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About Behaviorism
Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Freud and Psychoanalysis
Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just and Unjust Wars
Newsweek October 1, 2001
Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Time October 10, 2001
Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
by Karl E. Meyer and Sharon Blair Brysac, published by Counterpoint.

                           The mangled hulks of buses predominate—a con-
sequence, perhaps, of the copious quantities of hashish the drivers in-
gest while making the trip.
	Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden

The nearby railway station ensures a constant stream of travelers and of vendors to service them, as well as a large number of buses going to 108 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In an elaborately choreographed operation, the hijackers stepped out of the plane and, assured that their comrades were indeed at Kandahar, allowed the hostages to board four passenger buses standing by to take them to a jet headed back to New Delhi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Most of the Palestinian raids have been the work of terrorists, not guerrillas; that is, following the argument of the last two chapters, they have been directed randomly against civilian targets: against farmers working near the border, buses on country roads, village schools and houses, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
She was everywhere: on the streets, eye to eye; in the crowded buses, breath to breath; in schools, side by side; in offices; on telvision. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the first phase, in the immediate aftermath of the revolution, policies toward women were shaped by the exigen- cies of eliminating what was seen to be the corrupt legacy of the past, including annulment of many laws seen as un-Islamic, elimination of women from the judiciary, segregation of women in public places such as buses, sports venues, and beaches, and the campaign to impose the veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The dive teams operated in biohazard conditions, complicated by the heat of the Everglades, insects, thick mud, occasional and potentially poisonous water snakes, and alligators. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Red Cross DMHS program is not intended to serve as a substitute for appropriate contingency contracting with agency or private practitioner mental health professionals. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Army trucks and Chinese buses with Uzbek drivers bully their way through roads clogged with load-bearing yaks, the odd camel, and the occasional horse with a Kirghiz rider. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What sort of physical gene could carry the potential of mind, Quite apart from the details of the resulting behavior, “The Evolution of Mind” and how could mind satisfy physical contingencies of survival? If mind is nothing more than a manifestation of physiology, such questions can be answered, or at least postponed without anxiety until physiology can answer them, but not all who subscribe to inentalism accept that position. About Behaviorism
Chapter 3 Vannevar Bush, in Fortune, January 1965. About Behaviorism
I am indebted to Dr. Ernest Vargas and Dr. Julie Vargas for critical readings of the manuscript. About Behaviorism
To- gether they killed large numbers of American occupation troops.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That observa- tion would prove to be prescient. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unlike his younger brother Osama, Salem was drawn to the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1976 Salem asked James Bath, a well-connected Houston businessman, to represent the bin Laden family’s business interests there.29 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Saudis did not take this offer seriously Despite the tens of bil- lions of dollars they had spent on their own army, they turned instead for help to the U.S. government and then-President Bush, who had made his fortune in the oil trade and so understood exactly what was at stake in Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait (whatever rhetoric was employed on The Koran and the Kalashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 77 the theme of a “New World Order”). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The force of 28,000 American troops had been ordered there by then- President Bush in the first week of December 1992 as part of a U.N. mis- sion to feed starving Somalis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Nevertheless, within a week of the September 11, 2001, at- tacks President Bush announced new measures intended to freeze bin Laden’s assets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(No doubt Bush administration officials have Operation Infinite Reach very much in mind as they embark on what appears at this writing to be a long-range and multifaceted plan of action in response to the events of September 11.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the Taliban have failed to close those camps, President George W. Bush is very much on the record saying he will do their work for them. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
President George W Bush is now the commander-in-chief of a very different war than the one his father fought against Iraq. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It remains to be seen whether the ideas espoused by al-Qaeda and bin Laden will end up in what President George W Bush has called “his- tory’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
..: Politics: The Making of a War President by Howard Fineman and Martha Brant Strategy: Divisions Within the Bush Team CIVIL LIBERTIES by Michael Hirsh andRoy Gutman 26 . Newsweek October 1, 2001
9.26 Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush Cheney was like inside W.H. We need edit, big time. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Osama bin Laden, Sheik Omar Abdel-Rah- man, Hizbullah, Hamas, the Taliban, Iran, Iraq and all the rest, you are on notice— your days are numbered. Newsweek October 1, 2001
NATALIE IVAN PEORIA, ARIZ. Newsweek October 1, 2001
York are alreadybeing unfairly targeted. Newsweek October 1, 2001
President George w. Bush, speakingto the nation duringajointsession of Congress 2001 LU(KOVICH—ATLANTA CONSTITUTION “It hurts to even look in that direction.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
spokesman Ari Fleischer, on America’s war strategy “Lice, dirt, blood.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
They function in a country. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Taliban leader Mohammed Omar, to a visiting Pakistani delegation, before the Taliban officially refused to turn over binLaden to the United States “It’s more like the kind ofhumor that would make a person cry.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Writer Todd Hanson, on how thesatiricalnewspaper The Onion will attempt to address the attacks this week “Sleepingwould be aluxury. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Otherwise, they defeat you twice.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
BY HOWARD FINEMAN AND MARTHA BRANT EFORE HE SPOKE HIS WORDS OF WAR FOR THE WORLD TO chairs in the Roosevelt Room ofthe White House were arranged prepared for what they later in a circle, prayer-meeting style. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Move in here next to me,” said Bush, motioning to emp- may be, Bush portrayed it as tychairs on either side ofhim. Newsweek October 1, 2001
(A White House spokesman later said that Bush was speaking in general of possible threats.) Newsweek October 1, 2001
As for him, . Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Pray for wisdom, In a prayer meeting strength, clear thinking,” he prior to his speech said, and joined hands with the circle as they did so. Newsweek October 1, 2001
. Newsweek October 1, 2001
ships and troops were speeding Twenty-seven clergymen had been invited to meetwith him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or sup- port terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime." Newsweek October 1, 2001
Flawlessly delivering a speech that he and his aides had la- bored on all week, Bush ap- peared in the well ofthe House at a time of peril as severe as any since Pearl Harbor. Newsweek October 1, 2001
As the estimates for the missing grew to some 6,000, New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani cautioned that the num- bers could go down as various reports were coordinated. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the region was still forced to endure a procession offirnerals and cam- era-toting visitors flocking to the jagged ruins ofground zero. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The stock markets reopened but reeled, losing $1.4 Newsweek October 1, 2001
trillion in book value as shares plummeted faster than they had since the depths ofthe Depression. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Tom Ridge to head it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Responding to scattered incidents of vio- lence and widespread concern, the presi- dent pleaded for tolerance, especially for the nation’s 6 million Muslim citizens. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“We are in a fight for our principles,” he declared to Congress, “and our first responsibility is to live by them?’ The challenges were daunting, but the Islamic states, facing their own threats Bush’s current approval rating—86%——is exceeded only by his them—and eager to embrace the disci- orders plined and confident leadership Bush dis- lonely. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ridge, whom Bush has known since 1980, would take control of the new home- land effort. Newsweek October 1, 2001
would be no freelancing of the kind had led him to describe the task at as a “crusade”—a word with an unfor- As usual, Bush delegated the B meaning that had outraged Muslims when he used it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On the Sunday Bush offhanded- ly uttered the term, there had been no morning “message meeting.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
President, I think thatwill be difficult, if not impossible,” counselor Karen Hughes told him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
His reply: “By 7." Newsweek October 1, 2001
A team ofspeechwriters worked on the docu- ment, aiming for the blunt simplicity and muted expressions offaith he favors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush rejected suggestions for an extended dis- cussion ofthe economy; he wanted the text streamlined—and didn’t want to pre-empt congressional leaders, who would have their own ideas about “stimulus” measures. Newsweek October 1, 2001
As usual, he talkedto his dad. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Then again, it was Evans who, long ago in west Texas, introduced Bush to Bible study. Newsweek October 1, 2001
There might be time for that, too. Newsweek October 1, 2001
With T. TRENT GEGAX in Washington has happened’ After the hijackers sliced into the second tower and the Pentagon, Powell ordered his plane back to Washington. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Absent from any formal decision- making role are Bush’s political advisers, who have sometimes muddied foreign poli- cy by worrying over how U.S. involvement in Mideast politics might affect the Jewish vote, or by bringing the NRA into talks on a small-arms treaty. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bush’s closest aides, Karl Rove and Karen Hughes, don’t take part in the key nightly “principals” meetings of Powell, Rice, Cheney and Defense Secre- tary Donald Rumsfeld. Newsweek October 1, 2001
II, COLIN POWELL SEEMED TO BE, NOT FOR the first time, out ofsync with his boss. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Asked about which tenor-supporting re- gimes might eventually have to be “ended,” a senior Bush official who sides with Powell ‘ . Newsweek October 1, 2001
Marshaling Forces To Fight Terrorism The Bush administration is aggressively lining up support for its extended war against terror. Newsweek October 1, 2001
.. The lone exception is that we have said all along that it’s going to be very hard to have a relation- ship with the Iraqi regime:’ Asked if that meant Iraq was next, the source said, “I’m notgoingto go there:’ For Powell, as for Bush, maintaining worldwide support while striking effectively will be the test ofa lifetime. Newsweek October 1, 2001
FOr now, the need to exploit that global unity means that the master multilat- eralist, Cohn Powell, has George Bush’s ear. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But if Mullah picture at all. Newsweek October 1, 2001
MushanaI58, standssquarelyontheside of secularisrn. Newsweek October 1, 2001
President Bush explained that the war against terrorism will be fought on many fronts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
within the Bush administra- Wethinkofouralliesin theMiddle East as “moderates’Andcertainlycompared with the barbarians ofAl Qaeda, they are cautious, conservative rulers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Waiting for the Call President Bush has ordered U.S. servicemen and women to “get ready” for war. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The tale begins more than 10 years ago, when the veterans ofthe Mooj’s holy war against the Soviets With a room full of witnesses and a smoking gun, the case state, Benazir Bhutto, told the first President George Bush, “You are creating a Frankenstein.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Most experts expect big drops. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Some investors rediscovered the corn- jumped 18 percent in four weeks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Huge sums are Bin Laden—”dead or alive,” as the president says—is worth 2,000 sittinginmoney-marketmutualfundsat3.5percent. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They’vejustfailedtobuy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
From missile ordisappears forgood; thatitcanliedormantforyears andyears in defense to new offensive and intelligence capabilities, the Bush ad- furniture and linen-chests ; that it bides its time in bedrooms, eel- ministration wants more, and more muscular, government. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Cover: TheAmerican Spirit, Undaunted The Manhunt: ‘We’re at War’ &yEvan ThomasandMarkHosenball Options: How Bush Could Retaliate &yMichaelHirshandJ~hnBarry Holy Warriors: Training forTerror by ChristopherDickey Bin Laden: The Mesmerizer ~ The President: Rising to a Momentous Occasion &yHowardFineman Between the Lines’: Gnt, Guts and Giuliam !,yjonathanAlter Newsweek September 24, 2001
To use your MasterCard or Visa, call 800- SAL-ARIvIY (800-725-2769). Newsweek September 24, 2001
America’s Second Harvest: Through local affiliates, this charity is supplying relief workers and shelters with food and water. Newsweek September 24, 2001
W, U.S. Emer- gencyFund, P.O. Box2669, Portland, Ore. Newsweek September 24, 2001
BYLINES MARK WHITAKER “This conflictwas begun on the timing and terms of others. Newsweek September 24, 2001
FAREED ZAKARIA on America’s alliance strategy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
United Way: The United Way of New York and the New York Community Trust have created a fund specifically for victims and their families. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Norma Hesslc, who worked her way down from an 82d-floor WTC office after thefirstplane hit. Newsweek September 24, 2001
A president’s popularity always rises in a crisis, but Bush’s spike is unprecedented. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(Because of its year- At Camp David, Bush round good weather and met with his advisers proximity to the beach, Flori- and spoke sternly of da attracts many international retaliation, calling flight students, especially Osama bin Laden from the Middle East; back- prime suspect’ ground checks are said to be minimal.) Newsweek September 24, 2001
Atta had plenty of cash. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“He had a fanny pack with a seafood bar called Shuckums. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or atAntietam, the bloodiest one-day bat- lie ofthe Civil War. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He’ll need the world’s help. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or at Pearl Harbor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or on D-Day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Butthis is a war like no other. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bush’s first challenge: How to finding the enemy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It is aland no one guerrillas fought off eveiy major Soviet of- has conquered in 500 years. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Yet that’s exactly the nation that so haunted Kipling and what bin Laden has done in Afghanistan whose radical Muslim ruling mullahs, the for the past five years. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And now, having Thliban, are known to be harboring Ameri- sown the rhetoric of war, Bush must reap ca’s most-wanted man, Osaina bin Laden, it—especially after the Senate on Friday au- in their mountains. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bush administration officials insist the president has ruled out what one called “demonstration strikes” like this. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The argument of the former Joint Chiefs chairman, which is largely accepted by Bush’s team, is that just killing foot so!- Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bush, however, is already encountering some resistance to National Guardsmen march through the rubble in New York Citya portent of possible military mobilizations ahead stan raises even more complicated ques- tions. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No one in the Bush administration is talking seriously— not yet, at any rate—about bombing these countries. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Boston Globe reported last week that Bush choppers into there is evidence at least five New York last week, of the Boston hijackers—one declaring the nation's or more with a Saudi pass- duto 'to answer these port—”exploited the good attacks and rid the reputation” of Saudi Arabia world of evil’ in the United States to gain entry and access to flight da. Newsweek September 24, 2001
That is whyhe is ical demands for a swift strike training in Flori- funding ofvio- out ofSaudi “Ifyou’re going bombing some National Se- terrain, Bush global impli- many Ameri- get many of demonstrate anew against terror- Muslims in the Arab world, friendly Arab re- and his fellow Bush under- resistingpolit- and focusing Gen. Wil- of "clash of on what may be the most ef- fective option in the long run: workingfor months andyears to bmld consensus among the na- tions ofthe world to stamp out terror networks where they have spread, country by country, mainly by applying constant diplomatic pressure on host na- new Bush mantra to the world: tions. Newsweek September 24, 2001
If the least moves too slowly and diplomatically, Bush anger his own vengefhl country- he could 82 percent approval rating will men. Newsweek September 24, 2001
the Whichever way he goes, Bush has lost no time in away—much as his father’s did after laying the groundwork for both and a longer-term campaign. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Targeting the Harbors President Bush says he’ll show no mercy for countries that may support terrorists. Newsweek September 24, 2001
With HOSENBALL Washington and PAKISTAN General Musharraf assures cooperation with the United States, but Bush and Poweil raise some doubts. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Calm and commanding in private, warm and dignified in public, Bush rises to the occasion A President in the wake ofterror. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Like Churchill and The meeting didn’t last minutes, but half FDR, George Walker Bush must weld and an hour. Newsweek September 24, 2001
modern president, including Bush’s father words all four senatorsyearned for. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ing, Bush cried along with the families of Americans rallyround a president in a cri- during the gulf war. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But on ground, his bearings set: a late bloomer Workingthe phone at all hours, he put mu- Bush, by the end ofthe week, had become oftheterroristcrisis. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Charles habit in life, he’s exceeding expectations, Schumer like a long-lost fraternity brother. Newsweek September 24, 2001
learning on the run before our eyes. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As for their aid request, “I’m with ya,” the president said eagerly—and itwas approved and the Pentagon sliced apart, Americans he flew from Florida to Louisiana to Ne- roused the crowd of rescue workers in the Cathedral, “our George”: the designated stood immediately after Pearl Harbor, and by Congress the next day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bush has called Americans to “war,” but to win it will take years and, almost certainly, American casualties. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And now it is the Bush family and its liegemen, wed- president night—the Bush, on Air Force One (top) after the attacks, talks with Cheney and others in the White House Operations Center last day of The World As We Knew It—Bush’s parents came to Washington, though their son had flown offto talk about education in Florida. Newsweek September 24, 2001
President George W. Bush knew it was bad, but not this bad. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Last week politi- cal leaders from President George W. Bush to NewYork Mayor Rudolph Giuliani urged tolerance. Newsweek September 24, 2001
If brother and sister meet, she flees into the bush and he passes by without turning his head toward her.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He does not enter a hut in which she is and when they meet, he or she goes aside, she perhaps hiding behind a bush while he holds his shield before his face. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We’re told to go about our shook hands, declared the game over and called it a tie. Time October 10, 2001
Single twentysomethings in Manhattan whose families live far away have started having sleepovers, like injunior high. Time October 10, 2001
“Sometimes you need the courage ofyour doubts.” Time October 10, 2001
A five-year-old girl in Audubon, N.J., re- named all her dolls George Bush. Time October 10, 2001
That is the deep mystery of a great tragedy. Time October 10, 2001
We may have lost even more people who are dear to us. Time October 10, 2001
At least the lights restaurants, there were more people at The planes were once again aloft, some of them anyway, announced they were canceling 20% of and laying off workers by the tens of from 17 Bush pledges war on terrorism before a united Congress Photograph for TIME by DAVID BURNETT— Contact TilE War "We Will Not Fail" Faced with a new enemy, Bush finds a new strategy—and a powerful voice Bush said, had to prepare for a “lengthy < By MICHAEL ELLIOTT< 0R A NEW KIND OF WAR, IT HAD AN OLD SORT OF START. Time October 10, 2001
Afld it is a fight in which the his father—had done before, George W. Bush drove from the White system promise to be augmented by the House to the Capitol, and in an address to Congress and the thud and thump of military action. Time October 10, 2001
That this will be a real war was made explicit. Time October 10, 2001
