arab and Israeli Terrorism tragedy. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
They published a pamphlet about him and put him on TV, and most peo- ple assumed that he had made a confession. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Marianne and the others told the police about their activities in Norway, at first contra- dicting each other and themselves, then finally declaring that they were obey- ing their Israeli bosses. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
They again demanded the release not only of Abu Daoud from Jordan, but also of the gunmen who took part in the Khartoum operation to free Abu Daoud, plus two of their members imprisoned in Holland and the five gunmen who took part in the Christmas 1973 attack on the Rome airport, all spectacular events. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Neither Abu Daoud nor the Khartoum gunmen had any knowledge of these new people and could not understand why someone who did not know them would go to such great lengths to free them. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Abu Nidal had launched his career as a terrorist leader, for this was his first action, and it was designed not to free hostages but to embarrass the PLO. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Fatah did not want its differences with Abu Nidal to become pub- lic, but they also did not want to discuss changing their political line, believ- ing that a dialogue would compromise their leadership, so Fatah initially refused. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Anti-Pales- tinian rioting erupted in the streets of Cairo during Sebai’s funeral.18 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
even the trivia. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
he remains visibly upset most of the morning. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Shedhadeh came to Rome from Lebanon and was given an American-made antitank rocket and a pistol by a Western woman. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
They tied their hands and feet and laid them flat on the beds. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Alex Schmid observes that governments usually have a stake in how ter- rorism is reported: “The facts made available to the public media are not infre- quently instruments in the contest for the allegiance of the public.”7 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Those who hijacked the jumbo felt that the trials were unfair, and they took it upon themselves to free their comrades. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Because of infighting and Israeli security measures, the Palestinians turned to terrorist attacks abroad, and it is debatable whether this helped the Arabs by keeping their cause alive or hurt them by giving them a bad reputation. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
John Laffin, Fedayeen: The Arab-Israeli Dilemma (New York: Free Press, 1977), p. 39, adds that by mid—1972 Fatah’s strength was down to 4000. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
David E. Long, deputy director of the Office of Counter Terrorism, wrote The Anatomy of Terrorism (New York: Free Press, 1990), which shows a limited and inaccurate knowledge of the Arab World and of conflict, reflecting poorly on the department’s ability. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Mad Dogs: The US. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Beirut: Institute for Palestinian Studies, 1971. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935—62 Leigh Douglas 4. Comtemporary Yemen
In pre-modern societies, such as Yemen’s until just a few years ago, geographical determi- nants often play the greatest part in shaping the character, organisa- tion and potentiality of a society. Comtemporary Yemen
Selected seeds and young plants should be imported and distributed free to the people. Comtemporary Yemen
An expert in its cultivation was to be appointed and seeds imported from Egypt, America,Izmir and Adana for free distribu- tion. Comtemporary Yemen
According to it, all education, from primary schools up to the secondary level, was to be provided free to all children. Comtemporary Yemen
Most movements developed from a commonly held idea, aim or value, but are otherwise fairly diffuse entities. Comtemporary Yemen
Rare exceptions are the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt under Hasan al-Banna’s leader- ship, Ahmad Husain’s Young Egypt Party (Misr Fata), and the Ba’th parties of Syria and Iraq, which have adopted fairly rigid party structures with a clearly defined membership, chain of com- mand and unifying ideology (or ‘party line’). Comtemporary Yemen
Each would then study it in the secrecy and privacy of The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 35 36 The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 his home. Comtemporary Yemen
Fatal al-Fulaihi (C. Comtemporary Yemen
The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 37 38 The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 Hizb al-Ahrar al-Yamaniyin (1944-5) By the time al-Zubairi and the other Shabab al-Amr were released the centre of Free Yemeni activity had shifted to Ta’izz where the Crown Prince, Saif al-Islam Ahmad, had his court. Comtemporary Yemen
Following al-Zubairi’s return to Yemen the former members of Hai’at al-Nidal, Fatat al-Fulaihi and those who had been associated with Maj al/at al-Hikma a!- Comtemporary Yemen
Yamaniya greeted the manifesto enthu- siastically and Shabab al-Amr cells were established in San’a’ and Ibb. Comtemporary Yemen
Saif al-Islam Ahmad was perceived by some of the Free Yemenis as a potentially more open-minded ruler than his father, the ageing Imam Yahya. Comtemporary Yemen
Nu’man, al-Zubairi, Ahmad al-Shami and Zaid al-Mawshki and others who had been associated with the FYM gathered at his court to try and impress upon him their views on the need to introduce reforms since they felt that he was likely to become the Imam after Yahya’s death. Comtemporary Yemen
Rudi- mentary elections were held within the first few weeks and Ahmad Nu’man was made President; Muhammad Mahmud al-Zubairi, Director; Zaid al-Mawshki, Vice-President; Ahmad al-Shami, Secretary; and al-Hajj Abdullah Uthman, Treasurer.8 Comtemporary Yemen
Organisationally it was a much more substantial entity than any that had hitherto been established under the auspices of the FYM and had both a constitution and its own newspaper, Sawt al-Yaman (The Voice of Yemen).’° Comtemporary Yemen
According to the Group’s manifesto its aim was nothing less than the ‘elimination of the rule of Imam Yahya and his Sons’.9 Comtemporary Yemen
All were imprisoned in the summer of 1944 and the Group ceased to exist, the Imam having discovered its existence. Comtemporary Yemen
It was not a formal organisation and, as its name suggests, involved little more than exchanging opinions on literature, poetry and ideas for reform through the post. Comtemporary Yemen
Its main purpose was to keep alive the links that had been forged over the preceding decade between the former members of al-Muta”s Hai’at al-Nidal and those associated with Maja/lat al-Hikma a!- Comtemporary Yemen
Yamaniya, who were now scattered through- out Yemen as a result of Imam Yahya’s policy of breaking up the opposition to his rule. Comtemporary Yemen
However, he was given little The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 41 42 The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 al-Akwa’, Abdullah al-Sallal, Hamud al-Ja’ifi and Ahmad al- Mu’allimi.’8 Comtemporary Yemen
At midday on 17 February 1948 Imam Yahya was assassinated and the next day Imam Abdullah al-Wazir was elected.’6 Comtemporary Yemen
Only two ‘voices’ of the Movement remained: Jaridat al-Fudul (Superiority), a weekly newspaper published by Abdullah Abd al-Wahhab Nu’man in Aden from December 1949 until October 1953 and Jaridat a!-Sa!am Comtemporary Yemen
However, despite strong personal ties such as this, formal links between the Yemeni Union and the village associations remained weak and the Union was a ‘higher council’ of the associations in spirit only. Comtemporary Yemen
From then on the Yemeni Union took over from the GYA as the most organised and vocal expression of the FYM. Comtemporary Yemen
In line with Nasser’s aims of ridding the Arab World of the ‘twin evils’ of reaction and imperialism, al-Zubairi’s broadcasts denounced both the Hamid al-Din and the Yemeni imamate, which predictably upset those Free Yemenis who supported its continua- tion.23 Comtemporary Yemen
This chapter is extracted from a study of the Free Yemeni Movement sub- Rudolf Heberle, Social Movement: An Introduction to Political Sociology A. al-Shamahi, Al-Yaman:Al-Insan wal-Hadara(Dar al-Huna, Cairo, 1972), The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 43 44 The Free Yemeni Movement: 1935-62 p. 176. Comtemporary Yemen
53,2ONov. Comtemporary Yemen
See constitution of the Yemeni Union in Jaridat al-Nahda (Aden), no. 133 8 Jan. 1953, p. 9. Comtemporary Yemen
By the end of 1963 it included nine other organisations, some of which represented tribal groups, like the FormatiQn of the Tribes, the Mahra Youth Organisation and the Yafa’i Reform Front, while the rest represented Arab political tendencies which were significant at the time: the Nasserite Front, the Secret Organisation of Free Officers and Soldiers, the Revolutionary Organisation of Free Men of Occupied South Yemen, the Patriotic Front, the Aden Revolu- tionary Vanguard and the Revolutionary Organisation of Youth in Occupied South Yemen. Comtemporary Yemen
Its objectives are worth noting, given the phases which the NLF has been through since then. Comtemporary Yemen
The NLF consisted of the following secret organi- sations: Arab Nationalist Movement; Tribal Brigades; Nasserist Front; Secret Organisation of Free Soldiers; Yafa’i Reform Front; Revolutionary Organisation of Free South Yemenis. Comtemporary Yemen
The Charter stated that foreign trade should be in the hands of the state and education should be free for all children having equal chances of access. Comtemporary Yemen
3. Comtemporary Yemen
Education is free and the government should pay particular attention to technical and vocational education.’ Comtemporary Yemen
He is fed with information through his membership in the Consultative Committee of the Ministry. Comtemporary Yemen
Group leadership. Comtemporary Yemen
The essence of this principle is that consultation with colleagues in the Ministry usually leads to a ripe Education for Nation-building 111 112 Education for Nation-building and useful result. Comtemporary Yemen
This consultation can be through regular meetings which the Assistant Deputy can organise with the departments under his authority, to discuss with them points concerning their departments which will be discussed at higher levels. Comtemporary Yemen
The last point to be made is that the University of Aden started with 40 students in the College of Education in 1970, and it now houses over 4,000 students having free education and stipends averaging about a thousand dollars annually. Comtemporary Yemen
David Shirreff, ‘South Yemen Leadership Favours a Little Free Enterprise’, Middle East EconomicDigest, 23 May 1980, pp. 6-8; ‘Aden is Perking up under New Leader’, New York Times, 22 June 1980; Chris Kutschera, ‘South Yemen: A Slow Move towards the West’, The Middle East (Aug. Comtemporary Yemen
But the right forces within the NLF, deriving support from the army and with encouragement from Egypt, were able to impose their control and the leaders of the left went into exile. Comtemporary Yemen
After the devel- opment of this rather discreet movement in Imamic Yemen into a political party (Free Yemeni Party) it was not unnatural that its formation should be proclaimed in Aden, in 1944, by its vanguard group which had managed to escape to the Colony. Comtemporary Yemen
He himself was a founder member and through his newspaper a campaign was vehemently and relentlessly waged by the Free Yemenis against the Imam and his autocratic rule. Comtemporary Yemen
The Imam pro- tested to the British and both Luqman and the Free Yemenis were warned and ordered to cease their criticism and incitement against the Mutawakkilite Kingdom. Comtemporary Yemen
When the Governor approved the licensing of Sawt al-Yaman, the Association newspaper, he warned the Free Yemenis that their The Genesis of the Call for Yemeni Unity 245 246 The Genesis of the Cal/for Yemeni Unity continued residence in Aden was conditional on their ‘good behaviour and on abstention from any incitement of Yemenis to rebel’.22 Comtemporary Yemen
His recurring theme was the demand for a constitution and a constitutional government. Comtemporary Yemen
He replied that it might possibly be of some benefit to the inhabitants of Yemen, by introducing a more democratic and progressive Government. Comtemporary Yemen
In any case a change of regime would be unlikely to benefit British interests since the more progressive Yemenis are also nationalist, with irredentist aspirations. Comtemporary Yemen
He mentioned that some of the Yemeni exiles in Aden were already talking of a united South-West Arabia which should comprise Yemen, the Aden Protectorate and Aden itself.25 Comtemporary Yemen
After the failure of the 1948 revolution, many of its leaders, including some of the Free Yemenis, lost their heads to the execu- tioner’s sword and the majority of the remainder (e.g. Comtemporary Yemen
In the first election in 1955 three of the four elected members were candidates of the Asso- ciation. Comtemporary Yemen