“I’ve called the armed forces to alert,” said Bush, “and there is a reason. Time October 10, 2001
Sources tell TIME that the first, secret deployment orders issued to the Air Force and Navy set a goal of having warplanes ready for action by Sept. 24. Time October 10, 2001
If Bush is serious, he has laid upon his successors a task hardly less demanding than the one he has adopted for himself. Time October 10, 2001
It takes nothing away from Bush, and the clenched-jaw poise with which he delivered his speech to Congress, to say that but two weeks ago, few would have thought him adequate to the task he now faces. Time October 10, 2001
Yet Bush’s plainspoken style may be well suited to a time of fear, grief and a primal rage for revenge. Time October 10, 2001
That’s why the President’s inner cir- cle was not overly worried about the speech to Congress. Time October 10, 2001
But his aides say Bush turned a corner on the Friday after the attacks, with a speech at the Washington National Cathedral, an impromptu rallying cry amid the rubble at Ground Zero and—in private—two hours comforting, and weeping with, the families of those who have lost loved ones. Time October 10, 2001
Bush knew it would—must— be the most important address he had ever given. Time October 10, 2001
Bush, says a senior aide, “wanted it early because he wanted to see if this was something he wanted to do in the first place.” Time October 10, 2001
Three speechwriters set to work, and Bush had a draftby the appointed time. Time October 10, 2001
It needed work, but Bush was becoming convinced that it was the right time to speak out. Time October 10, 2001
Bush agreed, and that day and the next, he practiced his de- livery three times, marking changes with a black Sharpie pen. Time October 10, 2001
Bush’s speech was designed for the population atlarge, to explain to a people thirsty for the quick fix of vengeance the virtues of patience. Time October 10, 2001
Bush’s world begins with his clos- est advisers, extends to Cabinet officers and military commanders and then reaches his friends and allies in other countries. Time October 10, 2001
All must be engaged, all must do their part, if Bush’s war is to be won. Time October 10, 2001
Bush himself, in addition to his reg- ular national security briefings (there’s now an afternoon meeting as well as one in the morning), meets each day with FBI Director Robert Mueller and Attorney General John Ashcroft to hear how the manhunt is going and assess new threats. Time October 10, 2001
Karl Rove, the Pres- ident’s chiefpobitical strategist, continues to make sure that key constituencies are not forgotten; but for the first time in Bush’s political life, Rove and Hughes no longer attend the President’s most im- portant meetings. Time October 10, 2001
If Bush is takingthe role ofthe outside play- er, the public spokesman, the emotional leader of the Administration and the na- tion, Cheney is the inside man, the open- ations guy. Time October 10, 2001
Bush is lucky to have a team with experience in wartime. Time October 10, 2001
But it doesn’t hurt to have around you men and women who have gone through the fire. Time October 10, 2001
Apart from Cheney (Defense Secretary 10 years ago) and Powell (Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff back then), Bush can call on Rice, an NSC staff member in his father’s Administration, and Paul Wolfowitz, now Deputy Secretary of De- fense and then Cheney’s policy aide. Time October 10, 2001
The na- tional security team met with Bush at Camp David for seven hours on the weekend after the attacks—with maps and charts spread out over tables and easels, and a mood that Card described as “like a war council”—and then continued their discussions in Washington. Time October 10, 2001
Relying on intelli- gence intercepts of bin Laden’s known associates discussing the hijackings, and on links between some of the suicide should be taken against those so identified? The Administration insists ) the attacks were the has placed on his move- ate actions can and work of bin Laden’s network. Time October 10, 2001
And even if it doesn’t come im- mediately, Bush’s careful but ambitious rhetoric on terror suggests it will one day arrive. Time October 10, 2001
THE WAR response to Bush’s ultimatum. Time October 10, 2001
Last week the preparation for presenting the final options to Bush hit a briefsnag. Time October 10, 2001
That’s why, last Monday morning, Bush entered a secure room at the Pentagon for a briefing by Major Gen- enal Del Dailey, com- mander of the Joint Special Operations Command, which runs the military’s most se- cretive units. Time October 10, 2001
But miitaryanalysts arebluntlyrealistic about the challenges facing them. Time October 10, 2001
But ifthe objectives of a military action in Afghanistan are destroying Osama bin Laden and wiping out terrorists’ bases, no air operation will work. Time October 10, 2001
The bases are hidden in bunkers, tunnels and mountain caves. Time October 10, 2001
Norwill it work in terms of intimidation either: Afghans are not the people to be intimidated. Time October 10, 2001
They knowthe terrain by heart. Time October 10, 2001
George Bush’s war will be one of strange bedfellows. Time October 10, 2001
In World A VISIT Loft, Giuliani, Daschle, Schumer and Warner listen to N.Y.C. fire boss Von Essen Wan II, Roosevelt and Winston Churchill out a bust of the British leaden. Time October 10, 2001
Even spoken of Churchill often. Time October 10, 2001
When he wel- two men less alike. Time October 10, 2001
Bush has had his comed five religious leaders to the Oval share of verbal stumbles; Churchill nev- Office last week, the President pointed en uttered a sentence that didn’t stiffen spines. Time October 10, 2001
Bush is fit; Churchiliwas whatev- en is fitness’s opposite. Time October 10, 2001
Bush has for- sworn the demon drink; when Churchifi stayed with Roosevelt in the White House over Christmas 1941, he instructed Roosevelt’s but- ler that he needed a tumbler of shen- ry in his room before breakfast, a couple of glasses of Scotch and soda before lunch, and French champagne and 90-year-old brandy before he went to sleep. Time October 10, 2001
About the only thing they have in common goes between the lips; very occa- sionally, Bush sneaks out on the Truman balcony ofthe White House and enjoys a cigar. Time October 10, 2001
At the times when he was most challenged, and whether he was justified in his sense of self on not (and often he was not), Churchill never knew self-doubt. Time October 10, 2001
“George was putting out the dogs.” Time October 10, 2001
Thursday night, No. 41 was off in Canada hunting pheasants with friends, including former Prime Minister Brian Muironey, a de- liberate response to No. 43’s na- tional call to keep life as normal as possible. Time October 10, 2001
Quite a few members then the estimates of hundreds more in the Pentagon crash. Time October 10, 2001
That gave him a good understanding of what can and what cannot be done. Time October 10, 2001
G EORGE H.W. BUSH, NO. Time October 10, 2001
put in a call to the White House late Thursday after his It is still hard for some to grasp, but this habit of small, in- son George W. Bush, No. 43, had finished his wan speech timate confidences is the rock on which the Bush clan is to the joint session of Congress. Time October 10, 2001
“I’ll face tremendous difficulties, but I’ll support you,” he told Bush. Time October 10, 2001
During his army career, Musharrafgained a reputation as a masterfultactician with lousy follow-through. Time October 10, 2001
It is an idea quently against Israel, but for him the real encouraged by the Ayatullah Khomeini, casusbelli is the U.S. troop presence in his who proclaimed the U.S. “the Great Sa- country dating to the military buildup be- tau,” spread by Islamic extremists fore the 1991 Gulf War precipitated by throughout the Arab world and now giv- Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait. Time October 10, 2001
President Bush is to dismantle terrorists’ financial bases. Time October 10, 2001
The Pennsylvania Governor wasn’t expecting a job offer; he’d hadlunch the daybeforewith George w. Bush, and the President hadn’t men- tioned a thing. Time October 10, 2001
Ridge agonized overnight and was still undecidedwhen he dropped by Card’s office the following afternoon, only hours before Bush was to address the nation. Time October 10, 2001
Suddenly, Bush, Cheney and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice appeared in the room. Time October 10, 2001
Ridge has several advantages, not least ofwhich is a relationship with Bush that dates back to 1980, when the two worked together on Bush’s father’s presi- dential campaign. Time October 10, 2001
In announcing Ridge’s appointment Thursday night, Bush called him “a military veteran, an effective Gov- ernor, atrue patriot and a trusted friend.” Time October 10, 2001
Bush, fearing resistance, had not told his Cabinet about the new post until he was ready to announce it to the world. Time October 10, 2001
When Bush asked Cheney last May to oversee the development of a coordinat- ed national effort against chemical, bio- logical and nuclear attack, the assign- ment was considered such a backwater that some in the White House joked it was punishment for Cheney’s having botched the Administration’s energyplan. Time October 10, 2001
And Bush stopped Well short, giving Ridge a Cabinet-level title but no Cabinet-level department. Time October 10, 2001
If Ridge does not have a departmental budget behind him, Bush aides insist he will have considerable say over other peo- pie’s. Time October 10, 2001
True, George Bush spoke out for Mus- lims at a mosque and before Congress last week, teffing them, “We respect your faith. Time October 10, 2001
Such social conservatism also translates politically: the tally of Bush votes among African-American Muslims was 25% high- er than in black America as a whole. Time October 10, 2001
Both Kipling and Winston Churchill were audible in the extraordinary speech that President Bush gave last week. Time October 10, 2001
I HOPE THE BUSH PLAN SUCCEEDS IN CAPTURING AND PUTFING on trial the terrorists. Time October 10, 2001
forecast that may still be overly opti- Greenspan, who also testified before a By Friday, airline executives had mistic. Time October 10, 2001
massive, budget-busting relief package cluding $5 billion in immediate aid, an That sort of thrift would have been until the full extent of the fallout is additional $10 billion in loan guarantees applauded during World War II, when known. Time October 10, 2001
The session with Greenspan and White ble—and that the only solution is for the Federal Reserve Board slashed short- House chief economic adviser Larry airlines to get together, much like the term interest rates half a point, its eighth Lindsey earlier in the week, told the corn- bankrupt railroads in the ‘70s, to carve up cut this year, and the Bush Administra- mittee that the government shouldn’t re- territories and raise ticket prices. Time October 10, 2001
And Alan Greenspan is shearing short-term rates as ifhe were Ed- ward Scissorhands at the botanical gardens. Time October 10, 2001
At a time when President Bush’s approval ratings threaten to exceed 100%, some pacifists believe they repre- sent a growing minority that is, for the moment, reluctant to speak out. Time October 10, 2001
That’s confetti. Time October 10, 2001
“This will forever change the content of certain types of movies,” says producer Arnold Kopelson (Outbreak, Se7en), who can- celed production of a film about bio- terrorism. Time October 10, 2001
He closed saying he had a new assignment that would take him to a region with superb ducks and geese, and with gazelles and bighorns at no great distance. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But Card connected Ridge with Dick Cheney, who offered Ridge a post that the Vice President had just that < day proposed to Bush—a Cabinet-level position charged with protecting “home- land security.” Time October 10, 2001
The mourners sleep on thorn bushes, with which they also surround their beds. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He slinks about like an animal, in the high grass or in the bushes, and must hide in a thicket if he sees anybody, especially a woman, approaching. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
359The Spoils of Serindia 360 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS TODAY’S TRAVELER APPROACHES THE CARAVAN CITIES OF YARKAND and Khotan by bus or van, threading past the same rows of willows, poplars, mulberry bushes, and tamarisks that cloaked the road and lined irrigation ditches in Stein’s day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
One little grey hawk darted from her nest high in the grey wall, her set wings rigid, and sailed low over the pebbles and sparse thorn bushes of the plain. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The largest number of New York City firemen to have died in a single disaster before last week was 12. Newsweek September 24, 2001
I make a preparation, and pick something out of it which looks like crum- pled tinfoil. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Their meeting was videotaped by the aptly named Jihad Media, and the tape is of interest to U.S. investigators for several reasons. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Powell also received a pledge of intelligence sharing from China. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Those moves into bordering na- tions, coupled with Pakistan’s pledge to closeits 1,500-mileborderandsupplyintel- ligence, could help tighten the noose around bin Laden. Newsweek October 1, 2001
As we all mourn the dead and pray for the missing, here is a list oforganizations accepting contributions for reliefefforts and bereaved families: American Red Cross: Contribute to the National Disaster ReliefFund by calling 800.435-7669 Newsweek September 24, 2001
Part of the increase can be ascribed to the investment of provincial party secretar- ies as full or alternate committee members, but most of the other new- comers had never featured in the Afghan press; and it can be assumed that the unknowns were largely drawn from among Najibullah’s old KHAD subordinates. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One party that Najibullah did not name in 1988 (but had been the first non-PDPA group to pledge allegiance to his national reconciliation program) was a self-styled social democratic party Afghan Mellat (Kabul New Times, 29 Oct. 1987). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It created a new class of “gentleman farmers” who add~d their influence to the consid- erable political weight of the landed aristocracy and managed to blunt the impact of even moderate land reforms that were carried out in the 1960s and 1970s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It would be just as meaningless to strive for exactness in this material as it would be unfair to demand certainty here. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When officials and clerics of the Taliban, under international pressure, de- bated whether to destroy the 1,500-year- old Bamiyan Buddha statues early this year, Omar is said to have issued the or- der: Go ahead; it’s only breaking stones. Time October 10, 2001
Muhammad sometimes leads his flock in the Pledge of Allegiance before worship. Time October 10, 2001
When the Buddhist Mission passed through Sikkim, Bailey gave its six members permission to enter Tibet as far as Gyantse, on the understanding they would go no fur- On the Playing Fields of Lhasa :. 441 442 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS ther and would return to India, which McGovern did. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
You can only arrive at the paradoxical idea that such a dream is “undisguised” if you are pledged to the sexual theory of neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
271 So far as consequences go, then, deterrence and mass murder are very far apart. Just and Unjust Wars
Their closeness is a matter of moral posture and intention. Just and Unjust Wars
sumptuous. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It has pledged to end all economic sanctions, restart military-to-military contacts and free up IMF money. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In particular, it pledged to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women by promising that the new government would All Forms of Discrimination Against Women; ployment, to just and favorable conditions of work, to protection against unemployment, to equal pay for work of equal value, and payment of maternity leave; contemporary socioeconomic realities; modesty of women; society,” by enlarging social consciousness and enforcing strictly the relevant laws and Dowry Act. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Information as to the extraordinary significance of puns and the play upon words in the old Orien- tal cultures may be found in the writings of Hugo Winckler. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The members of a totem clan are brothers and sisters, pledged to help and protect each other; if a member of the clan is slain by a stranger the whole tribe of the slayer must answer for the murder and the clan of the slain man shows its solidarity in the demand for expiation for the blood that has been shed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Sucb an idea was the basis of all the blood bonds through which men instill later times became pledged to each other. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
the same day 3,695,000 Afghan refugees as of Sept. 10, 2001 V 15,000 Number of Afghans who crossed the border into Pakistan the week after Sept. 11 Secret War (Simon & Schuster), released Sept. 11 100,000 Copies ordered for the second printing after the book topped Amazon’s best-seller list on Sept. 11 L2 million Cubic yards of earth and rock excavated to build the World Trade Center 90,931 Tons of debris removed from the World Trade Center site as of Sept. 22, 2001 2 56 Body parts recovered from the rubble 15 Ladder trucks, fire engines and support vehicles recovered $25 million Reward for Osama bin Laden’s capture $ 800 Per capita GDP of Afghanistan 300,000 Pledges made during the first 15 min. Time October 10, 2001
He disapproved of Shah Shuja’s grossly corrupt ministers, but when Burnes demurred, Macnaghten brusquely cited the Simla proclamation pledging noninterference in Afghan affairs. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This affinity mitigated the Emir’s failure to get what he wanted—a formal treaty pledging aid in the event of an external at- tack, a fixed annual subsidy, and the recognition of his younger son Abdullah Jan as his heir instead of his oldest son,Yakub Khan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even so “the Heart Trust” was able in April to push through the signing of the Roerich Peace Plan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Papa Roerich rates a Cossack guard at his door at all hours, armed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Sexual prematurity often runs parallel with premature intellectual development; it is found as such in the infantile history of the most distinguished and most pro- ductive individuals, and in such cases it does not seem to act as patho- genically as when it appears isolated. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In order to escape the reproach that it was nonsense I had to insert the words “either—or” instead of the “and” of the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For this he required fresh drinking water for men and camels, and he commissioned seventeen-gallon galvanized-iron water tanks—the optimum size for a Bactrian camel to carry—in Calcutta. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It would thus constitute a contradiction not only of the assertion that a dream is a wish-fulfilment, but also of the assertion that it is accessible only to egoistical impulses. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Originally published by Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., in 1974. About Behaviorism
He needed more factual support than he could find, and it is not surprising that much of what he said seemed oversimplified and naïve. About Behaviorism
Watson had little or nothing to say about inten- tion or purpose or creativity. About Behaviorism
A more explicit strategy is to abandon the search for causes and simply describe what people do. About Behaviorism
Most methodological be- But what about other evidence? Is the traditional Radical Behaviorism The statement that behaviorists deny the existence of feelings, sensations, ideas, and other features of mental life needs a good deal of clarification. About Behaviorism
We are in a similar stage in a science of behavior, and the sooner the transition is completed the better. About Behaviorism
The prac- tical consequences are easily demonstrated: education, politics, psychotherapy, penology, and many other fields ABOUT BEHAvIoIUsM 22 of human affairs are suffering from the eclectic use of a lay vocabulary. About Behaviorism
Similarly, although the community may teach a child to say, “I am hungry,” because it knows that the child has not eaten for a long time, it is much more likely to take advantage of collateral behavior: it observes that the child responds quickly or eats ravenously when given food. About Behaviorism
For example, we feel sad in the original sense of sated, or excited in the sense of stirred up, but these expressions may be little more than metaphors. About Behaviorism
The stimulation thus de- scribed presumably accompanied earlier instances when 29 The World Within the Skin Reporting Behavior Current Behavior. About Behaviorism
“What are you inclined to :i:’~ laughter occurred and a suitable vocabulary was ac- quired. About Behaviorism
It may be equiva- lent to “I am covertly engaging in behavior similar to that involved in getting and consuming food” or “I am fantasying eating” or “I am thinking of things I like to eat” or “I am ‘eating to myself.’” About Behaviorism
The question might be asked of some- one who is rummaging a box of small objects, and a characteristic response might be “I am looking for my old pocketknife.” About Behaviorism
In spite of the apparent intimacy of the world within the skin, and in spite of the advantage a person enjoys as an observer of his personal history, another person may know more about why he behaves. About Behaviorism
It is possible that many myths are little more than invented causes of the superstitious beha- vior, seemingly uncaused, to be discussed in Chapter 8. About Behaviorism
It then enters into the control of the behavior called knowing. About Behaviorism
person’s private world becomes important to others that it is made important to him. About Behaviorism
Profiting from recent advances in the experimental analysis of behavior, it has looked more closely at the conditions under which people respond to the world within their skin, and it can now analyze, one by one, the key terms in the mentalistic armamentarium. About Behaviorism
Breathing, suckling, urination, and defecation are things the newborn infant does, but so, of course, are all its other physiological activities. About Behaviorism
As soon as the word was coined, it was taken to refer to the underlying anatomy and phys- iology, but these are still only roughly known. About Behaviorism
Herbert Spencer’s “life force,” Schopenhauer’s “blind will to exist,” and Bergson’s “élan vital” were early cx- amples of the conversion of biological processes into more energetic or substantial forms. About Behaviorism
The élan vital, for 39 Innate Behavior Instinctive behavior presents a more complex assign- ment for the physiologist than reflex, and at the moment we have few relevant facts and can only speculate about the kinds of systems which may be involved. About Behaviorism