However, up till 1958, when it split into two groups, the Aden Association generally kept an open mind on the question of union with the Colony and the Protectorate, preferring to wait and see how the latter developed politically and economically.32 Comtemporary Yemen
But neither al-Jifri nor his SAL (and behind them Sultan Au) observed the proviso. Comtemporary Yemen
Both countries were finally free in their decision and there was a unique constellation for unification, but the historic chance at that juncture was missed. Comtemporary Yemen
Acknowledgments (Ii Preface I The Plague of Domestic Terrorism II The Question of Civil Liberties III The l980s: Successes Against International Terrorism IV The l990s: The Rise of Militant Islam in America and the World V The Gaza Syndrome VI The Specter of Nuclear Terrorism VII What Is to Be Done Notes CONTENTS liii 3 7 27 51 75 99 121 129 149 I FIGHTING TERRORISM How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists Terrorism is back—with a vengeance. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
I have been involved in the battle against terrorism for most of my adult life—first as a soldier in the special forces of the Israeli Army, then as one of the founders of an institute devoted to the study of terrorism, and later as a diplomat seeking to forge an alliance of the free nations in the active effort to defeat international terror- ism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Today’s tragedies can either be the harbingers of much greater calamities yet to come or the turning point in which free societies-once again mobilize their resources, their inge- nuity, and their will to wipe out this evil from our midst. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The citizens of free countries understand this instinc- tively. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
I have said that Americans, as profound believers in democracy and genuine lovers of their country, are for the most part inoculated against the ideas which are the wellspring of terrorism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The citizens of free societies must be told again and again that terrorists are savage beasts of prey, and should be treated as such. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The governments of free societies charged with fight- ing a rising tide of terrorism are thus faced with a dem- ocratic dilemma: If they do not fight terrorism with the means available to them, they endanger their citizenry; if they do, they appear to endanger the very freedoms which they are charged to protect. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
In the United States, such freedoms are more scru- pulously protected than in any other country in the world, and there are even some who claim that free speech and religious freedom should be considered “ab- solute” rights. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Just how far the con- cern with free speech has gone was driven home to me in a recent conversation with a security expert who ex- plained the constraints imposed on the FBI by the At- torney General’s guidelines which govern monitoring activities: They prohibit law enforcement officials from using government funds to so much as buy a newsletter by a militant group in order to examine it for threats of terrorist activity—and if an official were to pay for the newsletter out of his own pocket, he would be prohibited from storing the clippings in a government office, be- cause such rudimentary intelligence gathering is consid- Benjamin Netanyahu 30 ered an “infringement” on the liberties of the groups involved. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
From the days of Robespierre’s infamous Committee for Public Safety, Benjamin Netanyahu 32 democracies have had to guard against this danger, couched in terms of national security, which unduly in- vades the privacy of each citizen in the name of national security. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Some Americans fear that an active anti-terror strategy would compromise the free, democratic nature of American society. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Rahman was allowed into the United States in 1990 from Sudan, after a history of perfidy in his native land, which included serving time for recruiting members for the Islamic terrorist fac- tion that had assassinated President Anwar Sadat. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The ideal of an absolute civil liberty—whether a “left- ist” liberty such as absolute free speech or a “rightist” liberty such as the absolute right to bear arms—should be tempered by political realities, and the attempt to ap- ply it in its pristine form has grave consequences. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
But perhaps the most important factor in regulating the conduct of counter-terrorism by democratic govern- ments is the independent investigative powers of the free press—and the right of the citizens to turn their govern- ment out of power if they feel it has gone too far. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
It is natural that a society of free citizens should shrink before a path which inevitably involves limiting the very liberties which the society is committed to protect. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
But so long as the tension between these two poles is maintained, with- out one extreme becoming the permanent fixation of the society and its ruin, the democracies can hope to have the best of both, remaining at once free and secure. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
[the] unlimited concession [of free speech] would be most baneful. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Later, the Soviets trained thousands of PLO operatives, awarded them special dip- lomatic status, and allowed them free movement throughout the countries of the Eastern bloc.5 Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The political offensive had been preceded by a delib- erate intellectual effort spanning a number of years to persuade the West to change its policies regarding ter- rorism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
From the beginning of my involvement with the Jon- athan Institute, and later in my tenure as a diplomat, I believed that the key to the elimination of international terror was having the United States lead the battle, and that this American leadership would harness the coun- tries of the free world into line, much as a powerful locomotive pulls the cars of a train. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
He made it clear that he was determined to effect a change in American anti-terror policy from one of pas- sive defense to a more active one, taking the battle against the terrorists to their bases abroad and to the countries supporting them, “even if there are some who are opposed to this.” Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The epidemic is spreading, and the civilized world is still groping for remedies. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Can we as a country, can the community of free nations, stand in a purely defensive posture and ab- sorb the blows dealt by terrorists? I think not. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
That in this larger anti-Western context, militant Arabs understand Israel as a mere tool of the West to be used against them can be seen in the constant references made by Saddam, Assad, and Arafat to Saladin—the great Muslim general who liberated Je- rusalem from the European Crusaders in 1187, after having signed a treaty avowing peace. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
And it is these suicide factories that sprang up in Gaza, free of any fear of retribution from Israel, and which, alongside the more conventional forms of murder by more con- ventionally minded terrorists, claimed an increasing price in Israeli lives. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Yasir Ara- fat—who more than anyone else alive contributed to the Fighting Terrorism 109 spread of international terrorism, who presides over an organization whose central and guiding political idea re- mains the desruction of Israel, and who personally pre- sided over countless atrocities against civilians of virtually every nationality in the free world in the service of this goal—is without question the lowest point in the history of the prize, and one which vitiates it of any moral worth. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Just as free-trade zones encourage trade, the creation of any “free-terror zone” is bound to encourage terrorism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
To understand how Gaza under the PLO facilitated terror, it is enough to imagine how ter- rorism would multiply in the United States if, say, Wich- ita, Kansas, were a free-terror zone, Gaza-style. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The creation of even semi-free enclaves for terrorists—where the authorities struggle against a substantial pro-terrorist sympathy in the population— such as in Northern Ireland or in the Basque region of Spain, creates horrendous conditions for the security services trying to uproot terrorism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
All this has disturbing implications not only for Israel but for the rest of the free world as well. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Stability may be achieved and terror- ism put on the defensive if Israel reassumes responsibility for its own security and asserts a policy of local autonomy for the Palestinian Arabs instead of the independent terror-free zones now being built. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The Eu- ropean countries in particular often hide behind liberal trade laws that enable European companies to engage in such trade without strict government supervision. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The United States Congress has successfully pressed for enforcement of other standards of international behavior by denying preferred trade status and other economic favors to states limiting free emigration, sponsoring terrorism, or trafficking in drugs. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
As in the case of the PLO in Gaza, the most that can be hoped for from buying off Syria is a tactical cessation of its proxy terrorism aimed at extracting the latest round of concessions; in this case, the terror inev- itably resumes once these concessions have been digested and it looks like the next round is to be had. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Rather, I propose that the laws of every free society must be such as to permit the security services to move against groups which incite to violence against the country’s government or its citizens. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The funding of terrorist activity, both inside and outside a given country, must be made illegal. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Quoted in Walter Berns, “Constitutional Power and the Defense of Free Government,” in Terrorism: How the West Can Win. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
to free the Palestinian land and establish a na- tional, independent, and fighting government over every part of the soil of Palestine to be freed” [Section 2]. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
Hence, Gazan Brothers stood at the forefront of military and political engagement. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Free rein is given to the imagination to discover Jews behind every great event in world history. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
It stressed that it “respects resolutions issued by international organizations and bodies unless they usurp or con- tradict the legitimate rights of our people to their homeland, their property, and their right to jihad until they are free and enjoy self-determination.”23 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Fifth, the Palestinian peo- ple must be allowed to select the strategies determining its destiny through free plebiscites and unrestricted elections for a representative leg- islature [al-intikhabatat-ta.shri’zyah HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas will adhere to what- ever the people choose—whether they choose to accept or to reject the political proposals before them—and will accept the results of the choice of leaders who will be the legitimate representatives of the people and 67. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas stated that it would not target civilians, as long as Israel pledged to do the same.87 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Such consultation “only can be done through a general popular ref- erendum inside and outside [Palestine] in an atmosphere that is free of pressure or coercion, so that the Palestinian people will have a say in what- ever affects its future, determines its fate and the fate of generations to come.”9° HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Ibrahim Ghosheh, quoted in Al-Quds, 22 September 1990. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The response to the magazine’s query whether Hamas recognized the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people proved to be an attempt to strike a precarious balance. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
This is particularly true because the PLO never enjoyed a prior electoral mandate; had there been such a popular man- date stemming from free and democratic legislative elections to give it legit- imacy, the evaluation of this matter would have differed.9 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Final Communique of the Cairo Dialogue Meeting, dated 21 December 1995; it was signed by Salim Za’noun, head of the PA delegation, and Khaled Mash’al, head of the Hamas del- egation. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
A few comments are in order here: Palestinian society remained free of sectarian tensions, although some observers interpreted Hamas’s very presence as having given rise to sectarian apprehensions and alleged that Hamas as a general rule had an anti-Christian attitude, making things uncomfortable for Christians and encouraging them to emigrate.84 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
For example, the “Introductory Memorandum” released at the end of 1993 states that “Hamas is a wide scale popular organization that champions the causes of the Palestinian people, free of discrimination on the basis of religion or race.”9° HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
This delegation visited Iran, Iraq, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia in Jan- uary 1991 in an attempt to mediate the conflict stemming from Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Since then, Hamas leaders and prominent figures have emerged in the Arab countries surrounding Israel, and representatives have been named in those countries. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
1. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The first obstacle that Hamas had to surmount in forging its ties with Arab regimes was the political and historical legacy of relations—most often hostile—between the Muslim Brotherhood and those regimes. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The release demanded that Kuwait once again should become “a free and esteemed country rich in potential and resources that make a significant contribution to the development of the Arab world.., HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
It saw the Egyptian-Sudanese border dispute over Halayeb also as benefiting Israel. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas shall adopt positions and information policies that foster other just causes of Islamic peoples and movements and organiza- tions. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Its support for the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina is due first of all because they are Muslims, and second because they have a just cause: self-defense and the struggle for independence. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
One of the most important articles in the proposal advanced by Hamas in April 1994 (as an initial effort at solving the Palestinian problem) calls for “the holding of free and general legislative elections inside and outside [Palestine] in order to choose the leaders and real representatives [of the Palestinian people]. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
No faction has the right to encroach on, obstruct, nullify, or abro- gate the political activities of another faction, so long as such activities are within the realm of acknowledged civilized and acceptable acts of oppo- sition, such as statements to the media, or sit-ins, marches, demonstra- tions, and strikes, etc. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Mahmoud al-Zahhar, interview, Sawt al-haq wal-hurriya [The voice of truth and free- Ibid. Theory andPractice 221 222 HAMAS to implement and administer a preset agenda. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Their objective was to convince Hamas to restrict itself to political action and to give up armed operations. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Given the circumstances that surround any attempt to conduct free and objective polls, it is in fact difficult to obtain an estimate of Hamas’s public support that is based on solid, scientific methodology. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas tried hard to hold on to its gains, and it considered any assaults on those institutions after the establishment of the PA to be com- parable to crossing a red line, which Hamas could not accept quietly. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
If a political environment is created that is favorable to a settlement that secures the basic rights of the Palestinians—a state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip that is free of Israeli domination, Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem, a return of the refugees, and the dismantling of Israeli set- tlements—then Hamas would be obliged to give up its armed operations to avoid being isolated. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The Movement placed its hands with the hands of all mujahidin (strugglers) who strive to free Palestine. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
They raised the banner of Jihad in the face of the oppressors in order to free the country and the people from the [oppressors’] desecration, impurity, and evil. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
With wealth they estab- lished clandestine organizations all over the world, such as the Free Masons, the Rotary and Lions clubs, etc., HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Hamas believes that the most dangerous of the settlement proposals proffered to date is the self-rule proposal now under discussion in Washington. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
His orders flow apace to occupation troops to shoot Palestinians without discrimi- nating between a civilian bystander and an armed person or between young and old. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Conducting general and free elections in the West Bank and Gaza to choose representatives and a leadership for our people. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
‘Free-fire zones’ were also established which in effect gave the Israeli soldiers and patrols carte blanche to shoot at anyone and anything that moved in the area. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
This has allowed the Islamic Resistance a free hand in making military decisions based on the circumstances in South Lebanon, which they are in a better position to judge than their leaders in Beirut. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Hezbollah’s human bombs have taken the same message to heart. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
How come every country in the world rallied its support against Saddam for invading Kuwait, and the United States, the so-called defender of human rights and freedom, instigated a war against him to free Kuwait. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
We were told that the Americans were not interested in our demands and that Dodge had become a losing card which was better set free,’ he explained in embarrassment, as if he had realised their naïvety for the first time. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Free from official Lebanese control in the area, the Guards’ Hezbollah 108 contingent turned Baalbeck into a base for launching its extreme anti-American ideological campaign. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
‘Doctor,’ pronounced Fadlallah, ‘I am afraid that no one can free him now except the Iranian intelligence. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
My concern to free Jacobsen then was for the sake of the Hezbollah 136 university. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Our friends in Kuwait are free. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
They had to consider each other’s demands and conditions regardless of whether a particular group had reached a stage where it was willing to free its hostages. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Over the past thirty years, Islamic banking has become the fastest-growing sector in Middle East finance.The Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Islamic bankers have, however, taken great pains to create a system which fulfils the religious injunctions. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Its dispensary issues patients with free medication. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Lebanese law does not permit Hezbollah’s health care to be given free of charge, but the fees are approximately a quarter of the govern- ment’s charges. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Some of the medical prescriptions are provided free of charge while the majority are heavily subsidised. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
In Lebanon, schooling is not provided free and many Lebanese have had to remove their children from school either because they could no longer afford to pay for their education or because they required their children to contribute towards the family’s income. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Hezbollah is not permitted to offer free education, but their schools are cheaper than the government institutions and this has proved to be one of their chief attractions. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
From Xenophon’s Anabasis it is possible to piece together a picture of the western Georgian tribes at the end of the fifth century B.C. Free from Persian authority (except for the Mossynoeci), they lived in hostile relations with the Greek merchant ports. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Par- navazi maintained friendly relations with the heirs of Alexander the Great, and his successors continued this policy and paid tribute to the rulers of the Seleucid empire. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Rather than an undiluted and consistent struggle for national independence or religious integrity, as is often proposed by modern historians, the struggles of the Armenian, Georgian, and Albanian kings and princes should be seen as a series of constantly changing political orientations. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Using Strabo and later Georgian and Armenian sources, scholars have developed a picture of Georgian society in classical times. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Below the provincial governors were the spasalarni (generals) and the khliarkhfli (atasistavni), who collected taxes and gathered troops. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The aznaurni thus became distinguished from the tsvrilieri or “petty people.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 572, anti-Iranian revolts broke out in both Armenia and Kartli- Iberia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Iberian aristocrats soon had reason to regret their collusion with the Iranians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Whether through princes or puppet kings, the Mongols organized their administra- tion with one principal aim in mind: to secure a steady flow of taxes and tributes from the subject peoples. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The cultivators had formerly possessed personal free- dom; this was gradually lost as they were bound to the warrior elite, the church, the dynasts, or the king. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Princes and nobles broke with their sovereign and became kings of their provinces. The Making of the Georgian Nation
47Twilight of the Georgian Kingdoms 48 THE GEORGIAN MONARCHIES For the kings of Kartli the principal military threat came from the Safavids of Persia, who took Tbilisi in 1536 and held the city for two years. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the absence of such documentation, the serf could initiate a process of proving that he should be free. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Serfs were also permitted by law to buy their freedom and land if they had the means.12 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Like the Kakhetian revolt of 1812, the noble conspiracy of 1832 starkly illuminated the alienation and hostility that a significant segment of the Georgian nobility felt toward the tsarist regime. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Immediately below the msakhuri was the azati, a peasant freed by his lord either for past service or for payment. The Making of the Georgian Nation
He was therefore free from duties to his seigneur but not from royal taxes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
For many peasant households agriculture alone was not sufficient to maintain the family and had to be supplemented by other kinds of work. The Making of the Georgian Nation
This left about 7 percent free nobles, and 15.6 The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent free producers of other classes.70 The Making of the Georgian Nation
To enliven commerce in Georgia and entice Middle Eastern merchants to pass through the Caucasus, the tsarist authorities decided in 1821 to permit a low tariff of 5 percent on foreign goods imported into Transcaucasia and a tariff-free transit route to Iran. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Kankrin emerged the victor in this dispute, and in 1822 a tariff on foreign manufactured goods was imposed on Transcaucasia, thus bringing free transit to an end.84 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Tiflis province there was also a sizable number of middle gentry, who stood economically between the large magnates and the smallest landholders. The Making of the Georgian Nation
They received little comfort when the tsar visited Georgia in September 1861 and assured them that emancipation would be achieved with “the minimum loss to the landlords.”12 The Making of the Georgian Nation