When we say that a good prose stylist has an “in- stinct” which permits him to judge without reflection that a sentence is well written, we mean nothing more than that he possesses certain deeply ingrained behavior of uncertain provenance. About Behaviorism
Instincts as Driving Forces. About Behaviorism
“Selection pressure” is an example. About Behaviorism
Darwin’s theory of natural selection came very late in the history of thought. About Behaviorism
Survival may depend almost wholly on “competing with” the physical environment, when intel- ligent behavior is clearly favored.) About Behaviorism
The conditioned reflex is a stimulus is said to function as a “sign,” “signal,” or “symbo~.” About Behaviorism
Many things in the environment, such as food and watcr, sexual contact, and escape from harm, are crucial for the survival of the individual and the species, and any behavior which produces them there- fore h:s ~u:vival value. About Behaviorism
(In Utopia, Thomas More reported, the chicks hatched in an incubator followed those who fed and cared for them.) About Behaviorism
But contingencies of re- inforcement are species-specific too. About Behaviorism
The concept of mind had been thoroughly elaborated before the advent of evolutionary theory, and some ac- commodation was needed. About Behaviorism
What has evolved is an organism, part of the behavior of which has been tentatively explained by the invention of the concept of mind. About Behaviorism
No special evolutionary process is needed when the facts are considered in their own right. About Behaviorism
ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 50 the preceding chapter is simple enough. About Behaviorism
Salt and sugar are critical requirements, and individuals who were especially likely to be reinforced by them have more effectively learned and remembered where and how to get them and have therefore been more likely to survive and transmit this susceptibility to the species. About Behaviorism
It has often been pointed out that competition for a mate tends to select the more skillful and powerful members of a species, but it also selects those more The Feelings of Reinforcers ABotrr BEHAVIORISM 52 susceptible to sexual reinforcement. About Behaviorism
The verb “to like” is a synonym of “to be pleased with”; we say “If you like” and “If you please” more or less interchangeably. About Behaviorism
A person under aversive control is particularly likely to be rein- forced if he escapes and to engage in any behavior which has led to escape. About Behaviorism
we feel hungry or because we feel the need for food, or that we are more likely to engage in food-reinforced behavior because we feel hungry. About Behaviorism
The states associated with wanting and needing are more likely to be felt if no relevant behavior is at the moment possible. About Behaviorism
Desiring, longing, hoping, and yearning are more closely related to a current absence of appropriate be- havior because they terminate when action begins. About Behaviorism
Depriving a person of something he needs or wants is not a forceful act, and the effect builds up slowly, ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 56 but states of deprivation are given a more dramatic role when they are called drives or urges. About Behaviorism
(It might be better to say simply that it appears, since emission may imply that behavior exists inside the organism and then comes out. About Behaviorism
But the word need not mean ejection; light is not in the hot ifiament before it is emitted.) About Behaviorism
The issue is determinism. About Behaviorism
(As we shall see in Chapter 12, a more important point is that positively reinforcing consequences do not generate avoidance or escape or any behavior designed to change the conditions in which it occurs.) About Behaviorism
The statement that “some people do not will because they are afraid” seems to refer to nothing more than the fact that they do not behave because they are afraid. About Behaviorism
Possibly no charge is more often leveled against be- haviorism or a science of behavior than that it cannot deal with purpose or intention. About Behaviorism
66 torical event can never be more than plausible, but it is a better explanation than will power.) About Behaviorism
schedules of reinforcement, although their effects are usually attributed to feelings. About Behaviorism
Operant Behavior amount of effort. About Behaviorism
It is said that Hitler prolonged the Second World War for nearly a year “by an in- credible exercise of will power which all the others in Germany lacked,” but his behavior (and hence his “will power”) can be plausibly attributed to an extraordi- narily favorable program (favorable for Hitler, disas-. About Behaviorism
A writer who says, “The more I read of the early and mid-Victorians, the more I see anxiety and worry as the leading clue to understanding them,” is suggesting an explanation of behavior in terms of feelings gener- ated by punishing circumstances, where the feelings are inferred from the behavior they are used to explain. About Behaviorism
Excessive punishment is said to make a shortage of positive reinforcement more critical and leave a person “more vulnerable to severe depression and to giving up.” About Behaviorism
If behavior stifi occurs but in a weakened form, it may be said to show inhibition, timidity, em- barrassment, fear, or caution. About Behaviorism
Early studies of behavior were often said to confine themselves to form or structure—to treat behavior, for example, as nothing more than “muscle twitches.” About Behaviorism
As we learn more about the role of contingencies of reinforcement, we are more likely to move beyond formal properties. About Behaviorism
By the early nineteenth century it was well known that species bad undergone progressive changes toward more adap- tive forms. About Behaviorism
“It crossed my mind that I should go” is scarcely more than “It occurred to me that I should go.” About Behaviorism
There are other words referring to mental activities said to be more specifically required by behavior. About Behaviorism
Etymol- ogically, to experience the world is to test it, and to perceive it is to capture it—to take it in and possess it. About Behaviorism
79 Operant Behavior Perceiving Perhaps the most difficult problem faced by be- haviorism has been the treatment of conscious con- tent. About Behaviorism
We recognize the importance of a history of rein- forcement when we undertake to make it more likely that a person will see a particular thing—or, in other words, that he will engage in a particular kind of see- ing. About Behaviorism
We can present a thing suddenly or conspicuously or in a novel and hence surprising way, and we can point to it if our subject has learned to follow a point —that is, if he has learned to behave effectively under contingencies in which a thing indicated plays an im- portant part. About Behaviorism
Gestalt psychologists may be said to have argued that certain kinds of patterns force the orgiinism to perceive them in certain ways. About Behaviorism
A trained observer was to describe his sensations without < mzilcing < the “stimulus error”—that is, to describe what he was looking at as if he had never seen it before or could never have learned anything about it. About Behaviorism
The discrepancies are not in a correspondence between ex- perience and reality but in stimulus controL complex. About Behaviorism
Those who believe that we see copies of the world may contend that we never see the world itself, but it is at least equally plausible to say that we never see any- thing else. About Behaviorism
The basic difficulty was formulated by Theophrastus more than two thousand years ago: pedocles] to imagine that he has really explained bow creatures hear, when he has ascribed the process to internal sounds and assumed that the ear produces a sound within, like a bell. About Behaviorism
Both “reminiscing” and “remembering” once meant “being mindful of again” or “bringing again to mind”—in other words, seeing again as one once saw. About Behaviorism
Thus, we may see Venice in order to tell a friend how to find his way to a particu- lar part of the city. About Behaviorism
Verbal Behavior Relatively late in its history, the human species underwent a remarkable change: its vocal musculature came under operant control. About Behaviorism
This wifi happen only if the be- 101 Verbal Behavior The same point may be made, but with many more haviors of speaker and listener are supported by ad- ditional contingencies arranged by the verbal commu- nity. About Behaviorism
We usualiy~ respond in a slightly dif- ferent way in escaping from the rain itself if we have had no sign of it in advance. About Behaviorism
Concepts. About Behaviorism
Abstraction. About Behaviorism
A characteristic feature of verbal ABOUT BEaLvIORISM 104 is under the control of one property by naming it. About Behaviorism
For color is this?” he will then respond to the property rather than an abstract entity. About Behaviorism
A French translation of an English book is not another statement of a set of propositions; it is another sample of verbal behavior having an effect upon a French reader similar to the effect of the English ver- sion on an English reader. About Behaviorism
That concepts have real referents has been pointed out by saying that “they are discoveries rather than inventions—they represent re- ality.” About Behaviorism
an amazing speed, but we should not overestimate the accomplishment or attribute it to invented linguistic capacities. About Behaviorism
There are more important uses of the term. About Behaviorism
It is far from an adequate substitute for traditional views of thinking . About Behaviorism
The ancient view that perception is a kind of capturing or taking possession of the world is encouraged by the 4 real distinction we make between seeing and looking at, hearing and listening to, smelling and < sniffing< , tasting and savoring, and feeling and feeling of, where the second term in each pair does indeed refer to an act. About Behaviorism
We discern the important things in a given setting be- cause of past contingencies in which they have been important. About Behaviorism
Familiar examples are scratches on clay tablets, en- graved legends on monuments, books, paintings, photo- graphs, phonographic recordings, and the magnetic Search and Recall There are, however, more specialized strategies of For various reasons, suggested by such terms as stores of computers. About Behaviorism
On a future occasion such a record can evoke behavor appropriate to an earlier occasion and may permit a person to respond more effectively. About Behaviorism
The practice has led to the elaboration of a cognitive metaphor, no doubt antedating by centuries any psycho- logical system-making, in which experiences are said to be stored in memory, later to be retrieved or recalled and used in order to behave more effectively in a cur- rent setting. About Behaviorism
This does not mean conjuring up a copy of the person which we then look at; it simply means behaving as we behaved in his presence upon some earlier occasion. About Behaviorism
There was no copy of his visual appearance insideus then, as there is none now. About Behaviorism
Thus, the superior retrieval of certain kinds of items is attributed to “an addressing system that al- lows immediate access to items”—as it certainly should! About Behaviorism
He will solve the problem when he emits such a response. About Behaviorism
A problem to which a good deal of attention has been given arises when two or more re- sponses appear to be possible and a person chooses or decides among them. About Behaviorism
it is said that a person has made a choice when he has taken one of two or more seemingly possible courses of action. About Behaviorism
Simply to make one of several “possible” responses—as in walking aimlessly through a park—requires no seri- ous act of decision, but when consequences are impor- tant and the probabilities of two or more responses are nearly equal, a problem must be solved. About Behaviorism
Choice. About Behaviorism
Operant conditioning solves the problem more or less as natural selection solved a similar problem in evolutionary theory. About Behaviorism
Explicit ways of making it more likely that original behavior will occur by introducing “mutations” are familiar to writers, artists, composers, mathematicians, scientists, and inventors. About Behaviorism
discussion, not only because more than one history of reinforcement is then active but also because different histories may by accident or design lead to novel set- tings. About Behaviorism
A definition is a seem- ingly more internal form of instruction, but its effect is simply that one verbal response is now used inter- changeably with another. About Behaviorism
In neither case is he given knowledge; he is told how to behave. About Behaviorism
The student is told how to “use words” rather than bow to use an accelerator or brake. About Behaviorism
A more formal statement of the law of the lever permitted the principle to be used in situations where contingency-shaped behavior was unlikely or impossible. About Behaviorism
Contingency-Shaped Versus Rule-Governed Behavior Rules can usually be learned more quickly than the be- havior shaped by the contingencies they describe. About Behaviorism
Most people can learn the instruction “Push down on the gearshift lever before moving it into the reverse posi- tion” more readily than the actual shifting movement, especially if the lever does not move easily or if, in other cars with which the driver is familiar, it does not need to be pushed down. About Behaviorism
The control exerted by directions, advice, rules, and laws is more conspicuous than that exerted by the con- tingencies themselves, in part because it is less subtle, and the latter has therefore seemed to mean a greater personal contribution and inner worth. About Behaviorism
Doing good be- cause one is reinforced by the good of others is more highly honored than doing good because the law dc- mands it. About Behaviorism
In the first case, the person feels well dis- posed; in the second, he may feel little more than a fear of punishment. About Behaviorism
Artists, composers, and poets sometimes follow rules (imitating the work of others, for example, is a version of rule following), but greater merit attaches to behavior which is due to a personal exposure to an environment Unlike those who submit to contingencies arranged to support rules, a “natural” artist, composer, or poet will behave in idiosyncratic ways and will be more likely to feel the bodily conditions, called excite- ment or joy, associated with “natural” reinforcers. About Behaviorism
Grammatical behavior was shaped, then as now, by the reinforcing practices of verbal communi- ties in which some behaviors were more effective than others, and sentences were generated by the joint action of past reinforcements and current settings. About Behaviorism
But it is the contingencies which “govern the use of language,” not rules, whether or not they are extracted. About Behaviorism
We have seen that operant conditioning has been said to indicate such a process; an organism reinforced on one or more occasions is said to “infer or judge that < similar conse-< quences will follow upon other occasions.” About Behaviorism
We may object when this is pointed out, because we mayF not want to believe, as one writer has put it, that “there is more to human personTality than immediate conscious- ness tells us there is,” but what is left out is not to be found in the “transrational region of the mind.” About Behaviorism
To act by taking reasons for action into account and to modify one’s behavior in terms of that account is more than being aware of what one is doing. About Behaviorism
They need not be suppressed by reason; on the con-F trary, they may be made vastly more effective. About Behaviorism
It has often been said, in fact, that proofs of the existence of God are detrimental to faith, because they supply reasons for a belief that would otherwise be more highly valued as intuitive. About Behaviorism
examining the reasons for one’s behavior are perhaps responsible for the tendency to construct reasons when 147 Causes and Reasons Faith and Reason. About Behaviorism
“I conceive,” said Invented Reasons. About Behaviorism
The advantages gained from none can be found. About Behaviorism
We saw in Chapter 5 that some of Locke’s successors introduced an element of belief or will into the empirical position, but knowledge about the world is due to more than contact with a given setthg, be- cause it is due to the contingencies of reinforcement of which that setting is a part. About Behaviorism
The whole world of fantasy is perceptual behavior which is automatically reinforcing, and some parts fall within the field of knowledge. About Behaviorism
In a some- what more complex sense, I understand it if I respond appropriately. About Behaviorism
The understanding gained by mov- ing from rule-governed to contingency-shaped behavior is usually reinforcing, in part because the reinforcers in the latter case are less likely to be contrived and hence less likely to work in the interest of others. About Behaviorism
11 a given situation has not evoked any very useful verbal behavior, we may be reinforced by what a writer says about it if we can then respond in the same way. About Behaviorism
Just as the external prac- tice of storing and later consulting memoranda is used metaphorically to represent a supposed mental process of storing and retrieving memories, so the transmission of information from one person to another has been used metaphorically to represent the transmission of input to output (or of stimulus to response). About Behaviorism
The We also find it reinforcing when a rule, as a de- Knowing as Possessing Information Information is used in a very different way in de- metaphor is at home in theories derived historically from the reflex arc, in which the environment enters (or is taken in by) the body and is processed and con- verted into behavior. About Behaviorism
As a form of knowledge, in- formation can be treated more effectively as a be- havioral repertoire. About Behaviorism
The external world is internalized, not as a photographic or phonographic reproduction, but suf- ficiently transduced, encoded, or otherwise modified to be more plausibly regarded as stored within the body. About Behaviorism
The message has, as I have said, an apparently objective status. About Behaviorism
In the field of verbal behavior it could be applied to the sound stream of speech between speaker and listener or the marks in a letter sent from writer to reader. About Behaviorism
The person is replaced by a self or personality, perhaps by more than one. About Behaviorism
The nineteenth-century psychologist treated consciousness as the place in which sensations could be observed, but the space occupied by the ego, superego, and id is more complex. About Behaviorism
“In most human beings there is a repository of vio- lence, but the brain throws up a bather, a fence, to keep it in check. About Behaviorism
The control- ling measures used by an authority make it more likely that a person will escape or counterattack, and relevant conditions may be felt as resentment; at the same time the measures may generate compliant behavior, which is why the authorities use them. About Behaviorism
More often, however, we do not respond because we have been punished; we have “repressed our rage” be- cause we have been punished for “expressing it.” About Behaviorism
The “pressure may be reduced” by providing an environment in which be- havior may be freely emitted or “impulses may be chan- neled into more useful outlets.” About Behaviorism
One of the more dramatic manifestations of the supposed power of mental life is the production of physical illness. About Behaviorism
If two forms of behavior are both reinforced and if only one of them is punished, the other is more likely to occur. About Behaviorism
When an antecedent incitement is not easily spotted, the felt condition is likely to be assigned a more mi- portant role. About Behaviorism
A person who is angry “but does not know why” is more likely to attribute his behavior to his feel- ings. About Behaviorism
Certain traits can be reduced to factors or vectors of mind, and it is then easy to suppose that something more than an invented cause has been discovered. About Behaviorism
At four or five, the opposition is between initiative and guilt; the child moves into new contingencies, and pun- ishment for failure may be more explicit, the condition therefore being felt as guilt rather than shame. About Behaviorism
Sometimes it is little more than a linguistic practice. About Behaviorism
The mistake is less obvious but more trouble- some when matters are more complex. About Behaviorism
The extraordinary appeal of inner causes and the accompanying neglect of environmental histories and current setting must be due to more than a linguistic practice. About Behaviorism
Explanations in depth are common in historical writing. About Behaviorism
came to his aid and helped to reconcile him to sacrifice.” About Behaviorism
“Liberality among the rich,” said Nietzsche, “is often only a kind of timidity.” About Behaviorism
In its search for internal• explanation, supported by the false sense of cause associated with feelings and intro- spective observations, mentalism has obscured the en- much more effective analysis. About Behaviorism
The objection to the inner workings of the mind is not that they are not open to inspection but that they have stood in the way of the inspection of more important things. About Behaviorism
We need to know a great deal more about complex contingencies of rein- forcement, and it will always be hard to deal with that particular set to which any one person is exposed dur- ing his life, but at least we know how to go about find- ing out what we need to know. About Behaviorism
They have failed to find the Golden Fleece. About Behaviorism
Structure is naturally emphasized in an analysis of being, and there is a related version of developmen- talism which emphasizes becoming. About Behaviorism
There is little doubt of the historical priority of the inner search. About Behaviorism
We should not be surprised that the more we know about the behavior of others, the better we un- derstand ourselves. About Behaviorism
This is true of the world of ideas (it does not help much to be told that “a good lecturer should com- municate being”), and even more specific references to “what is in the speaker’s mind” are faulty. About Behaviorism
Not all con- tingencies can be replaced with rules, and some con- tingency-shaped behavior is beyond the reach of verbal description. About Behaviorism
It is important that the recipient show that we have been successful, and he can do so by reporting his feelings. About Behaviorism
A person being massaged says that it feels good; a person for whom a particular piece of music is being played says that he likes it. About Behaviorism
All this depends upon what others do, much more than upon what they feel or report they feel. About Behaviorism
The intellectual self-management discussed in Chapter ~ is a matter of changing a situa- tion until a response appears which solves a problem, the problem-solving repertoire making the repertoire containing the successful solution more effective. About Behaviorism
The two repertoires are more easily distinguished in ethical self-management. About Behaviorism
What he actually does is change the world in which he lives. About Behaviorism
Avoiding situations in which one is likely to drink (“avoiding temptation”) is possibly more effec- tive. About Behaviorism
He will have “extracted the essentials” by attenuating the con- trol exerted by the current setting. About Behaviorism
management in other ways. About Behaviorism
In both cases the emphasis is clearly upon the here and now, on being or well-being or mo- mentary becoming. About Behaviorism