We will have to sit sadly in the courtyards and beg for alms. The Making of the Georgian Nation
cultivated, as well as for the forests and pastures, for three years, during which time they would work out payment terms for a twelve-year agreement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Peasants were free to marry without permis- sion from their lords, engage in business, participate in government and educational institutions, and enter other social orders, such as the townspeo- pie. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus the serf’s dependence on his lord did not end with the emancipa- tion~ Indeed, the evolution to full free proprietor of his land required several phases, as in Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Svaneti was divided into two parts: “princely” Svaneti, ruled by the Dadeshkeliani family, and “free” Svaneti, where serfdom, and indeed nobles, did not exist. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The government decided that freeing these servants would cause too much opposition among the nobility, so only their resale and purchase were prohibited; all newborn were automat- ically free. The Making of the Georgian Nation
All peasants with land were set free and given a small plot of land without going through the stage of “temporary obligation.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Capitalist concepts of production for market, profitability, and economic efficiency were completely foreign to the vast majority of Georgian nobles, who were accustomed to the free labor and, obligatory payments that they had for centuries received from their peasants. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The serfs were taken away from us; there were no free workers; workers’ hands became expensive; we fell into debt, and because we were not able to pay them off in time we lost our estates.”1 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Until the end of the nineteenth century, manufacture was carried out either in the more than four thousand artisanal workshops in cities and towns or in individual village households where women used time free from field and housework to make by hand the necessities of life. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Its members were com- mitted to bringing the fruits of European culture and learning to Georgia, but they were also wary of importing an unfettered free-market system. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Against the background of developing capitalism, the growing power of the Armenian bourgeoisie, and the steady fall of the Georgian nobility, the newspaper ivenia and its editor preached an anticapitalist, antisocialist pro- gram. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Through the 1880s Georgian literature experienced a renaissance with the appearance of works by neoromantic writers like Aleksandre Qazbegi (1848—1893) and Vazha-Pshavela (Luki Pavlis-dze Razikashvili, 1861— 1915), men who celebrated the free spirit of the Georgian mountaineers and idealized Georgian life before the Russians arrived. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The commercial agriculture that remained was in the hands of the peasant smallholders.3 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Without exaggeration it can be said that commodity production was well established in Georgian agriculture by the end of the nineteenth century, but that rural Transcaucasia was still far from full capitalist relations of produc- tion. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasants were caught in the middle and benefited from neither side—not from the nobility’s attempts to enforce their old obligations, not from a free market tha~, through forces beyond their control and often far from their village, could reduce them to poverty~ Soviet historians customarily refer to the peasant emancipation and accompanying reforms of the l860s as “bourgeois.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
As V. D. Mochalov writes: “The bourgeois content of the reform is expressed in the fact that it gave the gestating industrial capitalism the ‘free worker,’ free before all in the sense of the formal elimination of personal dependence of the peasant on the landowner.”~ The Making of the Georgian Nation
The great major- ity of Georgian peasants found it nearly impossible to free themselves from ties to the landowning class and therefore remained on the land, trying to eke out a living from their ever-diminishing plots. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Despite the visible inroads of market relations, the Georgian peasantry remained a precapitalist estate whose methods, mentality, and horizons were much more reminiscent of the centuries spent as serfs than of free farmers producing for a distant market. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although migration to towns increased over time, there was no fully free labor market. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The duma voted unanimously in early February to petition the government to grant workers the right of assembly, free ex- pression of their demands, and freedom for unions. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Most of these unions are now closed and exist semi-legally.21 The Making of the Georgian Nation
To alleviate shortages, from the second half of 1918 the ministry moved more than eight thousand families to free lands in other districts. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Once free exit from the kolkhozy was permitted, however, the number fell to 10 percent. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The same kind of dislocations are observable in certain comrades and in other national republics.”70 The Making of the Georgian Nation
giving them a free hand to clean up their own machines.”30 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although collective farmers’ in- comes had increased by ninety-nine rubles between 1971 and 1972, most of their income had come from outside the collective sector. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Besides the desire for rights of free expression, Georgian na- tionalist dissidents manifested a revival of religious enthusiasm, anxiety about the demoralization of the Georgian people, and a clear dislike for Russians and Armenians. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Yet the Georgian leader was unwilling to cede to all demands or to give in to the ongoing free-wheeling in the economy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
They need constantly to demonstrate their worthiness to public opinion in general and to their peers in particu- lar. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Georgian national movement was immediately transformed by April 9 into a radical movement against the Communist regime responsible for the Tbilisi massacre. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Within two weeks, two hundred buses from Tbilisi drove toward Tskhinval to rally against the soviet’s decision, and for twenty-four hours Ossetians and Georgian faced each other with MVD troops between them. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The independent republic of Georgia is a nation possessed by its own history. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Hand- bOok of Major Soviet Nationalities (New York: Free Press, 1975), p. 162; Nove and Newth, Soviet Middle East, p. 40. The Making of the Georgian Nation
It is reckoned that at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the average peasant holding amounted to from ten to twenty desjiatins (one desjiatin = 2.7 A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The emperor whose accession and early reforms had aroused the most sanguine hopes, who had freed the peasants from servitude and carried through so many promising reforms, was spending his last years hunted like a beast by revolutionaries, and hiding in his palaces in a vain effort to ward off their bombs and guns. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
What in fact was going on, of course, was that local concerns were more compelling than the aims of foreign governments. A History of Modern Yemen
Viewed politically, “official” Islam now preached only the piou~ hope that rulers behave honestly; but freed by circumstance from prac- tical concerns with conformity and power, Yemenis in everyday life gol on with simply being Muslims. A History of Modern Yemen
The press, freed to a small degree before unification, flourished, while committees, councils and conventions of all sorts appeared and the freedom of speech long common in the Northern countryside emerged within cities also and more hesitantly throughout the South. A History of Modern Yemen
in the hope that she will be freed from fear FOR FARAH Readers of this book will recognize the debt I owe to a large number of Palestinian, Arab, Western, and Israeli informants. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Women, children, and non-Israelis on board were soon freed, but to Israel’s rage, the remaining twelve Israeli men among the passengers were held for thirty-nine days and were only released in exchange for fifteen Palestinians detained in Israeli jails. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Machine guns, hand grenades, and wireless communication equip- ment were smuggled in. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
To prepare the ground, the king freed Palestinians from his jails, held frequent meetings with Arafat, promoted his plan in London and Washington, and re- stored diplomatic relations with Egypt, broken off at the time of Camp David. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
British soldiers in order to win the release of captured comrades. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The communique, full of Arabic hyperbole, was adopted by the Abu Nidal group a decade later, as was the name al-Ass~fa, without giving credit to its authors. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The hijackers demanded the release of 100 Palestinians in Israeli jails. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The gunmen negotiated with police and Arab diplomats by shouting up the second-floor window, then freed most hostages and were given a plane to Kuwait, stopping in Egypt to refuel. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
There was actual talk by the Ameri- can officers of opening up on the weak-kneed Italians in order to get to the hijackers. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The Warsaw office was the most important, apart from Baghdad. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
London Times, 14 July 1947, p. 4. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Laffin, p. 155, gives the identities of the freed gunmen. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The key to the mystery was found in an ideological tract published in 1982 by two West German radicals, Walter Hexel and Odfried Hepp, en- titled Farewell to Hitlerism. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
In the wake of active anti- terror action by democratic governments in the 1970s and Benjamin Netanyahu 34 1980s, the most notorious of European domestic terror- ist groups were eliminated one by one, including the Baader-Meinhof, the German Red Army Faction, the Italian Red Brigades, Action Directe in France, and Ger- many’s bizarre anti-Western neo-Nazi terrorist cells. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
The overly blunt Zaki was discounted as having fallen from grace with Arafat. Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists
This is not difficult for God if our intentions are pure, our efforts are truthful, Muslims have benefited from past experiences and been freed from the vestiges of the ideological inva- sion, and they follow the way of their predecessors. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The weariness of the southerners from the years of suffering under their Palestinian masters was reflected in their show of welcome and gratitude to those who had freed them of their tormentors. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The day after the incident, the Organisation of the Oppressed on Earth, which had seized Higgins a year earlier, issued a statement threatening to execute him if the Muslim clergyman was not freed. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
did not need to be lectured, they needed to be freed. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
As a result of the deal, the American hostage, Benjamin Weir, was freed in Beirut after being held for 495 days. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Although the French denied reports that the deal which was ultimately struck with the kidnappers of the French hostages included Naccache’s freedom, he was freed on 27 July 1990, together with four accomplices, after being pardoned by President Francois Mitterrand. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Before Saddam could even realise the value of these prisoners, his occupying soldiers in Kuwait had already opened the prison cells and freed the inmates. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
By the time Xenophon marched through Asia Minor to the Black Sea (401—400 B.C.), the Colchians and other Georgian tribes had freed them- selves from Achaemenid rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Their strategic importance was recognized by the Byzantine emperor, who sent a crown and “a piece of the true cross” to Asbot and in 891 offered Adarnase the dignified title of curopalates. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From the Russian point of view Georgian society was peculiar in that the princes held ordinary nobles in subordinate, vassal relations, and held many clergymen as simple serfs. The Making of the Georgian Nation
A decade later the vassal gentry of western Georgia were similarly freed by Viceroy Vorontsov. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The lower nobles had been freed from depen- dence on the princes and the church, and all nobles were being integrated into imperial society, adopting a Western cultural veneer and serving with distinction in the military and civil service. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the top of peasant society was the usually unobligated msakhuri, the domestic servant or bodyguard of a powerful lord or of the king himself. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The msakhuri occupied a position between most peasants and the petty gentry, and his obligations as peasant were considerably lighter than those of other peasants.52 The Making of the Georgian Nation
As conditions worsened, the number of msakhurebi declined, and the ranks of the poorer peasants—the boganebi, khizanebi, and the mojalabebi—swelled. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By entering the estate of pochetnye grazhdane, which had been established by Nicholas I in 1832, the mokalakebi were freed from military recruitment, the soul tax, and corporal punishment.97 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Petty landlords whose property did not come up to these minimum standards were freed from any obligation to give their peasants arable field allotments. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgian peasants had never before experienced this kind of collective involvement in tax assessment and collection, and a new element, straight out of Russian peasant practice, was thus introduced into their social life. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The population of Georgia was overwhelmingly rural. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The peasant, at the same time, was freed to sell his own labor. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Political prisoners were freed. The Making of the Georgian Nation
percent of peasant households in the ZSFSR were paying almost half of all agricultural taxes, while more than 60 percent were completely freed from taxation.28 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Enukidze had known Stalin since the turn of the century when both Stalinism in Georgia 271 272 REVOLUTIONARY AND SOVIET GEORGIA worked in the party underground, but when the historical profession was ordered to rewrite the history of Transcaucasian Marxism, Enukidze only half-heartedly repudiated his earlier accounts.32 The Making of the Georgian Nation
And even among Georgians, it was unable to effect a broad unity. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although the thrust of Marxism had seemed opposed to the creation of a coherent and separate Georgian nation, the actual evolution of Soviet Georgia resulted in the emergence of a conscious nation with its own national intelligentsia and political elite. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Kipiani’s plan those peasants who had no land, such as domestic servants, would be freed personally and would have to make their own way in the world. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Some of them spoke Flemish, which the Libyans mistook for Hebrew, and one of the adults had a passport with an Israeli stamp. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
They are slim of waist, the girls particularly, and seldom stout; they are brave and hard-working, with great powers of endurance, bold cavaliers and eager for a fray, nimble and quick off the mark. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
To the petrified company, the Tsar declared: ‘Gentlemen, mark well that this is my first act of justice in Georgia; and it will not be my last.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
These years, viewed in historical perspective, mark a turn- ing point in the country’s economic and social life. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It was in the realm of education that the Mensheviks scored their most notable successes. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The death of Lenin, the onset of the Stalin era, and the defeat of the 1924 insurrection mark the final establishment of Soviet rule over Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The false mark of dignity was removed from their faces, revealing their pre- meditated intention and their malicious plan without shame or remorse. A History of Modern Yemen
But when he went on his own to Ahab, a disaffected Bakil tribe near Sanaa, he somehow overstepped the mark, and he and his two apolitical brothers were picked up in Sanaa by “the Apparatus” (the secret police), strangled, and dumped in their car off the Yislab pass. A History of Modern Yemen
Tribal conferences, secular discussion groups and Islamist organisations, though they differed enormously in their aims and methods, all claimed on occasion not to be “parties” (ahzãb, p1. A History of Modern Yemen
For the political significance of listing ,add punishments, Obermeyer ig8i: 181—2. A History of Modern Yemen
THE MEN Since the camp opened in 1987, most of its inmates have been Palestinian youths, with a sprinkling of other Arabs, recruited in Lebanon from among the lost souls of that tormented country and flown out to Libya from the Damascus airport in batches of a hundred or so on Libyan military transports. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Reprisals became still more violent when Golda Meir took over as Israel’s prime minister in March 1969, inaugurating a policy of “active self-defense,” which meant seeking out and destroying Palestinians—before or in case they attacked. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Military officers had mounted a number of minor mutinies against Arafat, while some political cadres, rebelling against their leader’s “personal style,” castigated his mistakes and fallibilities, his reluctance to consult, and his tight grip on the purse strings, one of the ways he has maintained his power over the Palestinian movement. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Qaddafi, ruler of a handful of desert tribes on the Mediterranean seaboard, was con- vinced that he was born to leave his mark on Arab history. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
When, as we shall see, Abu Nidal started killing PLO moderates in 1978—Sa’id Hammami was killed in London in January and Ali Yassin in Kuwait in June— Fatah retaliated by attacking the organization’s Tripoli office in July, killing two of Abu Nidal’s men. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
His foreign minister, Roland Dumas, went so far as to praise the colonel’s “noble and humanitarian gesture”—a remark that caused some irritation in London and Washington, where it was known by this time that Qaddafi had been the kidnap- per. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
The Algerian Government donated a number of blank passports to al-Fatah for “Black September,” then told the French security authorities how to identify the secret mark- ings they put on them.’° Arab and Israeli Terrorism
It was a one- minute nightmare that left dead and wounded bodies all over the terminal.47 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Allied with this society was that of TOWARDS A SOCIOLOGY OF THE ISLAM ISATION OF YEMEN D. Thomas Gochenour ii ne reste pas moms que la doctrine elle-méme apparait I 2 Towards a Sociology of the Islamisation of Yemen the traditional Northern Arab nomadic tribes. Comtemporary Yemen
And he was close to the mark when he commented on Ottoman public works there, ‘many schemes of theoretical excellence have been inaugurated in Yemen only to die of inanition for lack of sustenance and support’.4 Comtemporary Yemen
An attempt to change Yemen’s regional and international posi- tions, and, in so doing, improve the economic and social postures of the state, was occasioned during the reign of Imam Ahmad (1948-62). Comtemporary Yemen
The Pre-revolutionary Yemeni States The years 1962 and 1967 have seminal importance in Yemeni history as they, officially at least, mark the establishment of ‘modern’ — or, actually, ‘modernising’ — and self-proclaimed revolutionary states in both halves of Yemen. Comtemporary Yemen
As PDU leader, and as jour- nalist, poet, administrator and teacher, his numerous cultural and educational contributions would leave their mark on other PDRY citizens as well. Comtemporary Yemen
This is the first opportunity for me to thank properly Mark Legui who was the man from “Del Monte” who said “yes,” as we used to joke later on. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
In 1994, Mark interviewed me in Amman, Jordan, on behalf of the British Council and said “yes” to granting me a scholarship to pursue my masters degree in international relations in Britain. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
A bit overdue, but thanks, Mark. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
A question mark hangs over Hezbollah’s involvement in the hostage crisis. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Three days later (December 29), the general strike ended. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ironically the decrees of 1917—1918 passed by all- Transcaucasian governments marked the high-water mark of a leftist agrar~ ian policy in the region. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Instead of attempting to investigate the docu- mented facts, as Slutskii had done, Stalin “posited a fixed, unchanging (and unhistorical) concept of Bolshevism,” proscribing any criticism of Lenin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Mzhavanadze leadership remained in power for another eight years, and corruption, inefficiency, and discrimination against minorities continued to mark Georgian economic and political life. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Mark Kipnis, “The Georgian National Movement: Problems and Trends,” Cross- roads 1 (1978): 193—215; Stephen F. Jones, “National Conflict at the Eighth All- Union Writers’ Congress,” Nationalities Papers 15, no. 1 (Spring 1987): 7—21. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Some tax figures are given by Lambardi (ig~’~), reproduced by Heyworth-Dunne (1952). A History of Modern Yemen
~ al-Ilah 1964: 53, 143. A History of Modern Yemen
Markaz ig8g provides a later official version. A History of Modern Yemen
thawrah ild I-wahdah, Sanaa and Aden: Markaz al-Ama! A History of Modern Yemen
al-MaqbalI, ~Iusayn. A History of Modern Yemen
1986 Mudhalcicirdt al-maqball, Damascus: Dar al-Fikr. A History of Modern Yemen
Markaz al-Dirasat al-Yamaniyyah. A History of Modern Yemen
1982a Thawrah 26 sibtimbir, Sanaa: Markaz al-Dirasat al-Yamaniyyah. A History of Modern Yemen
1956 A ‘immat al-yaman bi-t-qarni 1-rabi’ 1979 J’fuzhat al-na~arftrijalal-qarni 1-rabi’ ‘ashar, Sanaa: Markaz al-Dirasat wa- l-Abhath al-Yamaniyyah. A History of Modern Yemen
13. Comtemporary Yemen
How- ever, the seeds of modernisation grew during this period (the sixties) and the bases of the government administrative foundation were built then. Comtemporary Yemen
41. Comtemporary Yemen
Numerous suchfatwas issued under the direct or indirect influence of Hamas have been collected and published in various books and pamphlets. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Khalil, ‘Awad. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
The able young Salameh had been Abu lyad’s deputy in rasd al-markazi, the counterespionage outfit Fatah had set up in 1967, but he had bro- ken with Fatah during the Jordanian crisis of 1970. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
There has always been a basic division between Western and Eastern Georgia, marked by the Surami range, beyond which, looking from the capital city of Tbilisi, lay Imereti—’the land on the far side’—as Western Georgia is commonly called. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Roman legionaries were stationed in the main ports and strategic points around the Black Sea coast. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
During the later Sassanian period, the Iberian monarchy was weakened both by civil strife and by the struggle between Byzantium and Iran for dominion over the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The year 1906 was marked on the one hand by reprisals against the demoralized remnants of the revolutionary move- ment, on the other, by preparations for the convocation of the ON BORROWED TIME: 1906-17 CHAPTER VIII intellectual ljfe up to 1917 ¶69 First Duma. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Whatever the truth concerning lila’s murder, the summer of 1907 was marked by a revival of Bolshevik terrorism in the Caucasus. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Such was the unresolved dilemma which faced Georgian society and the Russian admin- istration until 1917, when revolution imposed its own radical solutions. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Georgian leaders to whom Stalin had extended effusive and hypocritical congratulations on the occasion of the i 5th anniversary of Soviet Georgia in February 1936 were by then already marked down as purge victims. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The final terror The last years of Stalin’s life were marked by an intensification of his personal reign of terror. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Italians sold him an arms workshop and machinery to strike a handsome new coinage, the silver riyal being marked “Commander of the Faithful, al-Mutawakkil ‘ala Allah (he who relies on God)”. A History of Modern Yemen