The artist who paints photographically is under the powerful control of his model, but if he can bring his personal history into play, his work will show a kind of generality, be- cause it will be less closely tied to one situation. About Behaviorism
We found that we could move the dial in a di- rection which indicated that the volume of our arm had increased, but we later discovered that we were doing so by breathing more and more deeply. About Behaviorism
Be- havior resulting from good self-management is more effective and hence generously reinforced in other ways. About Behaviorism
it is possible that a much more precise kind of control ABOUT Bi~n.wioR1sM About Behaviorism
about operant conditioning is relevant to making be- havior more or less likely to occur upon a given occa- sion. About Behaviorism
In doing so, he need not promote self-knowledge, but an increase in self-knowl- edge is relevant (‘We must make the actual pressure more pressing by adding to it the consciousness of pres- sure”). About Behaviorism
He describes his own behavior and the contin- gencies responsible for it and as a result is more likely to behave in an appropriate way on future occasions. About Behaviorism
To urge is to make more urgent by adding conditioned aversive stimuli; to persuade is to add stimuli which form part of an occasion for positive reinforcement. About Behaviorism
A more explicit kind of rule is a con- tract. About Behaviorism
Simulated atten- tion, approval, or affection will eventually cause more problems than it solves, and even the deliberate use of deserved attention cheapens the coinage. About Behaviorism
Psychotherapy has been much more ABOUT BEa&vIolusM 204 are not alternatives. About Behaviorism
(We hold him accountable in the more general sense of keeping an account of his behavior to see whether it meets specifications upon which escape from punishment may be contingent.) About Behaviorism
The order of discovery was reversed in self-manage- ment. About Behaviorism
People learn rather easily to control others. About Behaviorism
We cannot prove, of course, that hu- man behavior as a whole is fully determined, but the proposition becomes more plausible as facts accumu- late, and I believe that a point has been reached at which its implications must be seriously considered. About Behaviorism
A person who learns these rules and behaves by explicitly following them still has not internalized them, even when he learns to control himself and thus to adjust even more effectively to the contingencies maintained by the group. About Behaviorism
Morals and ethics have been said to involve “attitudes toward law and government which have taken centuries in the building,” but it is much more plausible ABouT BEHAVIORISM 214 generated by contingencies that have developed over the centuries. About Behaviorism
Legal behavior depends on more than “an attitude of deference toward government” as the role of govern- ment depends on more than “an accomplished fact of power,” and to say that “law is an achievement that needs to be renewed by understanding the sources of its strength” is to point directly to the need to understand and maintain governmental contingencies. About Behaviorism
At the same time it has given him the feeling of freedom, and perhaps no feeling has caused more trouble. About Behaviorism
says Mr. Jenkins. About Behaviorism
Man “bears a solemn responsibility” not to control others aversively, not to take more than a just share of goods, and not to foul the environment, in the sense that he will be criticized or punished by those who suffer if he does so. About Behaviorism
Perhaps it would be unfair to ask more of this particular conference, but it was called to meet possibly the greatest current threat to the species, and it is clear that it made little progress because it could not accept the fact that an essential step was the restriction of cer- tain freedoms. About Behaviorism
to enter into a more fruitful relationship with those around him as betrayal; he will ap- proach the world of human interaction with a sense of real despair; and only when he has been through that despair and learnt to know himself will he attain as much of what is self-fulfilling as the human condition allows. About Behaviorism
In translation: a sick society is a set of contingencies which generates disparate or conflicting behaviors sug- gesting more than one self, which does not generate the strong behavior with which a feeling of competence is associated, which fails to generate successful social behavior and hence leads a person to call the behavior of others betrayal, and which, supplying only infre- quent reinforcement, generates the condition felt as despair. About Behaviorism
Our own culture is sometimes called sick, and in a sick society, man will lack a sense of identity and feelings of competence; he will see the suspension of his own thought structures.. About Behaviorism
Another writer has said that our culture is “in convulsions owing to its state of value contradic- tion, its incorporation of opposing and conflicting val- ues,” but we may say that the values, here as else- where, refer to reinforcers, and that it is the contin- gencies of which they are a part which are opposing and conificting. About Behaviorism
Mm*ind has slowly but erratically created environments in which people behave more effectively and no doubt enjoy the feelings which accompany successful behavior. About Behaviorism
The organism be- comes a person as it acquires a repertoire of behavior under the contingencies of reinforcement to which it is exposed during its lifetime. About Behaviorism
the Skin? How are we to decide between these two views? Grounds for Comparison Simplicity. About Behaviorism
Behavior modification, although still in its in- fancy, has been successful, whereas mentalistic ap- proaches continue to fail, and once the role of the environment has been made clear, its accessibility is often surprising. About Behaviorism
It would be foolish to rule out the knowledge a person has of his current condition or the uses to which it may be put. About Behaviorism
He may say that he does what he “feels like doing” without asking why he feels that way, and we may ask him to tell us what he feels like do- ing and use his answer without further inquiry, as we prepare for his behavior. About Behaviorism
That point is not to be found in the psyche, and the explanatory force of mental life has steadily declined as the promise of the environment has came to be more clearly understood. About Behaviorism
is this: Which position more readily promotes a co- operative interchange with the social scienc~s on the one hand and physiology on the other? Here, again, the behavioristic position seems to take first place. About Behaviorism
were explaining behavior with a curious mixture of anatomy, physiology, and feelings. About Behaviorism
We know some of the processes which affect large blocks of behavior—sensory, motor, motivational, and emotional—but we are still far short of knowing pre- cisely what is happening when, say, a child learns to drink from a cup, to call an object by its name, or to find the right piece of a jigsaw puzzle, as we are still far short of making changes in the nervous system as a result of which a child will do these things. About Behaviorism
New instruments and methods will continue to be devised, and we shall eventually know much more about the kinds of physiological processes, chemical or electrical, which take place when a person behaves. About Behaviorism
The physiolo- gist of the future will tell us all that can be known about what is happening inside the behaving organism. About Behaviorism
All that a person comes to know about himself with their help are just more stimuli and responses. About Behaviorism
(e) Introspective knowl- edge of one’s body—self-knowledge—is defective for two reasons: the verbal community cannot bring self- descriptive behavior under the precise control of private stimuli, and there has been no opportunity for the evo- lution of a nervous system which would bring some very important parts of the body under that control. About Behaviorism
4. About Behaviorism
No matter how defective a behavioral account may be, we must remember that mentalistic explanations explain nothing. About Behaviorism
He may become more than one person or self if he acquires more or less incompatible repertoires appropriate to different occasions. About Behaviorism
Existentialists, phenomenologists, and structural- ists frequentiy contend that, in limiting itself to predic- tion and control, a science of behavior fails to grasp the essential nature or being of man. About Behaviorism
But if a statement about oratory setting, we must certainly ask whether the im- pression against which it is compared is any more re- liable. About Behaviorism
Those familiar with laboratory research will be more likely to look for the important things and will know what other things to ask about; they will have a better understanding of what they see. About Behaviorism
That is why they can more accurately interpret daily life. About Behaviorism
The lab- oratory analysis makes it possible to identify relevant variables and to disregard others which, though possibly more fascinating, nevertheless have little or no bearing ABouT BEIUvI0BISM 252 to be trusted in daily life than in a lab- 253 Summing Up on the behavior under observation. About Behaviorism
But we find it much more difficult to believe that contingencies of reinforcement can really be the roots of wars, say, or—at the other extreme—of art, music, and literature.- About Behaviorism
All sciences simplify the conditions they study as far as possible, but this does not mean that they refuse to examine more complex instances as soon as they can do so profitably. About Behaviorism
I doubt whether so much gunpowder would be spent on what was obviously a naïve and outmoded Liviality. About Behaviorism
operant conditioning, but very often what is done seems in retrospect to be little more than the application of common sense. About Behaviorism
The important difference is in the time at which the desirable results occur. About Behaviorism
In spite of the fact that many people find them objectionable, punishment and aver- sive control are still common, and for a single reason: those who use them are usually immediately reinforced; only the deferred results are objectionable. About Behaviorism
Today other side effects are attracting more atten- tion. About Behaviorism
The extra- ordinary role of the environment opens the prospect of a much more successful future, in which he will be most human and humane, and in which be will manage him- self skillfully because he will know himself accurately. About Behaviorism
There is more in a sunset, a storm at sea, a blade of grass, or a piece of music than is dreamt of in philosophies or ac- counted for in science. About Behaviorism
Individ- uals are important parts of the environment, and al- though a science of behavior permits a person to in- terpret what be sees more effectively, it will never tell him the whole story about the individual case. About Behaviorism
It is only when we ask what is to be done with knowl- ABouT BBE4vIoluSM 266 267 SummIng Up edge that we begin to examine the different forms of knowing more closely and appreciate the value of the generality. About Behaviorism
Because operant conditioning is conspicuous, it is often referred to as if it were nothing more than a technique to be used in the control of others. About Behaviorism
If we stop to listen to a bird, it is because we are reinforced for doing so, and science can listen for other reasons. About Behaviorism
It can survey the extent to which sound pat- terns are or become reinforcing, and in doing so it may contribute to an explanation of why people compose and listen to music. About Behaviorism
Not only has the most ardent behaviorist feelings like everyone else; on balance he has quite possibly more enjoyable ones, because there are states of the body— associated, for example, with failure, frustration, or loss —which are far from enjoyable or reinforcing, and they are less likely to be experienced by those who practice scientific self-knowledge and self-management. About Behaviorism
Some of it appeals to the “conceptual nervous systems” of mathematical models and systems theories. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, the A behavioral analysis acknowledges the impor- A crucial step in the argument can then be taken: The Future of Behaviorism ABoUT BE1IAVIoIUSM 274 I I I I fairs may explain why conferences on peace are held with such monotonous regularity year after year. About Behaviorism
When we say that science and technology have created more problems than they have solved, we mean physical and biological science and technology. About Behaviorism
Fortunately, the point of attack is more readily accessible. About Behaviorism
Bibliography 282 apostasy, 210 archetypes, 13, 167 Index abstraction, 104, 117 abulia, 66 accessibility of memories, 120— 1 accountability, 205 act of will, 114—S advice, 132 affection, 204 aggression, 15, 40, 47, 57, 170 alienation, 180 ambition, 65, 175 anesthesia, 191 anger, 170 animal psychophysics, 87 animals as subjects, 249—50 animism, 184 anthropology, 12, 72 anticipation, 43, 77 anxiety, 68—70, 170 apathy, 170 approval, 199, 204 Aristotle, 36 Arminian doctrine, 60 arrested development, 75 art, 206 asceticism, 161 association, 43 association of ideas, 77 attention, 117, 204 attitude, 32, 175 autonomic responses under operant control, 73—4, 197— 8 autonomy, 177, 263 aversive control, 55 aversive stimulation, 55—6, 68— 71 awareness, 85, 242—3 Bacon, Francis, 127, 136, 154 becoming, 187 behavior modification, 230 behavior therapy, 94, 204 behavioral technology, 235 behavioraliSlfl, 12, 72, 232 behaviorist’s own behavior, 271—3 belief, 64, 78, 102, 133 Bentham, Jeremy, 255 Bergson, Henri, 39 Bernard, Claude, 87,93 biographers, 15 blaming, 215-6 Brahma, 61 Brahms, Johannes, 53-4 bravery, 71 Bridgman, P. W., 159 British empiricism, 88, 153 Bruckner, Anton, 174—5 Buber, Martin, 262 Buffon, Georges, Louis Le- clerc, comte de, 75, 187 Bush, Vannevar, 50 Butler, Samuel, 215 cardiac reflex, 42 case history, 266 Cassirer, Ernst, 142 causes of behavior, Chapter 1, 33, Chapter 8 caution, 70, 178 censure, 199 ceremonial music, 206 chance, 126 Chardin, Teilhard de, 50 chess player, 84, 114 chimpanzee, 125 Chinese education, 108 choice, 59, 124—5 Christianity, 161 cloister, 196 codes of law, 222 cognitive control 115—8 cognitive map, 93 cognitive processes, 17 cognitive psychology, 119—21, 234, 256 collective unconscious, 167 Columbia EncyclOpedia, 63 index 284 285 Index commands, 132 commencement oratory, 183 communicate feelings, 191—2 communicate knowledge, 134 communication, 107 communication theory, 101—2 compassion, 210—11 competence, 73 compulsion, 66 computer model, 81, 122 concepts, 16, 94, 105, 106—7, 117—8 conceptual nervous system, 239—40 conditioned reflex, 43, 52, 73— 4 Conference on the Environ- ment, Stockholm, 219—20 confidence, 64, 179 configuration, 85 conflict, 165 confrontation, 189 connectionism, 43 conscience, 166 conscious content, 87, 96 consciousness, 85, 169, 200, 241—43 contemplative knowledge, 154—6 contingencies of reinforce- ment, 45, 46—9, 82, 93, 223, 246—7 contingencies of survival, 41— 2, 45, 46—9, 246 contingency-shaped behavior, 138—41 contract, 201 control of behavior, Chapter 12 of stimuli, control of nature, 154 controllability, 206 conversion, 161 113, conversion (Freud), 172 copy theory, 89—95, 119—20 countercontrOl, 209—16, 267 courage, 71 creative behavior, 89—90, 126— creative design, 226 cybernetics, 62, 239, 256 Darwin, Charles, 40, 75, 211, data structures, 93 daydream, 92 De Morgan, 150 death instinct, 40 dedication, 66 deduction, 148—50, 259, 260 defection, 210 defense mechanisms, 170-1 defensive activities, 163 definition, 134 dehumanizing man, 261 déjà vu, 97 deliberation, 147 delusion, 96 demagoguery, 267 depression, 64—5, 70, 170 deprivation, 55—7 Descartes, René, 244 Descent of Man, The (Dar- design of a culture, 226 desires, 54-6 determination, 66 determinism, 59 developmental psychology, 75, developmentalism, 13, 74—5, Diderot, Denis, 187 diligence, 65 directions, 133 disappointment, 64 discouragement, 64, 200 discrimination, 87, 117 dissuade, 200 covert behavior, 30—i, 114—5, 124 covetoUSneSs, 179 craftsmanship, 180 8, 174, 247 246 225—6, win), 225 128—9 110-11176-7, 187, 203 doubt, 177 dreams, 91, 94 drive to conform, 170 drives, 57, 163 dualism, 86, 130, 239 duty, 205 Eastern philosophies, 243 economics, 13, 199, 232 ecstatic, 147 education, 202—3 ego, 166—7, 184, 204 ego defense, 171 élan vital, 39—40 elation, 175 embarrassment, 70 emotion, 28, Chapter 10, 202 empathy, 190 Empedocles, 90 encounter, 189 encouragement, 200 Enlightenment, 127 entertaining, 206 enthusiasm, 66 environment, 19, 273 epiphenomena, 17 Erasmus, Desiderius, 145 Erewhon (Butler), 215 Erikson, Erik, 176—7 ethics, 210—16 ethology, 38, 42 euplastic, 147 evangelism, 267 evolution, 19, 63, 86 evolution of cultures, 223—7 evolution of mind, 49 excitement, 66—7 exhortation, 200, 267 existentialism, 72, 187, 248 expectation, 43, 77 experience, 80, 85, 153 experimental analysis of be- havior, 7, 75, 188, 251 experimental psychology, 243 exploitation, 267 expression, 107 exteroceptive nervous system, 25 extinction, 64 fact, 107 factors, 176 faith, 64, 147, 161 fantasy, 91—2 fear, 70, 170 feedback, 62, 198 feelings, 11—12, Chapter 2 passim, 52—4, 189—94, 241— 3, 269—71 Five Stages of Greek Religion (Murray), 161 folklore, 135 folly, 145 forlorn, 65 fragmentation of a mind, 165 free will, 50 freedom, 59—60, 125, 216—20 frequency theory of learning, 72 Freud, Sigmund, 17, 34, 40, 57, 71, 75, 94, 126, 166—7, 169—173, frustration, 65, 170 future, concern for, 222 future behavior, 31—2 gambling, 62, 67 Gay, Peter, 161 genetic endowment, 40, 129, 188 Gestalt psychology, 74, 85 goal and purpose, 61—3 Gödel’s theorem, 258 Golden Rule, 195 government, 135—6, 205—6, 232 grammar, 42, 110, 139f. About Behaviorism
People now are supporting us more, even those ones who did not support us in the past, support us more now. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Some of them said that in Holland, at one of the centers, the number of people who accepted Islam during the days that followed the operations were more than the people who accepted Islam in the last eleven years. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Allah has bestowed on us...honor on us...and he will give us blessing and more victory during this holy month of Ramadan. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh (Referring to dreams and visions): The plane that he saw crashing into the building was seen before by more than one person. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Though the personal relationship between the two then became strained, largely owing to the publication of Wandlungen und Sym bole der Libido in ig 11—12, Jung continued to serve as president of the International Psycho-Analytical Association until 1914. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Except for a handful of publications chiefly in English only two works appeared during those years, but they EDITORIAL NOTE vi are very important indeed: “The Conception of the Uncon- scious” and “The Psychology of the Unconscious Processes” (a revision of a 1912 work), published in igi6 and 1917. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The Editors, therefore, have not hesitated to assemble in the same volume scientific articles with essays of a more popular nature. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the limits of traumatic hysteria, as Aschaffenburg’s example shows (flower-pot falling followed by aphonia), are very wide. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is therefore not too much to ask a critic to show by means of prac- tical examples how these phenomena can be traced back to other causes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
20 So long as we do not know whether Aschaffenburg has this practical experience, the charge of auto-suggestion cannot be taken any more seriously than that of arbitrary interpretation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Finally, there are cases (of which I have had more than one) that cannot be got at at all until their sexual circumstances are subjected to a thorough review, and in the cases I have known this has led to very good results. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Conversely, I do not hesitate to admit that there are cases where sexual enlightenment does more harm than good. Freud and Psychoanalysis
My personal conviction at present is that Freud’s psychanalysis is one of several possible therapies and that in cer- tain cases it achieves more than the others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In order to increase and accelerate the effect of the treatment, Breuer induced, besides the spontaneous twi- light state, an artificially suggested one in which more material was “abreacted.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS by conversion of the excitation into abnormal somatic innervations, or 12 THE FREUDIAN THEORY OF HYSTERIA (1908) 2. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus Freud tried to resolve the vague concept of a special dispo- sition into quite definite, concrete events in the pre-pubertal period. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Aside from this inconvenience, however, it was found that there were more and more cases in which no real trauma was present, and in which all the emotional conflicts seemed to derive ex- clusively from morbid fantasy activity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4’ The present psychanalytic method of Freud is much more complicated, and penetrates much more deeply, than the orig- inal cathartic method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The analysis of dreams and hysteria is considerabl’~ more difficult and therefore less suitable for a beginner. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With- out a knowledge of the ground-work Freud’s more recent teach- ings are completely incomprehensible, and, as might be ex- pected, they have remained misunderstood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There is as yet no attempt at a systematic exposition and docu- mentation of Freud’s more recent views. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient could not transfer her libido to him without inhibitions, and this precipitated the great emotional conflict. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence the resistance against the object of love. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every emotion produces a more or less extensive complex of associa- tions which I have called the “feeling-toned complex of ideas.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
The king is an association by analogy, a symbol for Faust, and the “mistress” for Gretchen. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But one may proceed more prudently. Freud and Psychoanalysis
82 A gentleman of whose intimate life I was ignorant told me the following dream: “I found myself in a little room, seated at a table beside Pope Pius X, whose features were far more hand- some than they are in reality, which surprised me. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On investigation, it was found that Marie had one day related a dream to three girl-friends which ran somewhat as follows: the boys because there was no more room.—Then Freud and Psychoanalysis
We came to Andermatt, and there was no more room in the hotel so we had to spend the night in a barn. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In his investigations, carried out with the deepest misgivings, the teacher failed, like myself, to discover any other, more dan- gerous text. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The parallel, however, is the lack of room in the bathing- place, which made it necessary for the girls to go to the men’s section; the lack of room at the hotel again prevents the segrega- tion of the sexes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Marie and Lina gave it and in return were allowed to go to the wedding. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The gaps are very significant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It seems our teacher had a rope with him with which he tied Marie and Lina together, and so pulled them out into the lake after him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The conclusion seems to be very abrupt: the teacher becomes a godfather. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As applied to a steamer, its use is quite exceptional. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As “fat” is stressed in this and the previous version, it is worth mentioning that the teacher was more than a little plump. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher told us, “I am so glad I can travel with my two pupils.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Teacher said, “I will not go home any more to my wife and children. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must not tell any more because it becomes very indecent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The wedding celebratiOns are given a very direct interpretation: the teacher does not want to go home any more to his wife and children, he loves Marie best. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But she told me something more which I must tell in order to speak the truth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must not write any more, for it is so improper that I can hardly even say it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Except for the improper part which followed I know nothing more of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We had to sleep one night in a barn and there something happened which I must not tell. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The journey to Milan is a typical honeymoon trip. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We need to know more about the why and the wherefore of the whole phenomenon. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As we have seen, the teacher was greatly affected by the rumour and was left puzzled by the problem of its cause and effect. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Revenge cer- tainly had its triumph, but the recoil upon Marie herself was even more severe. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This case, therefore, merely poses a question, and it re- mains for more fortunate observers to collect really convincing evidence in this field. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A rough estimate of the expenses so far involved led to a number which in fact approached 2477 francs; a more careful calculation gave 2387 francs, a number which could only arbitrarily be translated into 2477. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have under observation a few cases of this kind which may be worth reporting for their general interest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient had remarked earlier that 315 seemed to him a wish-fulfilment and 342 a rec- tification. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is repugnant to the scientific mind to indulge in this kind of playfulness, which tails off everywhere in inanity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For a single example of unconscious determina- tion exact proofs are lacking, only the sum of our experiences can corroborate the accuracy of the individual discoveries. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She was now 33, so there were only i i more years to go till she was 44. Freud and Psychoanalysis
13. Freud and Psychoanalysis
0 It is especially to be regretted that the learned men—or to be more accurate, the men who today go in for learning—all too often have an interest which is merely national and stops at the frontier. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be a great relief to psycho- analysts if more Binet, Janet, and Flournoy were read in Germany. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All this confirms essential portions of Freud’s dream interpretation, far more than the a priori critics have ever admitted. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 6o I I I 162 In order to show how it is that Prince was able to see only the formal and not the dynamic element of the dreams, we must examine his material in more detail. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For some years she had suffered from an hysterical dissociation of personality, and, we infer, had regressive fanta- sies about two earlier love-affairs, which the author, perhaps owing to the prudery of the public, is obliged to hint at rather too delicately. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then she woke up paralysed with fright. Freud and Psychoanalysis
i67 As the dream is very simple, we can dispense with any further knowledge of the analytical material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But we must accustom ourselves to the thought that in psychology there are things which the patient simultaneously knows and does not know. Freud and Psychoanalysis
73 As in the previous dream, it is stated that the analyst will not help her any more, and he hammers this decision of his into her head so that at every blow her heart became heavier. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The painful thing is that the analyst will not treat the patient any more, but in the dream she is treated, though in a new and remarkable way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The feeling of loneliness (“she feels that she cannot be alone any more, that she must have com- pany”) is fittingly resolved by this ambiguous situation: there A CRITICAL REVIEW OF MORTON PRINCE 67 are “lone women” who are not so alone as all that, though cer- tainly they are not tolerated everywhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only the last dream remains to substantiate this judgment, and we shall therefore look at it rather more closely. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our critics, how- ever, simply say No. What, then, are we to offer if our factual observations are flatly denied? Under these circumstances we would expect our critics to study the neuroses and psychoses as thoroughly as we have done (quite independently of the method of psychoanalysis), and to put forward facts of an essentially different kind concerning their psychological determination. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our critics, unlike earlier ones, have pro- gressed inasmuch as they try to be more serious and to strike a more moderate note. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All we know is that it is simply the quickest way to find facts which are of importance for our psychology, but which, as the history of psychoanalysis shows, can also be discovered in other more tedious and com- plicated ways. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We would naturally be happy if we possessed an analytical technique which led us to the goal even more quickly and reliably than the present method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our critics, however, will scarcely be able to help us towards a more suitable technique, and one that corresponds better to the assumptions of psycho!- Freud and Psychoanalysis
How, indeed, could it be otherwise? For you are corrupt from birth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since all this impassioned wrangling was more likely to confuse than to enlighten, we have asked Dr. Karl Jung (sic) for a few closing words, which should be the more welcome for calming ruffled tempers.”—EDIToRs.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
That there are not only unskilled psychiatrists but also laymen who play about in an irresponsible way with psychoanalysis cannot be denied, any more than that there are, today as always, unsuitable doctors and unscrupulous quacks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It appears less as a solution, then, than as a program for more work, and more par- ticularly as an indication of the ways in which existing realities may be changed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I know that my own experience in no wise approaches Freud’s quite extraordinary experience and insight, but nonetheless it seems to me that certain of my formulations do express the ob- served facts more suitably than Freud’s version of them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only after the preparation of these lectures, in the spring of ]912, did Alfred Adler’s book Uber den nervosen Charakter [The Nervous Constitution] become known to me, in the sum- mer of that year. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor can I give you a description of its growth ab ovo, for you already have in your country, dedicated as always to the cause of prog- ress, a number of excellent interpreters and teachers who have spread a more general knowledge of psychoanalysis among the scientifically-minded public. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those, for instance, who have read only the first book, Studies on Hysterja,2 by Breuer and Freud, still believe that, according to psychoanalysis, hysteria and the neuroses in general are derived from a so-called trauma in early childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They continue senselessly to attack this theory, not realizing that it is more than fifteen years since it was abandoned and re- placed by a totally different one. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was replaced by a more detailed conception of the psychological and psychophysical effects produced by the shock. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE CONCEPT OF REPRESSION 210 the predisposition, even insisting that some past trauma is the conditio sine qua non of neurosis, Freud with his brilliant em- ________THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS Although the trauma theory gave distinct prominence to 9’ piricism had already discovered, and described in the Breuer- Freud Studies, certain elements which bear more resemblance to an “environment theory” than to a “predisposition theory,” though their theoretical importance was not sufficiently appre- ciated at the time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the other hand, we must not forget that there are any number of cases where it is impossible to show, even with the most careful examination, the slightest trace of “putting aside” or of con- scious repression, and where it seems as if the process of repres- sion were more in the nature of a passive disappearance, or even as if the impressions were dragged beneath the surface by some force operating from below. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But among the second you may find cases showing a more serious retardation of development, since here the process of repression could be compared rather to an auto- matic mechanism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is pretty clear where the treatment will be more effective. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We know very well that there are a great many more people who experience traumata in childhood or adult life without getting a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One was therefore obliged to attribute to children a much more developed sexuality than was admitted before. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most one can say is that they appear to be very improbable, and that more confirma- tion and more exact study are needed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our opponents content themselves with attacking and vilifying our researches, but they do not know how to find a better way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It does not depend on the method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is really far more probable that the vital instinct for preservation of the species begins to unfold in early infancy than that it should descend at one fell swoop from heaven, fully- fledged, at puberty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But this demand is surely not justified, since anatomical nomenclature is taken from the fully-developed system and it is not usual to give special names to the more or less rudimentary stages. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We can observe this very clearly indeed in many organisms, for in- stance in butterflies, which as caterpillars first pass through an asexual stage of nutrition and growth only. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE POLYMORPHOUS-PERVERSE SEXUALITY OF INFANCY 243 Before I try to resolve this contradiction, I must say some- thing more about Freud’s sexual theory and the changes it has undergone. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The same thing will have to happen with this splitting of sexuality into the polymorphous- perverse sexuality of childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To make the matter clearer I will give an example. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After that he experienced a dislike of all women, and one day he dis- covered that he had become homosexual again, for young men once more had a peculiarly irritating effect upon him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
His conception of components, of separate modes of functioning, began to be weakened, at first more in practice than in theory, and was eventually replaced by a conception of energy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Without an alteration in the dynamic relationships, I cannot conceive how a mode of func- tioning can disappear like this. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Superficially, we have here a lack of libido. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor should we for- get that, as experience has shown, the perverse manifestations of sexuality in childhood are often more glaring, and even seem to be more richly developed, than in adults. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An adult is rightly called perverse when his libido is not used for normal functions, and the same can reasonably be said of a child: he is polymorphousperverse because he does not yet know the normal sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In contradistinction to its medical definition, the libido of a child is occupied far more with sub- sidiary functions of a mental and physical nature than with local sexual functions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
By dint of much psychoanalytic work with these patients we established that this lack of adapta- tion to reality is compensated by a progressive increase in the creation of fantasies, which goes so far that the dream world becomes more real for the patient than external reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dynamic explana- tion is simple: we say that libido has withdrawn more and more from the external world into the inner world of fantasy, and there had to create, as a substitute for the lost world, a so-called reality equivalent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But when we examine more closely the various things that can arise from the withdrawal and introversion of sexual libido, we come to see that though it can produce the psychology of an ascetic an- chorite, it cannot produce dementia praecox. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~79 A cursory glance at the history of evolution suffices to show that numerous complicated functions, which today must be de- nied all trace of sexuality, were originally nothing but offshoots of the reproductive instinct. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This development presupposes a quite differ- ent and much more complicated relation to reality, a genuine reality function which is inseparably connected with the needs of reproduction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It appears even more clearly as an auxiliary organ in the phase of displaced rhythmic activity for pleasure, which then leaves the oral zone and turns to other regions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more smoothly the libido withdraws from its provisional positions, the more quickly and completely does the formation of normal sexuality take place. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The less this is so, the more perverse will sexuality become. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more the libido is engaged in retarded activities, the more intense will the conflict be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
295 The matter is not ended, however, by saying that the libido lingers too long in the preliminary stages. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Unfortunately the real state of affairs is much more compli- cated. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We took this occasion to express our doubt as to the aetiological significance of the trauma, and to investigate more closely the so-called predisposition which rendered the tirauma effective. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We immediattely recognize in them the intemperate psychic attitude of the chiild to reality, his precarious judgment, his lack of orientation, his dislike of un- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS I 30 pleasant duties. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This assumption is extremely unlikely and becomes still more inconceivable when we consider that the story of the bolting horses may not even be true. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This lack of courage is considerably more injurious to the name of science than an honest error. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When the libido is not used for purposes of real adaptation it is always more or less intro- verted.2 Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patients then live more or less entirely in the world of the past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was this fact that compelled me to speak no longer of “father” and “mother” but to employ instead the term “imago,” because these fantasies are not concerned any more with the real father and mother but with subjective and often very much distorted images of them which lead a shadowy but nonetheless potent existence in the mind of the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are indeed parents whose own con- tradictory nature causes them to treat their children in so un- reasonable a fashion that the children’s illness would appear to be unavoidable. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The small world of the child, the family milieu, is the model for the big world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is exactly the same with the neurotic, but greatly intensified. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Instead of which, our op- ponents content themselves with denying the existence of these phenomena or else, if certain phenomena have to be admitted, they abstain from all theoretical formulations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The indignation was FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 140 due simply to the fact that these critics, unknown to themselves, evidently started from a metaphysical conception of the uncon- scious as an ens per se, and naïvely projected their epistemologi- cally unclarified ideas on to us. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To that extent the dream presents itself to us as a more or less unintelligible jumble of elements not at THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 143 first conscious and only recognized afterwards through their associations.1 Freud and Psychoanalysis
Certainly this expression is nothing more than conscious symbolism—we were never in any doubt on that point. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE METHOD OF DREAM-ANALYSIS 326 The principle of psychoanalytic elucidation is, therefore, extraordinarily simple and has actually been known for a long time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1 am expressing myself somewhat paradoxically on purpose: I do not mean that I could explain the historical meaning of every individual sentence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not doubt that there are superficial and improper applications of this method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is all the more surprising that, despite this, so many disturbances of the intended action should be registered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The professional has means at his disposal for avoiding clumsy mistakes with certainty and more subtle ones with some prob- ability. Freud and Psychoanalysis
which is more worth mentioning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Ultimately, we are saying no more than that this dream-element is linked with this association, that it therefore has something to do with it, that there is a connection between the two things. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS _________ 150 ~o After what I have told you about our method you may have gained rather more confidence in its scientific character, and will be inclined to agree that the fantasies which have been brought to light by psychoanalytic research are not just the arbitrary suppositions and illusions of psychoanalysts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We meet here with more typical material which is not infrequently repeated in similar form in different individuals. Freud and Psychoanalysis
342 I should have to enter into very much more detail to give you any adequate examples. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the unconscious these wishes and intentions as- sume a more concrete and more drastic form. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To that extent Oedipus is the exponent of an infantile conflict magnified to adult proportions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
345 The history of the Oedipus fantasy is of special interest be- cause it teaches us a great deal about the development of unconscious fantasies in general. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To make up for this, childish affects have that peculiar intensity which is characteristic of the sexual affect in adults. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But as a child is, in general, harmless, this seemingly dangerous wish is as a rule harmless too. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The same is true of his Oedipal in- tention towards the mother. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At first nothing more could be dis- covered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To excuse herself in her own eyes she tried all the more energetically to get herself engaged to Mr. B, telling herself every day that it was Mr. B whom she really loved. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The impossible phenomenon of sexual la- tency is thus explained in a very simple way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary, the hypothesis of the latency period proves how exactly Freud ob- served the apparent recommencement of sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE AETIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ACTUAL PRESENT 373 The more deeply we penetrate into the heart of the infantile development, the more we get the impression that as little of aetiological significance can be found there as in the infantile trauma. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We know that in the mind of a creator of new ideas things are much more fluid and flexible than they are in the minds of his followers. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We can now understand why that particular element in the previous history THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS The greater part of the psychoanalytic school is still under It may not be out of place to remark here that it ~vould never 167 of our case was pathogenic, and we also understand why it was chosen as a symbol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 168 379 Here we see a normal utilization of libido: the man turns 380 Now let us imagine that the rock-face was not really un- FAILURE OF ADAPTATION ~78 This brings us to the question: why does the libido become regressive? In order to answer this, we must examine more closely the conditions under which a regression arises. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The two girls were separated by only a year in age. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They had the same education and grew up in the same surroundings under the same parental influences. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Moreover, both girls were insufficiently ac- quainted with their prospective husbands, and were not quite sure of their love. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is characteristic of children, and of naïve minds generally, not to find the mis- take in themselves but in things outside them, and forcibly to impose on things their own subjective judgment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He replied with sharp re- proaches, causing her to answer still more tartly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The younger, somewhat more placid, was the more decided, and she THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 173 was able to find the right word at the right moment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