The mountains nearby, however, also marked Arniri, held a scattering of minor tribes who, a report of 1909 had cautioned, owned the Amir only “nominal allegiance” — the tribes of Radfan, for instance, Yahyd and the British: 1918—1948 37 38 include the Qu~aybis. A History of Modern Yemen
and ShafiCi was akin to an “ethnic” difference, marked for instance by regional accents, and the literature depicts those who spoke Tatizzi as farmers and merchants, those who spoke Sanaani as shaykhs and soldiers. A History of Modern Yemen
The irony went unre- marked that Shawkani in his day had been ‘judge of judges”, the keystone in an autocratic type of government the Republic had over- thrown.32 A History of Modern Yemen
It was also over who should control the army; others saw the conflict as primarily between Upper and Lower Yemen, marked by origins and accents, and Zaydi and ShaficT officers were thus exiled to Algeria in equal numbers. A History of Modern Yemen
In the North in the early 19705 contemporary work, often published elsewhere, dealt with the civil war or transition to post-war politics. A History of Modern Yemen
.“ A History of Modern Yemen
Remittances had all but disappeared with the Gulf War, the riyal fell against the US dollar, and the effect was particularly marked in the South where subsidies for staple goods had been withdrawn: a medium- sized tin of powdered milk thus went from YD i (YR 26) to YD 7 or 8 in the space of two years. A History of Modern Yemen
Islah, the main “opposition” party, also nominated cAll cAbdullah Salih. A History of Modern Yemen
Jorde was not well suited for the Council. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
He was instructed to send his preliminary find- ings about the Saudi embassy personnel by coded letter, written in invisible ink and addressed to a certain Sulayman Taha, P.O. Box 83476, Tripoli, Libya. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
I marked operations attributed to Abu Nidal with an asterisk so as to set his operations against the background of violence of others. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Their random cruelty marked them as typical Abu Nidal operations. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
But unlike the sayyids, the Zaidis from this group of immigrants had to assimilate into Yemeni society however they could. Comtemporary Yemen
The creation of the NLF marked the beginning of a serious decline in support for the politically oriented Adeni- based organisations like the Aden Trade Union Congress and its political adjunct, the recently formed People’s Socialist Party, which opposed armed struggle and called for political means to achieve their ends. Comtemporary Yemen
Gradually, these efforts transformed the imamate from a traditional state to a less effective neo-traditional one, resulting in a marked diminution of legitimacy.2 Comtemporary Yemen
Hamdi’s assassination marked the beginning of the latest period (1977-present), that of Hamdi’s imitators, Ahmad al-Ghashmi and Ali Abdullah Salih. Comtemporary Yemen
‘Karmati’, Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd edn (Brill, Leiden, continuing). Comtemporary Yemen
24. Comtemporary Yemen
22. Comtemporary Yemen
of Socialist Orientation’ ~13 Whilst not rejecting the earlier theory of the ‘Non-Capitalist Road’,it marked a change in certain significant respects: (a) it laid much greater stress on the obstacles which socialism encounters — in class terms, in the survival of tribal and religious ideologies, in the possibility of right-wing coups; (b) it stressed the gap between superstructure and base, i.e. between leadership and mass, abandoning the pretence of a common front earlier emphasised; the conclusion was that the masses cannot immediately exercise power, but must be educated before this becomes possible; (c) it selected and identified a group of countries that were potentially more advanced than merely national demo- cratic ones, i.e. where the process towards socialism had gone further. Comtemporary Yemen
Youth for Vengeance included Salah Khalaf, As’ad al-Saftawi, Sa’id al-Muzaiyin, Omar Abu al-Khair, Isma’il Suwairjo, and Muhammad Isma’il al-Nunu. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
These include the huge disparity between the diverse tasks that need to be per- formed outside the Occupied Territories and the limited human resources available for that purpose; and the slow growth of resources due to the fear of bureaucratization, complex administrative structures, and high costs. HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Ama! Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The Damascus Agreement marked a watershed for Hezbollah. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
His election had been backed by the Israelis and it marked the fulfilment of one of their aims when they invaded Lebanon: installing a Christian president who would be friendly to Israel. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Dodge was abducted initially by the Lebanese. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Dodge’s kidnap marked the end of an era and ushered in a new order.The Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
In Khomeini’s view, the revolution marked the second advent of the true Islam and his goal was to spread its influence beyond the boundaries of Iran. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The second half of the seventh century B.C. marked the rise of significant political formations that can be identified with proto-Georgian tribes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Caucasian society was at first dynastic and only later did it approach feudal forms. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Mtskheta, the center of the Iberian church, was to be dependent on Antioch, and it was to that Syrian town that the new catholicos and his twelve bishops traveled for con- secration.12 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus the period between the death of Vakhtang Gorgasali and the Arab invasions was marked by the ascendancy of the dynastic aristocracy in Kartli-Iberia, the decline and abolition of royal power, and the consequent reduction of the country to the status of a principality—a position shared by Armenia, Albania, and Lazica. The Making of the Georgian Nation
By 693 the Arabs had again taken Kartli-Iberia and Armenia with the help of their Khazar allies, and this time they established direct rule through their viceroy at Dvin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Her first years on the throne were marked by a circumscription of royal power and an increase in the authority of the noble council. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the first year of the reform the administration in Tiflis province received almost two thousand complaints from landlords about “tem- porarily obligated” peasants refusing to pay dues or work for the lords. The Making of the Georgian Nation
• This congress marked another decisive bifurcation in the Georgian liberation movement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The strikes were marked by an extraordinary degree of vio- lence and by overt political expression. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Sadly for the revolutionary opposition, October marked the high point of the all-nation, united struggle against autocracy~ In the coming months the unity of that front was to be steadily shredded as more moderate social groups and parties accommodated themselves to the new “constitutional” order. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The year 1919 marked the nadir of Bolshevik fortunes in Caucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
At the end of the Stalin revolution Georgia was fundamentally different from what it had been a decade earlier. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The party leaders admitted that there had been “clumsy, and in some places even incorrect,” implementation of the directives on veils and schools, but the damage had been done. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The rapid and forced collectivization of early 1931 came in for some criticism from the central authorities early in April, when Pravda noted certain “exaggerations” in the practice of kolkhoz formation in Trans- caucasia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Med- vedev reports that thirty-two directors of district NKVD agencies were made raikom (district party committee) secretaries once Beria was in control.12 The Making of the Georgian Nation
His ascendancy from 1946 to early 1948— the Zhdanovshchina—was marked by a crackdown on artists and intellec- tuals. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Economic stagnation at home and political repression throughout the Soviet empire marked the declining years of the old dictator’s rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Although these constitutional clauses simply affirmed in law what had been usual practice, some observers in the West feared that they marked a diminution of ethnic autonomy.8 The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Georgia industrialization had been quite modest before the revolution, but by 1940 industrial output had increased 670 percent over 1928. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1959, 64.3 The Making of the Georgian Nation
By the late 1970s the administration of Leonid Brezhnev, marked by an enviable stability and unexpected longevity, could look with some pride at its domestic and international accomplishments through the middle years of the decade (détente with the United States, respectable rates of economic growth), but was beginning to experience the effects of deep and long-term social developments. The Making of the Georgian Nation
-y) (Russian)—land measurement equal to 2.7 The Making of the Georgian Nation
War declared, 1914 On r August 1914, Imperial Germany declared war on Russia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Although it is possible to argue that too much has been made of 125 126 South Yemen since Independence the location and military advantages which possession of these islands bestows (and, in fact, much that is inaccurate or irrelevant has been published), there is little doubt that they could be used in ways which would markedly increase their strategic role and influ- ence.’ Comtemporary Yemen
It should be mentioned here that YAR policy has been to exclude Soviet-trained personnel from important positions.’8 Comtemporary Yemen
Articles 116 to Article 68 of the constitution and 62 in the 1970 constitution. Comtemporary Yemen
Hamas carved out a distinctive niche for itself on the Palestinian polit- ical scene by accepting ideological pluralism and by conducting itself in conformity with a pragmatic agenda.’6 HAMAS: Political Thought and Practice
Although the tone of the resolution was markedly restrained, it had an immediate galvaniz- ing effect on the party aktiv in Georgia and initiated an intense internal examination and renewal of party leaders. The Making of the Georgian Nation
When families moved there from Upper Yemen they often simply became Shafi’i, and doctrinal markers such as forms of prayer were seldom a great issue.30 A History of Modern Yemen
A later literature depicts “movements” on the model of politi- cal parties,48 and this is where one first hears of such figures as Muic al- Dammaj, cAbd al-Salam Sabrah and cAbd al-Rakiman al-Iryani, but the real significance of their networks is as markers of a widespread mood. A History of Modern Yemen
The Caucasus has from prehistoric times been a meeting point for the civilizations of East and West and a market place for the exchange of the products of Europe and Asia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The erection of European public buildings helped to modernize the city’s appearance. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
It is interesting to note that the marketing of eggs remains one of the chief private perquisites of individual peasants, who bring to market over 210 million of them annually, or nine-tenths of the total consumption. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Al-Akwa’, remem- bering Turkish times from the vantage of old age, relates how the major grain harvest came all at once in late summer, when as the saying went, “there is nothing yet and nothing left”; before the harvest was gathered, all last year’s may have been used up. A History of Modern Yemen
Around Huth, for instance, a h~jrah or “protected place” in Hashid’s territory Yahya took over a system of guaranty in 1928 (this is the year in which Hashid as a whole comes under his control), and where each “guaran- tor” or kafil had been answerable to his fellows for the peace of the market, now all were made answerable to Imam Ya~iya and a nucleus of jurisdiction by Islamic law inserted amidst tribal custom.26 A History of Modern Yemen
We have now forbidden any complainant coming from anywhere with an ~dmil or Mkim [a governor or judge] unless they have first put their complaint to the ‘ãmil or ~zãkim of the area.”42 A History of Modern Yemen
There was not enough revenue to go around. A History of Modern Yemen