importance of the regression theory, and to show at the same time the sources of the previous theoretical errors. Freud and Psychoanalysis
397 We would therefore have to assume that the patient experi- enced these things in a special way, perhaps more intensely and enduringly than her sister, and that the events of early child- hood would have been more significant to her in the long run. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From this standpoint we cannot assert that our pa- tient’s peculiar prehistory was to blame for her sensitiveness at the critical moment; it would be more correct to say that this sensitiveness was inborn and naturally manifested itself most strongly in any unusual situation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
398 This excessive sensitiveness very often brings an enrichment of the personality and contributes more to its charm than to the undoing of a person’s character. Freud and Psychoanalysis
is blocked will have, as a rule, quite different and very much more vivid impressions than one whose libido is organized in a wealth of activities. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our previous THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 177 reflections, and in particular our discussion of an actual case, have shown that the most important subjective condition is regression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Where real events of undoubted traumatic potency are absent—as is the case in most neuroses—the mecha- nism of regression predominates. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But we cannot attribute determining importance, in neurosis either, to impressions which normally would disap- pear and be forgotten. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In other cases the fantasies have more the character of wonderful ideals which put beautiful and airy phantasms in the place of crude reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here a more or less obvious megalomania is always present, aptly compensating for the patient’s indolence and deliberate incompetence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
to identify with him unconsciously), gets the impression that the patient’s arguments Constitute a real aetiology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The neurotic, however, remains in the grip of the conflict, and his neurosis seems to be more or less the consequence of his having got stuck. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those allegedly aetio- logical fantasies thus appear to be nothing but substitute for- mations, disguises, artificial explanations for the failure to adapt to reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One could even say that this activity is greatly increased in the analytical situation, since the patient feels his regressive tendency strengthened by the interest of the analyst and pro- duces even more fantasies than before. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A normal person feels very much more comfortable sharing a common virtue than possessing an individual vice, no matter how seduc- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 186 tive it may be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To the patient it is all the same, and so far as he is concerned it is better for the analyst to conceal his scientific interest, lest the patient be tempted to take more pleasure than necessary in his fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
423 In most cases, however, the production of fantasies ceases after a time, from which one must not conclude that the pos- sibilities of fantasy are exhausted; the cessation only means that no more libido is regressing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Once one knows that in this sphere absolutely nothing is impossible, the initial estima- tion of fantasies will gradually wear itself out, and with it the attempt to discover in them an aetiological significance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are cases, and not a few of them, where the patient continues to produce endless fantasies, whether for his own pleasure or be- cause of the mistaken expectations of the analyst. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The less libido he gives to reality, the more exaggerated will be his fantasies and the more he will be cut off from the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 190 world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He can now emerge from his infantile milieu into the world of adults, since the analyst represents for him a part of the world outside the family. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The less he is able to see the analyst in this way, and the more he assimilates him to the father imago, the less advantageous the transference will be and the greater the harm it will do. Freud and Psychoanalysis
432 Nothing makes people more lonely, and more cut off from the fellowship of others, than the possession of an anxiously hidden and jealously guarded personal secret. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Anyone with psychoanalytic experience knows how much the personal significance of the analyst is enhanced when the patient is able to confess his secrets to him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This, too, is an effect probably intended by the Church. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fact that by far the greater part of humanity not only needs guidance, but wishes for nothing better than to be guided and held in tutelage, justi- fies, in a sense, the moral value which the Church sets on con- fession. Freud and Psychoanalysis
434 Thus priest and Church replace the parents, and to that ex- tent they free the individual from the bonds of the family. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Psychoanalysis has to reckon with this requirement, and has therefore to reject the demand of the patient for constant guidance and instruction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 193 ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSFERENCE 436 The transference introduces all sorts of difficulties into the relationship between analyst and patient because, as we have seen, the analyst is always more or less assimilated to the family. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The trumpeting of therapeutic successes is nowhere more con- temptible than in psychoanalysis, for no one should know bet- ter than the psychoanalyst that the therapeutic result ultimately depends far more on the co-operation of nature and of the pa- tient himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are technical publications which give the uninitiated person the impression that psychoanalysis is a more or less clever trick, productive of astonishing results. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The improvements that may appear at the beginning of an analysis are naturally not really results of the treatment, but are generally only passing allevia- tions which greatly assist the process of transference. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But when a psychoanalyst recommends it, he is making the same mistake as his patient, who believes that his sexual fantasies come from pent-up (“repressed”) sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But in that way the patient merely sinks to the lower level and be- comes inferior. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Indeed, he must do more than a normal person, he must give up a large slice of his infantilism, which nobody asks a normal person to do. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such experiences are often of inestimable value to the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All the disguises in which he wraps himself in order to conceal his own personality avail him nothing; sooner or later he will come across a patient who calls his bluff. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is all the more likely as psychoanalysis is a general method of psychological research and a heuristic principle of the first rank in the domain of the humane sciences. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Most startling of all is the parallelism between ethnic and schizophrenic symbols. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But, from all we know at present, we may expect that psychoanalytic research into the na- ture of subliminal processes will be enormously enriched and deepened by a study of mythology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Once, in conversa- tion with this boy, she made fun of her teacher and called him a goat. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a confession is natu- rally a long way from being an analysis, despite the fact that there are many nerve specialists nowadays who believe that an analysis is only a somewhat more extensive anamnesis or con- fession. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Her love for the teacher was for her a more difficult task, it demanded much more from her than her love for the boy, which did not require any moral effort on her part. Freud and Psychoanalysis
473 About this time it happened that a girl in her class was sent home because she felt sick. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Was this, perhaps, the wrong she had done? Hardly, because sucking the finger was simply a rather anachronistic infantile habit, of little real interest at her age, and serving more to irritate her father so that he would punish her by slapping. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this way she re- lieved her conscience of an unconfessed and much more serious “sin”: it came out that she had induced a number of girls of her own age to perform mutual masturbation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The character and moral evaluation of this act are naturally far more unconscious to a child than to an adult. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FOURTH INTERVIEW 488 The little girl was now much nicer and much more confid- ing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Her former constrained and unnatural manner had quite disappeared. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This upset her former good relationship with the teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This version had its own symptomatic phe- nomenology thoroughly in accord with Freudian theory. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even if the analysis had proved she really did have incestuous resistances against her teacher owing to the transference of the father-imago, these resistances would only have been secondarily blown-up fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But he was unable to do his work more efficiently because of his great resistance to it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She knew, however, that she could not have any more children, so she tried to devote her energies to philan- thropic interests. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A woman of forty, mother of four children, became neurotic four years ago after the death of one of them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Sometimes there are resistances of a more serious nature. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For instance, patients who cannot ad- mit certain moral defects in themselves project them upon the analyst, calmly assuming that since he is more or less deficient morally they cannot communicate certain unpleasant things to him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But after the fri- volity of her attitude had been recognized and demonstrated to her from the material she herself had furnished, it was possible to analyse the dreams which followed much more thoroughly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The discovery of its prospective or final meaning is particularly important when the analysis is so far advanced that the eyes of the patient are turned more readily to the future than to his inner world and the past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this way these driv- ing forces assume once more the function that has been theirs from time immemorial. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every reduction, every digression from the path that has been laid down for the development of civilization, does nothing more than turn the human being into a crippled animal; it never makes a so-called natural man of him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have always found a quiet conversation on the subject much more useful and fruitful than heated argu- ments coram publico. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If a neurosis were the in- evitable consequence of the trauma it would be quite incom- prehensible why neurotics are not incomparably more numerous than they are. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He is far more influenced by this complex than the normal person; many ex- amples in confirmation of this can be found in every one of the recent psychoanalytic histories of neurotic cases. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Sallust uses it exactly as we do here when he says: “They took more pleasure in handsome arms and war horses than in harlots and revelry.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence I do not consider the act of sucking a sexual act. Freud and Psychoanalysis
572 A sensitive and somewhat unbalanced person, as a neu- rotic always is, will meet with special difficulties and perhaps with more unusual tasks in life than a normal individual, who as a rule has only to follow the well-worn path of an ordinary existence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He tries to go the more or less uncontrolled and half- conscious way of normal people, not realizing that his own critical and very different nature demands of him more effort than the normal person is required to exert. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This preparation is no doubt enough for many people, but not for everyone who wishes to learn analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor can everyone suc- ceed in interpreting his own dreams without outside help. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not doubt that the reader will, like me, give him the thanks that are his due; for a more concise and easily understandable ac- count of the psychoanalytic method and of some of the problems it raises does not, to my knowledge, exist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That is certainly a fruitful thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 254 greater?” (I have noticed this myself, far more than I liked.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
And why not? The public is not much more advanced either and continues to expect miraculous cures from the doctor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This glimpse made me suspect for the first time that possibly the old reprobate, with the atrocious directness of feminine (at the time I called it “animal”) instinct, understood more about the essence of hypnosis than I did with all my knowledge of the scientific profundity of the text-books. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the cathartic method, what is of far more importance to the patient than the conjuring up of old fantasies is the experience of being together so often with the analyst, his trust and belief in him personally and in his method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The belief, the self-confidence, perhaps also the devotion with which the analyst does his work, are far more important to the 4 [See supra, par. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I even hold it to be an indispensable prerequisite that the psy- choanalyst should first submit himself to the analytical process, as his personality is one of the main factors in the cure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Equally I agree with your view that the old “apothecaries’ messes,” as well as the Lourdes cures or those of the mental healers, Christian Scientists, and persuasionists, are to be at- tributed to faith in the miracle-worker rather than to any of the methods employed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It’s true he never understood them, but he took so much trouble over them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He is really a good doctor.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
588 You answer several of my questions in a decidedly affirmative tone, taking it as proved that in cures by the cathartic method the main role is played by faith in the analyst and his method and not by “abreacting” the real or imaginary traumata. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I think so too. Freud and Psychoanalysis
596 To take an example, a patient afflicted with a washing mania was sent to me after a year’s psychocathartic treatment with Dr. X. The symbolic meaning of her washing ceremonies had previously been explained to her, but she became more and more agitated during the “abreaction” of alleged traumata in childhood, because she had persuaded herself by auto-sugges- tion that she was too old to be cured, that she saw no “images,” etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
but I couldn’t, the girl had only the short Easter holidays for treatment: so I just hypnotized her and the trouble vanished. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A more advanced conception of the transference perceives in it the important process of empathy, which begins by making use of infantile and sexual analogies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That is a more comprehensive truth, but it is still not the truth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only when a giant lens has recombined the split-up rays, and when the invisible, chemical, and heat rays have given proof of their specific effects, will a view arise more in accordance with the truth, and men will perceive that the sun emits white light which is split up by the prism into different rays with different qualities, and that these rays are recombined by the lens into a beam of white light. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Accord- ingly, we shall never know more than an approximate truth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And the doctor who lives in the white light must take into consideration the past experiences of pa- tients from the yellow or blue region, in spite or rather because of his wider knowledge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I agree, but with one reservation: the more one reads of it the more clearly one sees how many contradictions there are among the different writers, and less and less does one know—until one has had sufficient personal experience—to which view to give adherence, since quite frequently assertions are made without any proof. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As against this Stekel writes (“Aus- gänge der psychoanalytischen Kuren,” Zentralblatt für Psycho- analyse, III, 1912—13, p. 176): “Love for the analyst can become a force conducive to recovery. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But what determines whether he will be more active or more passive in his “second” life? In your opinion, does this deter- mining factor appear spontaneously in the course of analysis, and should the analyst carefully avoid tilting the balance to one side or the other by his influence? Or will he, if he does not re- frain from canalizing the patient’s libido in a definite direction, have to renounce the right to be called a psychoanalyst at all, and is he to be regarded as a “moderate” or a “radical”? (Fürt- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 274 muller, “Wandlungen in der Freud’schen Schule,” Zentralblatt, III, p. 191.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
The “you must and shall be saved” attitude is no more to be commended in the therapy of the neu- roses than in any other department of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A far stronger motive for recovery—also a far healthier and ethically more valuable one—is the patient’s thorough in- sight into the real situation, his recognition of things as they are and how they should be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It certainly plays a much more important role than psychoanalysis has so far ad- mitted. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That has happened to more than one psychoanalyst. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It often happens, for instance, that sexual situations which ap- peared in earlier dreams in symbolic form will appear “un- disguised” in later ones—once more, be it noted, in symbolic form—as analysable expressions for ideas of a different nature hidden behind them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For in this way we train them only to be obedient children and thereby strengthen the very forces that made them ill—their conservative backwardness and submission to author- ity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The purely causal, not to say materialistic views of the last few decades seek to explain all organic formation as the reaction of living matter, and though this is undoubtedly a heuristically valuable line of inquiry, as far as any real explanation goes it amounts only to a more or less ingenious postponement and apparent mini- mizing of the problem. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But in certain cases it is a recognized fact that “immoral” tendencies are not got rid of by analysis, but appear more and more clearly until it becomes evident that they belong to the biological du- ties of the individual. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This deserves particular emphasis, because there are two types of psychology, the one following the princi- ple of hedonism, the other the power principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The essays are stations on the way toward the more general views developed above. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Chapter XIV, “The Psychology of the Unconscious Processes,” ~ has been fundamentally revised, and I have taken the opportunity to incorporate an article ~ that describes the results of more recent researches. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 294 much more open-mindedness among English critics than was the case in Germany, where they are met with the silence born of contempt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
296 T 690 PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS” Obviously, I consider both these points of view necessary, the causal as well as the final, but would at the same time stress that since Kant’s time we have come to realize that the two view- points are not antagonistic if they are regarded as regulative principles of thought and not as constituent principles of the process of nature itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From it proceed, as throughout the whole ani- mal kingdom, determining forces which inhibit or strengthen the more or less fortuitous constellations of individual life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A man dis- illusioned in love falls back, as a substitute, upon some senti- mental friendship or false religiosity; if he is a neurotic he regresses still further back to the childhood relationships he has never quite forsaken, and to which even the normal person is fettered by more than one chain—the relationship to father and mother. Freud and Psychoanalysis
694 Every analysis carried out at all thoroughly shows this regres- sion more or less plainly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To the extent 8 [Orig.: Freud and Psychoanalysis
She preserved his memory “like a religious cult” and taught her children to do likewise. Freud and Psychoanalysis
709 The numerous gaps in the patient’s story induced me to ob- tain a more exact anamnesis from him, which led to the follow- ing disclosures: The patient was the youngest of three brothers. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He obviously preferred to go on being tormented, for the mem- ories of his youth seemed to him more precious than any present joys. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And since her father’s death it was impossible to love him any more, for his disobedience had usually been the cause of her father’s fits of raging and swearing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
725 The girl, fortunately, had not been disposed to yield, but now she regretted it, for this idiot would unquestionably have been more obedient to her father than her good man had been. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The more a father identifies with the archetype, the more unconscious and irre- sponsible, indeed psychotic, both he and his child will be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud, Zeitschrift für Religionspsychologie (1907).] Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is to be hoped that experience in the years to come will sink deeper shafts into this obscure territory, on which I have been able to shed but a fleeting light, and will discover more about the secret workshop of the demon who shapes our fate, of whom Horace says: “Scit Genius natale comes qui temperat astrum, Naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum, Quodque caput, vultu mutabilis, albus et ater.’] Freud and Psychoanalysis
747 I emphasize this unfortunate state of affairs not because I want to make a critical attack on Freud’s theories, but rather to point out to the unbiased reader the significant fact that Freudian psychoanalysis, apart from being a scientific endeavour and a scientific achievement, is a psychic symptom which has proved to be more powerful than the analytical art of the master himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As Maylan’s book on “Freud’s tragic complex” 2 has shown, it would not be at all difficult to derive Freud’s tendency to dogmatize from the premises of his own personal psychology —indeed, he taught this trick to his disciples and practised it more or less successfully himself—but I do not wish to turn his own weapons against him, In the end no one can completely outgrow his personal limitations; everyone is more or less im- prisoned by them—especially when he practises psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even the tra- ditionalism of criminal law is beginning to yield to the claims of psychology, as we can see from the suspension of sentences and the more and more frequent practice of calling in psycho- logical experts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Already at the time of the Reforma- tion the conscious mind had begun to break away from the meta- physical certainties of the Gothic age, and this separation be- came more acute and widespread with every passing century. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Meanwhile, the intellect of the white man as a whole has outgrown the authority of Catholic dogma, and Protestantism has succeeded in splitting itself into more than four hundred denominations through the most trivial quibbles. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The Adlerian school, which grew up side by side with Freud, lays particular stress on the social aspect of the psychic problem and, accordingly, has differentiated itself more and more into a system of social education. Freud and Psychoanalysis
757 Since it has not been established how many primary instincts exist in man or in animals, the possibility at once arises that an ingenious mind might discover a few more psychologies, appar-. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But these discoveries are not just a sim- ple matter of sitting down and evolving a new psychological sys- tem out of, shall we say, the artistic impulse. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Unlike Freud and Adler, whose principles of explanation are essentially reductive and always return to the infantile condi- tions that limit human nature, I lay more stress on a construc- tive or synthetic explanation, in acknowledgment of the fact that tomorrow is of more practical importance than yesterday, and that the Whence is less essential than the Whither. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud, who attributes an infinitely more important role to the unconscious than Adler (this school allows it to disappear com- pletely into the background), has a more religious temperament than Adler and for this reason he naturally concedes an autono- mous, if negative, function to the psychic non-ego. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And these images are not pale shadows, but tremendously powerful psychic factors. Freud and Psychoanalysis
772 The modern psychologist, however ambitious, can hardly claim to have achieved more than this. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our psychology is the more or less successfully formulated confession of a few indi- viduals, and so far as each of them conforms more or less to a type, his confession can be accepted as a fairly valid description of a large number of people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are no misunderstandings in nature, any more than the fact that the earth has only one moon is a misunderstanding; misunderstandings are found only in the realm of what we call “understanding.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud began by taking sexuality as the only psychic driving force, and only after my break with him did he take other factors into account, For my part, I have summed up the various psychic drives or forces—all constructed more or less ad hoc—under the concept of energy, in order to eliminate the almost unavoidable arbitrariness of a psychology that deals purely with power-drives. Freud and Psychoanalysis
775 It is perhaps here, where the question arises of recognizing that every psychology which is the work of one man is subjec- tively coloured, that the line between Freud and myself is most sharply drawn. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I (no more pub. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The gov- ernment had convicted the actual bombers, but who was the mastermind of the operation? Who had bankrolled two of the bombers to fly from Pakistan to New York to carry out the attack? The more I read about bin Laden, the more plausible a candidate he 1 W hen you go looking for Osama bin Laden, you don’t find him: he finds you. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then we got down to business, of a sort. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the interim he suggested I go and speak to Dr. Saad al-Fagih, another Saudi dissident, for more background on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mi had spent more than a decade in Europe and had written exten- sively on Islamist struggles in the Middle East and Asia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He explained the logistics of securing the interview, saying the trip to meet bin Laden could take as little as ten days, but might take more than two weeks. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Like all esti- mates about time in Afghanistan, the more pessimistic one proved ac- curate. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The correspondent would be Peter Arnett, who had won a Pulitzer Prize during his ten years of reporting in Vietnam and whose coura- geous decision to remain in Baghdad during the Gulf War had helped put CNN on the map. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That would mean a drive along the Grand Trunk Road, where you are more likely to be killed than you are in the middle of the civil war inside neighboring Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We were allowed to pass on. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They worked for Afghanistan’s nationa] airline, ARIANA, as pilots. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dressed in a turban, white robes, and a green camouflage jacket, he walked with a cane and seemed tired, less like a swaggering revolu- tionary than a Muslim ascetic. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A year later he would tell ABC News that he made no distinction between American military and civilian targets, despite the fact that the Koran itself is explicit about the protections offered to civilians. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It was ironic that bin Laden was critical of the post—Cold War envi- ronment. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden envisaged his own counterpoint to the march of global- ization—the restoration of the Khalifa, or caliphate, which would begin from Afghanistan.2~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The U.S. does not consider it a terrorist act to throw atomic bombs at nations thousands of miles away, when those bombs would hit more than just military targets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In little more than an hour, more than five thousand Americans perished: the most catastrophic act of terrorism in the history of the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Also killed were men and women from more than fifty other countries, among them Great Britain, which, having lost more than two hundred of its citizens, had experienced the most deadly act of terrorism in its history too. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Until that grim morning, the average American was statistically more likely to be killed by a bolt of lightning than an act of terrorism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An Australian tourist was the sole casualty of that assault, but with every passing year the at- tacks became more sophisticated and more deadly. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bombings in 1998 of two U.S. embassies in Africa killed more than two hundred people; the October 2000 bombing of an American warship, the U.S.S. Cole, in Yemen left seventeen American sailors dead. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A terrible irony is that among the World Trade Center victims was John O’Neill, who probably knew more about bin Laden than anyone in the U.S. government: he had led the FBI investigation of the em- While America Slept I 2 5 S eptember 11, 2001, was the kind of morning when everything seemed right with the world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the East Coast of the United bassy bombings and the attack on the Cole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In July, the State Department warned of “strong indications that individuals may be planning immi- nent terrorist actions against U.S. interests in the Arabian Peninsula.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Toward the tape’s end, bin Laden implies that there will be more action against the United States: “The victory of Islam is coming. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By contrast, the men attracted to bin Laden’s standard, like so many of the newer generation of Islamist mil- itants, are more likely to have studied technical subjects such as medi- cine and engineering, or had careers in business, than to have studied the finer points of Islamic jurisprudence. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Why is there so much unreliable reporting about bin Laden? First, what is written about him is largely uncheckable because he is more or less incommunicado. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda would have more money and more time, and the Sep- tember 11 plotters, who began arriving in the United States as early as 1994, would execute a breathtakingly ambitious plan—one that com- bined, in effect, the most spectacular elements of the 1993 World Trade Center attack with the Bojinka plot. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden’s message also differs qualitatively from the slogans of earlier Arab militants, who were focused on the more strictly political goals of pan-Arabism or the creation of a Palestinian state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the Internet, Chechen groups maintain Web sites in more than a dozen languages, from Albanian to Swedish.49 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the harsh Hadramawt climate, where agriculture is not much The acme of this religion isjihad. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Like his father before him, Salem died in a plane accident, when a microlite plane he was piloting crashed into some power lines in San Antonio, Texas in 1988.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Another brother, Yeslam, based in Geneva, handles the family’s financial transactions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the historian Robert D. Kaplan has pointed out, at least ten times more people died in Afghanistan than in the civil wars that started in Lebanon in 1975, yet “Afghanistan, which on the scale of suffering vastly overshadowed any other military conflict of the 1980s was, quite simply, almost uncon- sciously ignored.”49 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They shot videos of executions of Russians and sent them to Saudi Arabia for fund-raising purposes.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
None of them was Afghan, and while most were Arabs, they 54 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Milt Bearden estimated that about $20 million a month was flowing into the Afghan jihad from Saudi sources after the summer of 1986. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Of about fifty Arabs, more than a dozen were killed before the group realized they could no longer hold their position and withdrew.89 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But there were concerns that Middle Eastern governments, worried about Islamist movements in their own countries, had penetrated these or- ganizations, so al-Qaeda was formed as a more secure unit. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
President Jimmy Carter’s national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, put it succinctly: it was time, he said, “to finally sow shit in their backyard.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Whether this was a mistake or some- thing more remains an open question. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He spent a lot more of his time fighting other mujahideen than killing Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Richard Mackenzie, who spent more time with Massoud than did any other journalist, says: “He was con- ducting an Islamic revolution. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He wasn’t going to bring in Magna Carta, but he would have been a voice for fairness and a more demo- cratic state in Afghanistan.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the next decade Afghan Arabs would hijack commercial air- liners and use them to destroy the World Trade Center in Manhattan and attack the Pentagon; they would kidnap Western tourists in Yemen, kill tourists in Egypt, foment terrorism in the Philippines, bomb two U.S. embassies in Africa, blow up an American military post in Saudi Arabia, train Somalis who may have killed American troops in Mogadishu, and tear Algeria apart in a brutal civil war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From our point of view Massoud was more inde- pendent than the others, to the point that he did only what he wanted. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Operation Desert Shield—later Operation Desert Storm—drew more than half a million U.S. soldiers to the Gulf. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Other enterprises followed: another trading com- pany, Ladin International Company; Al-Hijra Construction (owned jointly by bin Laden and the Sudanese government), which built roads and bridges and employed more than six hundred people; and the Al- Themar agricultural company, which had four thousand employees working at its one-million-acre Al-Damazine farms, which manufac- tured sesame oil and grew peanuts and corn.’5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Ladentold CNN in 1997 that one of his proudest achievements while he was based in Sudan was the role of his Afghan Arabs in the 1993 killings of more than a dozen American soldiers stationed in So- malia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Not everyone The Koran and the Katashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 83 saw them; even L’Hossaine Kherchtou, an al-Qaeda member who vis- ited Sudan often, had no glimpse of the intensive training.4’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was a far more serious affair. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In his 1997 interview with CNN, bin Laden praised as “heroes” those behind the Riyadh and Dhahran bombings but denied any in- volvement himself: “I have great respect for the people who did this. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What they did is a big honor that I missed participating in.”79 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In his London office al-Fawwaz told me: “The Advice and Refor- mation Committee, first of all, is not a new thing; it is simply a continu- ation of those reformers which have been working for decades. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Forcing bin Laden to leave for Afghanistan would turn out to be a lit- tle bit like the German High Command sending Lenin to Russia dur- ing World War I: while the policy might have resulted in short-term gains for the Germans, it set the stage for the creation of Germany’s most implacable enemy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From his new refuge in Afghanistan bin Laden issued a slew of ever more radical pronouncements, beginning with “The Declaration of Jihad on the Americans Occupying the Country of the Two Sacred Places” on August 23, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He rages over pictures of dying children in Iraq, saying, “More than a million [Iraqis] die because they are Muslims,” and refers to President Clinton as a “slaughterer.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Referring to Operation Desert Storm, he asked: “Why were American women soldiers brought in?”—to his mind, the ultimate insult. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The measures are no more likely to succeed than those taken by President Clinton three years earlier, following the embassy bombing attacks in Africa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
How do funds get to bin Laden in Afghanistan, a country ravaged by more than two decades of war, when the nearest functioning bank is hundreds of miles away, in neighboring Pakistan? Some monies ar- rive by courier and others arrive through the venerable havala system of interlocking money changers, which has operated for decades all over the Middle East and Asia, handling sums both large and small, on a handshake and trust.38 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It isn’t hard to imagine one of bin Laden’s aides com- ing down to the money market to pick up some funds after placing a few satellite phone calls from Kabul’s nearby central post office, a From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The Declaration of War / 103 bustling place against which the U.S. government is unlikely to launch cruise missile attacks. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As early as 1993, an attack on the embassy in Nairobi had been on the drawing board. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At a certain point he was granted an audience with bin Laden, who told him to train some more. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed says he was not told by more senior members of al-Qaeda what the target of their attack in Tanzania might be. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed helped grind up the TNT used in the device.40 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the past decade the Agency has significantly expanded the re- sources it devotes to the wars on drugs and terrorism—colloquially known as “drugs and thugs.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unlike other such units, the bin Laden task force is allowed to act something like an overseas station of the CIA and does not have to consult much with the bureaucracy in Washington. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
f in a systematic way. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The journalists expected nothing more than a quiet day, during which the Duffer-in-Chief might hit the links and later hang out with some of his celebrity friends—his usual vacation routine. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Clinton ad- ministration had previously launched attacks against places associated with Saddam Hussein and Slobodan Milosevic, but these were leaders of countries more or less at war with the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Remaining at the complex were sixty or seventy men who had escaped death. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Sudanese Information Minister had no problems quickly making connections of the Wag the Dog variety, going on television to de- nounce Clinton as a “proven liar” and a man “with more than a hun- dred girlfriends.”69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In Khartoum, bin Laden rented a house owned by someone who became the general manager of the al-Shifa plant after bin Laden had been forced to leave Sudan.79 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Maulana Sami ul-Haq, a corpu- lent cleric who runs what is probably Pakistan’s largest religious acad- Investigation and Retaliation: The Embassy Bombings / 125 emy, explained that the strikes had made bin Laden “a symbol for the whole Islamic world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to American prosecutors, el-Hage was doing much more than selling tires, riding ostriches, and working for charities. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I was in Afghanistan in December 1999 to talk to senior members of the Taliban and learn more about their movement—as well as why they harbored bin Laden and other Islamist militants of his ilk. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Despite the Ramadan observances, Pakistan does have a secular side. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The club manager told me, “The U.N. security officer says any future attacks are likely to come after eleven at night, so I am probably going to have to cancel the New Year’s party, as it won’t be much of a party if we have to shut it down at ten-thirty.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Nowhere is bin Laden more popular than in Pakistan’s mad rassas, re- ligious schools from which the Taliban draws many of its recruits. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1997, in Punjab province alone, there were more than 200,000 students at the madrassas, which have supplied tens of thousands of recruits to the Taliban—men who are alat- ter day version of Christianity’s medieval monk-warriors, the Knights Templar.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Until then I had pegged him as not much more than a jovial village mullah who had somehow lucked into his headmaster’s position. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But he was a lot more important than his ap- pearance suggested. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