To walk the 8o-kilometre length of Mahwit province stifi took locals four days (six or seven for “flatlanders”); but even near Maliwlt one could now reach a road within a couple of hours, thus by truck a market, and thus the capital within a day or so instead of a week or two weeks.53 A History of Modern Yemen
The official exchange rate against the $US went from near 4.5 A History of Modern Yemen
The rest we buy from market in Turbah or Ta’izz, like wheat, flour, rice, sugar, [cooking] oil. A History of Modern Yemen
The aim in development theory, meanwhile, is to accumulate investment capital so that national wealth can be increased, which had not really happened in the North: roads had been built with foreign aid or by local co-operatives, the major cities acquired power sta- tions and sewage systems, but “industry” remained largely a matter of family workshops. A History of Modern Yemen
Inequalities were built among neighbours and immediate kin, while larger-scale projects sponsored by government (a set of dams was being built in Wadi Mawr, for instance) encouraged more anonymous forms of exploitation. A History of Modern Yemen
In Sanaa for a time qdt-selling was restricted to a market at Bir ‘Abid where retailers were charged for space. A History of Modern Yemen
In America and Europe the late 198os were prover- bial for greed, and the symbol of the age was the mobile phone: in Yemen the symbol was a make of car, a four-wheel drive up-market Toyota, which on account of its attractive roundedness Yemenis named for the Egyptian film starlet Layla CJ\Ia~ At the end of the decade these were prominent among rural notables and in Sanaa jammed the better streets at qat-time. A History of Modern Yemen
A story in 1995 was not untypical in which a soldier refused to pay for qdt in a Southern market and came back with four truck-loads of his colleagues to beat up the qdt seller.28 A History of Modern Yemen
The smaller operators were ruined; the larger, who combined exchange with commerce, so dominated the market, however, that their withdrawals threatened to leave commercial banks insolvent, and among these large- scale investors and speculators were those who now committed capital A history of modern Yemen to Islamic banks. A History of Modern Yemen
falwd ~zadith /iãkim ~id Imam in4/~1ah jabal jihãd kafti khuruj kufalã’ libnah mashãyi/c/i mufli qãdi a local governor, in charge of anything from a village or town to a whole province “prince” or “commander”. A History of Modern Yemen
1996 The special features of the Yemeni weekly market system, .New A History of Modern Yemen
1990 Guaranty of the market at Hüth, Arabian Studies 8, 63—91. A History of Modern Yemen
“Don’t forget that one of our For an hour he rehearsed with Jorde an itinerary that was to ABU NIDAL: A GUN FOR HIRE / 21 22 / PATRICK SEALE “All right!” Ali said at last. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Iraqi intelligence sources told me that Abu Nidal fronted for Iraq in buying weapons on the international market and shipping them to political factions and liberation movements that Iraq wished to support. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
But before the bus set off, news broke that a bomb had been discovered at Heathrow. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
No one in the organization was allowed to know the exact nature of his relationship with Libya: All communications with the Libyans passed through him. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
Clearly, blowing up a hotel or civil airplane or placing a car bomb in a market is an act of terrorism, but terrorism experts would likely hold differing opinions about blowing up a military compound or bombing a military airport, operations which better fall under the category of warfare. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
My Palestinian father relates the story of how, when he was living in Nazareth, his brother came and told him that since he was a respected man in the community he should buy a rifle to show the people in the neighborhood that they were protected. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
As head of the Polish branch called SAS (the Arabs pro- nounce it “Sash”), which operated in the Intraco building on Stawski Street in Warsaw and had a branch in London, he traveled throughout Europe on busi- ness, largely dealing in weapons.13 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
million kuru~, 70,000 was collected in 1902, all but 6,000 of it in market taxes.35 Comtemporary Yemen
Further complicating all of these financial matters, Ottoman coinage was refused by most of the countryside, save in the large cities; the Maria Theresa riyal, minted in Trieste, was the standard market coin. Comtemporary Yemen
Less immediately obvious, but implicit in all of the projects, new taxes and battles, there was the inexorable movement of Yemen towards a market economy, with all the social changes which followed from ~ Already the development of Aden had its effect on the economic patterns in the south. Comtemporary Yemen
With the flow of troops and capital into Hodaida, San’a’ and other Turkish administrative centres, market demand rose. Comtemporary Yemen
The Indian market was huge, and theAden salt works had not yet been developed (see Great Britain, Naval Intelligence Division, Western Arabia and theRed Sea (London, 1946), pp. 529-30). Comtemporary Yemen
Among these additional participants, and their motives, one would have to include (but not limit it to) the following: (1) Saudi Arabia, with at least two interests: (a) to isolate South Yemen in so far as possible with respect to Peninsular affairs because of South Yemen’s rather consistent opposition to Saudi interests and policies; and (b) to ensure that North Yemen remained a reliable ‘satellite’, i.e. supported Saudi interests and objectives, and would not get too friendly with or co-operate too extensively with South Yemen. Comtemporary Yemen
The Imam held absolute authority — without any limits — in run- fling the country. Comtemporary Yemen
Information on the tribal affiliation of major leaders is now difficult to come by; for the significance of tribal affiliations in the past (i.e. Comtemporary Yemen
Although dated, the article by Stanko Guldescu, ‘Marxism Comes tc Yemen’, Communist Affairs, vol. Comtemporary Yemen
That is why, in the early months of 1963, eleven ministries were established. Comtemporary Yemen
a follower of the sunna, conventionally applied to an ‘orthodox’ Muslim as opposed to a shi’i. Comtemporary Yemen
The Shiites were commemoratingAshura, the most sacred religious festival in Shia Islam, in the market town of Nabatiyeh. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
So we have acquired certain kinds of bombs that cannot be jammed or detonated by the enemy’s high-tech faciities.They Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
They knew what time the vegetable and provision trucks arrived in the area, which was near a huge market, and delivered goods to the American base.They Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The group has also entered the booming property market in Lebanon. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Their linen industry has been famed far and wide; for they used to export linen to outside places.57 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Only the towns and countryside of Kakheti appeared relatively prosperous, tied as they were to the economic life of eastern Transcaucasia and Persia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Georgians of the early nineteenth century lived in a political economy in which production was geared to local need, not sale in a market or ac- cumulation of limitless wealth. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In Mgaloblishvili’s village, Diabi, the peasants turned over a set share of their grain and wine to the monastery that owned the village and also worked part time on the holdings of the clergy. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Vorontsov himself complained that they sold Muscovite goods in Tiflis without buying Tiflis goods for sale in Russia. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As in Russia, the peasant was obligated to come to an agreement with the lord over the terms of purchase of his allotment, but the lord was not obligated to make such an agreement. The Making of the Georgian Nation
But Georgian land prices at the time were more than twice as high as these maximums, and the landlords were determined their lands would not be redeemed belov~ market value. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The case was dismissed, however, for lack of evidence. The Making of the Georgian Nation
However, unlike liberalism, their doctrine did not stop with a celebration of market society or a rationaliza- tion of the power of propertied men, but rather proposed that the contradic- tory nature of bourgeois society contained the potential for its eventual overthrow. The Making of the Georgian Nation
To the Georgian working class, separated by language, culture, wealth, and power from the Armenian bourgeoisie, the Marxists made their supranational appeal, exposing a stark world of cap- italist exploitation and foreign dominion that they claimed could be over- Marxism and National Struggle 145 146 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE come only by creating a national liberation movement based on class war. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Given the Marxist definition of capitalist relations of production, several essential preconditions must exist before any mode of production can be considered capitalist—the separation of the means of production (land, tools of the trade, machinery, etc.) The Making of the Georgian Nation
the concentration of capital and the means of production in the hands of only a part of the population; the transformation of labor itself into a commodity to be bought and sold on the market. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The great majority of the peasants were not free to move from place to place, sell their labor freely, or buy and sell their land without encumbrance. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus, as the twentieth century opened, a tension existed between the forces of the market and “rational” economic activity on the one hand, and the traditional seigneurial patterns of rural exploitation on the other. The Making of the Georgian Nation
14 The financial burdens that came with the emancipation compelled the peasants to produce for the market. The Making of the Georgian Nation
From 1843 to 1897 receipts from the household taxes of Kutaisi, Tiflis, and Erevan provinces rose 2.5 The Making of the Georgian Nation
Nobles did not pay household taxes, of course, but they did pay land taxes. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Opportunities were opening up for farmers with surpluses, but the peasants of western Transcaucasia were unable to benefit from them. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As the century came to a close Georgian grain output per desiatina was actually declining because of primitive farming techniques, soil exhaustion, and the decrease in the number of draft animals. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In the 1870s a peasant in Kutaisi province could expect 180 to 200 poods of corn from a desiatina of good land; by the early twentieth century he was reaping only 60 to 80 poods. The Making of the Georgian Nation
- Commercial agriculture, with all its vicissitudes, was firmly established in much of Georgia by the early twentieth century~ In most areas market relations were the rule. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Poor peasants whose land fell below the norms were able to lease land from the state land fund, but the private market in land was elimi- nated.3S The Making of the Georgian Nation
This is whom they consider a kulak, and all these kulaks, it turns out, lose their right to vote.SS The Making of the Georgian Nation
But the amount of farm produce available for market declined over time. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In agriculture they wanted less pressure on the peasantry, and in general they called for less centralization, greater flexibility, and the partial restoration of market incentives.48 The Making of the Georgian Nation
A certain portion of the crop had to be paid in kind (naturplata) to the MTS for its “services.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
The prison population in the USSR was to be cut in half, from 800,000 to 400,000 within two months.7 The Making of the Georgian Nation
History is full of experiences, only a portion of which are mobilized at any given moment for cultural purposes or political struggles. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On the elections and the views of the Communists and Round Table, see Lynn D. Nelson and Paata Amonashvili, “Voting and Political Attitudes in Soviet Georgia,” Soviet Studies 44, no. 4 (1992): 687—97. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The moral of this was that to make his goods more marketable, Krassin had to persuade his masters to gain possession of the land separating Baku from Batumi, namely the Republic of Georgia. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
More- over, additional elements of the population chose to leave, most especially the remnants of the middle class, the entrepreneurs in Aden, and those with technical or industrial skills, which could now be easily and profitably marketed in North Yemen. Comtemporary Yemen
A significant number of peasants in western Georgia were producing corn, wine, fruit, silk, tobacco, and poultry for commercial sale rather than for their own need. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Agriculture too, particularly in Abkhazeti, was not meeting plan targets, except in certain specialized crops such as tea, sunflower seeds, and fruit. The Making of the Georgian Nation
On collective farms “instances of embezzlement, report padding, bribery, extor- tion, deception and hoodwinking have been uncovered.” The Making of the Georgian Nation
Among the various dues and services which might be required of the peasant were working a stipulated number of days on the lord’s private land, helping to build the lord’s house or barns, handing over a share of the harvest or of flocks and herds, offering hospitality A MODERN HISTORY OF GEORGIA 76 TSAR NICHOLAS AND VICEROY vORONTSOV: 1832—55 to the lord’s guests and their retinue, gathering and delivering firewood, and providing food for the lord’s table at weddings and church festivals. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In the comparatively short period of its working, the Economic Council has demonstrated the advantages of this new form of industrial administration. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The degree to which economics, in the sense dwelt upon by planners, could be separated from political economy was not great. A History of Modern Yemen
(2) A telegraphed report of 1898 received from the Governor of Yemen discussing a proposal for the restructuring of Yemen into four provinces. Comtemporary Yemen
The sources of this poverty, the Com- For the marketing system, the Commission recommended at The agriculture of San’a’ and Hodaida, and the trade and com- merce between these two points, would easily pay for the capital investment and make a profit for the State. Comtemporary Yemen
‘In our region we have a problem with the West which at one time placed us under the French mandate, at other times under the British mandate and over certain periods we were politically governed by the whims of the United States.’ Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
The older forms of rural authority and deference were breaking down. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Stalin ominously mentioned that “the fall of Skrypnyk and his group in the Ukraine is not an exception. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The Soviet harvest of 1928 was 5,000,000 tons lower than the record harvest of 1926. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Under the Safavi shahs, Thilisi was one of the chief towns of the Persian empire, with its bustling markets and caravanserais, its churches and royal palaces, and its citadel, now in ruins and surrounded by a botanical garden, from which one can look down over a vast expanse of house- tops and spires, through the midst of which the muddy Kura winds. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In sharp contrast to these solid burghers were the kin/os or petty traders of the Tbilisi street markets. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The towns were walled and contained markets and public buildings with roofs, all constructed on approved architectural principles. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The fourth was made up of the lower orders of the common people, compris- ing, so it seems, serf labourers on the royal estates, domestic slaves, prisoners of war and so forth. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
In December i95~, Mr. V. P. Mzhavanadze told the 20th Congress of the Georgian Communist Party that many industrial and agricultural enter- prises in the republic were not operating satisfactorily and that a shortage of consumer goods persisted. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The next largest group were Zaydi Shicites, and in places there were small groups of Ismacilis. A History of Modern Yemen
In the midst of a general famine Sanaa surrendered in 1905: “its markets were destroyed, its houses empty, 5Turkey, Britain and Imam Yahya: circa 1900 6 A history of modern Yemen and only a few of its inhabitants were left”.9 A History of Modern Yemen
In most of the southern and eastern parts of Yemen, for instance, all the way out through Hadramawt, there used to be protected towns and markets called hawtahs, which often were associated with saints or holy families. A History of Modern Yemen
The ebullience of the period was expressed in the pick-up trucks and taxis that appeared throughout the North, decorated often with nylon fur around the doors and brightly coloured fake feather-dusters upright on the front bumpers. A History of Modern Yemen
The governor of Abyan, an ally of ‘Alt Nasir, is said by his enemies to have built no less than a palace, with gardens, swimming pool and satellite television: “As for the rooms for qat-chewing, he had imported furnishings from the markets ol the world. A History of Modern Yemen
While the riyal was let float against the US dollar only in June 1996, treasury bills had been issued six months earlier and behaved as one would expect of financial markets elsewhere: the rates paid at first were very high (close to 30 per cent per annum) and then dropped in the course of a year to 14 per cent as the deficit in the government’s budget came down and liquidity was absorbed into state accounts. A History of Modern Yemen
15, 34, 229 n.36 al-Mahdi ‘Abdullah (c.182o), A History of Modern Yemen
Third, the Zionists had high morale and were filled with deter- mination and a specific goal, especially as the condition ofJews in Europe was disintegrating. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
They The Irgun and Stern began a round of hostage-taking incidents against There were dozens of other incidents against the British administration, The Zionist military campaign against Britain succeeded: it forced the Arab and Israeli Terrorism The Zionists also systematically targeted Palestinians. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Our sources for this period, while scanty, are sufficient for us to see that much of the rest of the Yemen, Asir, Najran, large parts of the Tihama, the eastern basin or Sayhad and many of the small Himyaritic ‘baronies’ were not in the least ruled by Islamic law, ritual or taxation. Comtemporary Yemen
To compound this, many Yemenis, tribal as well as urban dwellers, believed that the Imams were not only blessed, but also possessed abstract, spiritual powers derived from being descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. Comtemporary Yemen
23. Comtemporary Yemen
Ahmed AI-Abiadh In order to assess, appreciate and evaluate the modernisation effort after the 1962 revolution we must go back to the pre-revolution era. Comtemporary Yemen
under British rule) see South Yemen since Independence 145 146 South Yemen since Independence Wenner, ‘The People’s Republic of South Yemen’. Comtemporary Yemen
Major recent works which have discussed this subject are: Adeed Dawisha, Saudi Arabia’s Search for Security (International Institute for Strategic Studies, London, 1980); Christopher Lee, ‘Soviet and Chinese Interests in Southern Arabia’, Mizan (Aug. Comtemporary Yemen
They also reflect government aspirations to modernise the administration. Comtemporary Yemen
The case of Egypt is paradigmatic: Nasserite reforms did effect wide-ranging land reforms and nationalisations, but this period of etatist rule (1956-70) only paved the way for the later reopening of Egypt to capitalist markets and investors in the 1970s. Comtemporary Yemen
And so the resistance began. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
All of this, in a bid to impose its own ideologies in our region. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
Gurian peasants still maintained a primarily natural economy based on corn and ghomi (millet), and any money found in the local markets was likely to be Turkish. The Making of the Georgian Nation
They served as the sites of permanent markets and the hosts for a variety of craft industries. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Indeed, several large enterprises established under the Georgian monarchy—a glass factory, saltworks, a powder mill, and others—were closed down.87 The Making of the Georgian Nation
For those who made the adjustment to capitalist agriculture, expanding domestic and foreign markets provided new Emergence of Political Society 115 116 GEORGIA IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE but precarious Opportunities. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In 1892 the municipal counterreform of Alexander III raised the property qualifica- tion for duma electors and eliminated the division of the electorate into ranks. The Making of the Georgian Nation
In eastern Georgia their compatriots were marketing wheat, barley, sheep, silk, cheese, wine, tobacco, and fruit. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Most peasants found it impossible to acquire enough capital to make improvements in their land or farming techniques. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Thus as opportunities opened for the commercialization of agriculture, the Georgian peasant—faced with the far more efficient agriculture of Europe and America—was in a very weak competitive position. The Making of the Georgian Nation
As corn from America, India, and Australia undersold corn from Kutaisi province, the peasants who had become dependent on foreign markets faced ruin. The Making of the Georgian Nation
While some local organizations had made some mistakes, it was conceded, the achievements were impressive. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Peasants would continue to enjoy personal plots and the rudiments of a farm market but within strict limits. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Total income for the family of an average worker or office employee had declined by twenty rubles from 1971 to 1972.36 The Making of the Georgian Nation
He identified Syria as the key terrorist state whose “worldwide intelligence apparatus” made use of Palestinians, Armenians, Japanese, and even Thais! Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
As Stew- art Steven says of the Mossad, “The finger which pulled the trigger had been superbly camouflaged.”41 Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The following day, Hezbollah accused Israel of planting the mine, claiming that the bomb fragments carried Hebrew markings. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
P. Markova, Vosstanie v Kakhetii 1812 g. (Moscow, 1951). The Making of the Georgian Nation
Ocherki revoliutsionnogo dvizheniia v Zakavkaz’i. The Making of the Georgian Nation
The failure of the plot of 1830-32 marks the end of an epoch in Georgian history. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The repertoire was composed largely of original plays by Eristavi and other contemporary Georgian writers, as well as a few dramas translated from the Russian, and an adaptation of Moliere’s Le Médecin malgré lui. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Lenin commented in his paper Iskra (The Spark): ‘The event which took place on Sunday 22 April, in Tiflis is of historic import for the entire Caucasus: this day marks the beginnings of an open revolutionary movement in the Cauca- sus.’ A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
The Tsarist authorities hushed up the affair as much as they could. A Modern History of Soviet Georgia
Private enterprise took up the theme, and T- shirts appeared with pictures of Shamsan and Nuqum, the mountains beside Aden and Sanaa, crowned with the slogan “Long live United Yemen”. A History of Modern Yemen
Two Whether or not Abu Nidal or his senior colleagues had worked According to his testimony in the taped debriefing I listened to, “Why do you keep going on about that date?” Abu Nidal “Because it marks the end of our wretched life in Syria and the ABU NIDAL: A GUN FOR HIRE / 257 In Libya in the late 1980s, Abu Nidal’s twisted soul seemed at last fulfilled. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire
On January 24, 1970, a bomb was thrown at the Hapoalim Bank in London, injuring one person, and on August 17 the PFLP planted incendiary bombs in Marks and Spencer because of the owner’s gen- erous support of Israel. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
Most Palestinians supported the killing, giving the new ter- ror campaign a morale boost, and dozens of young men wanted to be heroes like Tel’s killers. Arab and Israeli Terrorism
The editor’s role has therefore been minimal; the contributions are basically in the form in which they were presented and no attempt has been made to modify one in the light of another. Comtemporary Yemen
United Nations witnesses confirmed reports that the soldiers went into the Husseiniyahs and tore up copies of the Quran which were later found with boot marks on their pages; police dogs, deemed impure and unclean in Islam, were also brought inside the Islamic centres. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
It is an exercise which not only marks the graduates’ achievements, but to some extent it is also a reminder of whom they have to thank. Hezbollah: Born With a Vengeance
P. V. Gugushvili, Karl Marks v gruzinskoi publitsistike i obshchestvennosti do 1898 goda (Tbilisi, 1963), pp. 149—51. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Gugushvili, Karl Marks, p. 103. The Making of the Georgian Nation
Zhakov, Sef~, and Khachapuridze, Istorila klassovol bor’by, pp. 87—92; P. Makharadze, “rogor gavkhdi marksisti. The Making of the Georgian Nation
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