M~11et’s nine- teenth-century drawing of French peasants stopping their work in the fields to say the Angelus is a scene from a very foreign country now. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Other observers of the Taliban pointed out that there have been splits between the hardliners and the moderates, who want more contacts with the West and for whom bin Laden is a headache.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The next morning I started off for Kabul. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Hippies would while away weeks sampling the local hashish, and well-off Pakistani women would vacation there, wearing miniskirts and partying in a fashion not permissible in their own country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban tended to regard the major cities as “occupied territories,” Sodoms and Gomor- rahs that needed to be punished for past transgressions, and so en- forced their edicts more harshly there. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The change was most profound in the area of girls’ education. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And the shift in Taliban policy should not be exaggerated: education for girls still ended at the age of twelve. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban had come to real- ize that they could no longer both forbid that women be treated by male doctors and bar women from practicing medicine, so small numbers of female nurses and doctors were now working in city hospitals. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The cheerful mullah, who allowed me to tour the facility at will, seemed more like a candidate to play Father Christmas at a sub- urban mall than a prison official. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was confirmed in numerous small ways during my trip. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
a grim token of that now defunct multibillion-dollar enterprise. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The uncer- tain government control of Yemen’s more remote regions is com- pounded by the fact that the country has suffered a series of civil wars pitting communists against nationalists and Islamist militants. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1967, the socialists of southern Yemen ousted the British, who had ruled the city-state of Aden for more than a century. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After the Soviet with- drawal from Afghanistan in 1989, al-Fadhli returned to Yemen as the leader of the Afghan Arabs, which was more a collection of like- minded militants than a formal organization.2° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When he was finally tried for kidnap- ping the western tourists, Abu Hassan referred to his hostages as the “grandchildren of pigs and monkeys” and averred that if his pistol had not jammed he would have killed more of them.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Abu Hamza characterizes the blind sheikh, now jailed in the United States for his role in plots to blow up New York City land- marks, as “a good example—he shines for us now.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I can’t imagine your overall spending to be more than $2,000.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I knew some Yemenis who were going back and forth.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is these contacts with Yemeni militants, including Abu Hassan, that have led the Yemen government to cast Abu Hamza as the mastermind of the Islamic Army of Aden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The kidnappers said they were also protesting the recent Operation Desert Fox, when over the course of seventy hours beginning December 17 the United States had launched more than four hundred cruise missile at- tacks and dropped more than six hundred bombs on Iraqi targets.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Yemeni government, which had never in dozens of previous kid- nappings launched a rescue attempt, had forgotten to mention its plans to Western diplomats in Yemen.67 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Even more ominously, Mohamed al-’Owhali, one of the bombers of the U.S. embassy in Kenya in August 1998, had already told U.S. investigators that the bin Laden group planned next to attack an American ship in Yemen.78 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a coincidence that did not bode well, December 1998 was also the month in which protracted negotiations between the United States and Yemen to allow U.S. warships to refuel in Aden were finally conc1uded.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moldering back issues of Commando magazine featuring Nazis shout- ing “Surrender or die, English pig dog” jostle with books on etiquette asking: “For day parties—bridge or whist for example—is it just one table of friends, or is it to be a grander affair with two or more tables?” The shock wave from the Cole explosion blew out the windows in Hakim’s solid stone Victorian building. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The school is ecumenical only in the nonreligious sense: it at- tracts students from around the world, including more than thirty from Britain (particularly Birmingham), several from the United States, and others from Germany, France, Algeria, Libya, Turkey, In- donesia, Russia, and India—in addition to thousands of Yemenis.”5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1998, while the sheikh was giving a sermon at one of his mosques in San’a, a bomb went off, killing two people and injuring some of his followers, including two Americans and a Canadian.’2° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
To reach the bin Ladens’ ancestral village, I traveled through Wadi Doan, a hundred-mile-long valley in which the road is not much more than a rocky path. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Cole at- tack does more to harm to Yemen’s reputation than America’s reputa- tion. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The cosmocrats value academic excellence and often have multiple degrees from an array of prestigious universities. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The U.S. indictment against bin Laden says that al-Qaeda “effectively merged” with Jihad in 1998, but that’s a little misleading, since the Egyptian group might well have been the more valuable property While bin Laden is now the public face and money- bags of al-Qaeda, all its key members are Egyptian and all its ideology and tactics are based on Egyptian models. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Qutb also interpreted jihad as more than just the inner struggle to purify oneself or a war in self- defense. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was the Jthad group, which was devoted more narrowly to overthrowing the Egyptian state and so confined its at- tacks to government officials and buildings.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It had more success with a truck bomb, which devastated the Egyptian embassy in Islam- abad in 1995. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Leaders of the Islamic Group, realizing they were alienating any shred of popular support they once held, announced a cease-fire with the government in 1998—a move that al-Zawahiri has emphatically rejected. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The profound impact of al-Zawahiri on bin Laden’s thinking has become increasingly clear, and some of have suggested that this little- known physician is more important to al-Qaeda than bin Laden him- self.42 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
of place in an upscale anondissement of Paris. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I counted about 250 men and, somewhat surprisingly, more than a hun- dred women, a few completely covered but most wearing simply head scarves. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Since 1990, more than fifty thousand people have died in the conflict, which every day brings fresh news of a bombing attack by mil- itants or reprisals by Indian soldiers.69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In December 1999, I became more closely acquainted with HUM’S terror tactics when I covered its notorious hijacking t~f an Indian Air- lines jet. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Right now we needed help. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The HUM official was more candid about the group’s future plans, noting that it had recently formed fidayeen— martyr squads—to send into India on suicide missions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“But by 1996 we began to operate more effectively, sharing weapons and men.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Approximately 5 percent of the Philippines’ more than fifty million inhabitants are Muslim, most of them found on the second largest island, Mindanao, but many scattered around hundreds of smaller islands in the south. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What we do know is that Khattab has devoted most of his adult life to killing Russian soldiers in Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Chechnya, and that he has helped to impart a more radical vision of Islam to Chechen commanders—who, at the outset of the war, were Muslim mostly in name.’°’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If bin Laden and cans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Even examples that seem, at first blush, to confirm The Clash of Civilizations get more complicated when one takes a deeper look. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A more accurate predictor of post—Cold War rivalries, then, is good old nationalism, as could be seen in Kosovo. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1999, the Kosovars, who are Muslim more in name than practice, specifically rejected the “help” of outside Islamists, not wanting to complicate their struggle for independence.’0 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Abdo’s thesis is amplified by another journalist, An- thony Shadid, who shows that the moderate Islamist movement has become progressively more important not only in Egypt but also in Jordan and Iran.’5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The proof lies in Indonesia: With more than two hundred million inhabitants, it is one of the world’s largest democracies and the world’s largest Muslim country.’9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden and company have focused less on acts of assassination—although they did try to kill Hosni Mubarak in 1995—than on acts of mass destruction, but it is terrorism all the same. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
So for obvious reasons the Popalzai—now led by Karzai’s son, Hamid—are more than willing to cooperate in an effort to undermine the regime and expel bin Laden.2’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Some more senior Special Forces officers may have attended at least one or two of Mi Mohamed’s lectures on Afghanistan at Special Forces headquar- ters in Fort Bragg in 1989. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What is the size and nature of the foe the coalition faces? The Tal- Afterword / 229 iban can field between 20,000 and 40,000 fighters, with a real possibil- ity of more recruits—especially if they are able to portray the conflict as an ethnic war between the Pathan (the Taliban) and the Tajik (the Northern Alliance). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The cam- paign of violence that began in 1992 with the barely-noticed bombing of the hotels in Yemen housing U.S. servicemen has now climaxed with the murder of more than five thousand American citizens. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After some investigation I concluded the offer was probably a hoax, but the Afghan was certainly selling something radioactive— more than likely nuclear waste—as he had developed health problems from handling it. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Uruzgan is an attractive locale for bin Laden: it’s about as far as you can get from Afghanistan’s borders with its neighbors, and the region is sparsely populated, mountainous, and impenetrable. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Others down the chain of command might hate the United States as much or more, but it was bin Laden’s charisma and organizational skills that turned this transnational terror- ist concern into a big business. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One can only hope that will pave the way not only for a more moderate Afghanistan but also for a new era of reconciliation between the great civilizations of the West and the Muslim world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Thank you, Rym Brahimi, for an excellent overview of Yemen before my trip there. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Pakistani journalist Rahimullah Yusufzai, who has probably spent more time with the Taliban leadership than any other journalist, says he has heard the story of the battling warlords from many Taliban sources. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1999 Afghanistan produced four thousand tons of opium, more than the rest of thi~ world put together. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
50. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Sometimes this was due to the excitement of the moment and the pressures of partisanship, but it also had a more serious cause. Just and Unjust Wars
I still want to defend (most of) the par- ticular arguments that underlay our opposition to the American war in Vietnam, but, also and more importantly I want to defend the business of arguing, as we did and as most people do, in moral terms. Just and Unjust Wars
Upon examination they reveal, I believe, a comprehensive view of war as a human activity i~nd a more or less systematic moral doctrine, which sometimes, but not always, overlaps with estab- lished legal doctrine. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, the vocabulary overlaps more than the arguments do. Just and Unjust Wars
When I talk of the rules of war, I am referring to the more particular code that governs our xlii judgments of combat behavior, and that is only partially articulated in the Hague and Geneva conventions. Just and Unjust Wars
For the rest, when I talk of law, I am referring to the moral law, to those general principles that we commonly acknowledge, even when we can’t or won’t live up to them. Just and Unjust Wars
I refer more often to contemporary philosophers and theologians (and soldiers and statesmen), for my main concern is not with the making of the moral world but with its present character. Just and Unjust Wars
Someone can always ask, “What is this morality of yours?” That is a more radical question, however, than the questioner may realize, for it excludes him not only from the comfortable world of moral agreement, but also from the wider world of agreement and disagreement, justification and criticism. Just and Unjust Wars
But that’s not to suggest that we can do nothing more than describe the judgments and justifications that people commonly put forward. Just and Unjust Wars
But it’s true also, as I will try to show, of the more immediate pressures of “military necessity.” Just and Unjust Wars
It will inspire rebellion throughout the islands, wherever men and women are “offended with the necessity of subjection”—and what subject is not offended, eager for freedom, resentful of his conquerors? ‘When the Athenian generals say that men “will everywhere reign over such as they be too strong for,” they are not only describing the desire for glory and command, but also the more narrow neces- sity of inter-state politics: reign or be subject. Just and Unjust Wars
According to Herodotus, when Xerxes first disclosed his plans for an invasion of Greece, he spoke in more conventional terms: “I will bridge the Hellespont and march an army through Europe into Greece, and punish the Athenians for the outrage they committed upon my father and upon us.” Just and Unjust Wars
REALITY OF WAR - Against “Realism” they were used to defend, and thinks we might have missed it had he permitted the generals to speak as they probably in fact spoke, weaving “fair pretenses” over their vile actions. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not that they are war criminals in the modern sense; that idea is alien to Thucydides. Just and Unjust Wars
There were some Athenians, at least, who had doubtš about that, and more who doubted that the empire had to be a uniform system of domination and subjection (as the policy adopted for Melos suggested). Just and Unjust Wars
When he told his fellow citizens that the decree was necessary, he didn’t mean that it was ordained by the laws that govern the realm of force; he meant merely that it was needed (in his view) to reduce the risks of rebellion among the subject cities of the Athenian empire. Just and Unjust Wars
How Alcibiades won out, and how close the vote was, we don’t know. Just and Unjust Wars
The second claim is closely related to the first. Just and Unjust Wars
This might involve the deployment of additional moral terms (innocence, for exam- ple); but it would not hang—any more than the argument about cruelty and justice hangs—on idiosyncratic definitions. Just and Unjust Wars
Even when world views and high ideals have been abandoned—as the glorification of aristocratic chivalry was abandoned in early modern times—notions about right conduct are remarkably persistent: the military code survives the death of warrior idealism. Just and Unjust Wars
i6 THE Moiw. Just and Unjust Wars
English writers have focused more, and more wor- riedly, on the command of the king; he was, after all, their king. Just and Unjust Wars
To judge Henry ourselves we would need a more circumstantial account of the battle than I can provide here.17 Just and Unjust Wars
In moral life, ignorance isn’t all that common; dishonesty is far more so. Just and Unjust Wars
Even those soldiers and statesmen who don’t feel the agony of a problematic decision generally know that they should feel it. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is necessary to say more than that, for our ideas about war in general and about the conduct of soldiers depend very much on how people get killed and on who those people are. Just and Unjust Wars
In technical terms, he is arguing that war is never an activity constituted by its rules. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of mercenaries and professional soldiers is more com- plex and needs to be examined with some care. Just and Unjust Wars
The distinction is too gross; in fact there are intermediate positions; but the more a soldier fights be- cause he is committed to a “common cause,” the more likely we are to regard it as a crime to force him to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
Mercenaries are professional soldiers who sell their services on the open market, but there are other professionals who serve only their own prince or people and, though they may earn their bread by soldiering, disdain the name of mercenary. Just and Unjust Wars
Green goes on to argue, more plausibly, that in his own society it makes little sense to talk of soldiers fighting voluntárily: war is now a state action. Just and Unjust Wars
But usually they are more like arson than acci- dent: war has human agents as well as human victims. Just and Unjust Wars
Though mutinies are com- mon in the long history of war, they are more like peasant jac- queries, quickly and bloodily suppressed, than revolutionary strug- gles. Just and Unjust Wars
It is a crime they can resist—though they must suffer its effects in order to resist it— and they can hope for a victory that is something more than an escape from the immediate brutality of battle. Just and Unjust Wars
The experience of war as hell generates what might be called a higher ambition: one doesn’t aim to settle with the enemy but to defeat and punish him and, if not to abolish the tyranny of war, at least to reduce the probability of future oppression. Just and Unjust Wars
And therefore, he went on, “those who brought war into our country deserve all the curses and maledictions a people can pour out.” Just and Unjust Wars
But the tyranny of war is no more limitless than is political tyranny. Just and Unjust Wars
,“ he wrote, “whether it be more humane to fight with a town full of women [and children] at our back or to remove them in time to places of safety among their own friends and people.” Just and Unjust Wars
Even in hell, it is possible to be more or less humane, to fight with or without restraint. Just and Unjust Wars
Hatred is interrupted or overridden by a more reflective under- standing, which one finds expressed again and again in letters and war memoirs. Just and Unjust Wars
These judgments are clear enough, I think, and they suggest that war is still, somehow, a rule-governed activity, a world of permissions and prohibitions— a moral world, therefore, in the midst of hell. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus General von Ravenstein, captured by the British that same year, reports: “I was taken to see . Just and Unjust Wars
But we don’t view Rommel that way: why not? The reason has to do with the distinction of jus ad helium and jus in bello. Just and Unjust Wars
Initially, this stipulation was not based upon any notion of the equality of sol- diers but upon the equality of sovereign states, which claimed for themselves the same right to fight (right to make war) that indi- vidual soldiers more obviously possess. Just and Unjust Wars
War is a “legal condition which equally permits two or more groups to carry on a conflict by armed force.”12 Just and Unjust Wars
It is also, and for our purposes more importantly, a moral condition, involving the same permissiveness, not in fact at the level of sovereign states, but at the level of armies and individual soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
At least, the general structure of its provisions seems to persist without reference to social systems and technologies—as if the rules in- volved were (as I think they are) more closely connected to uni- versal notions of right and wrong. Just and Unjust Wars
More often, however, protec- tion has been offered only to those people who are not trained and prepared for war, who do not fight or cannot: women and children, priests, old men, the members of neutral tribes, cities, or states, wounded or captured soldiers.~ Just and Unjust Wars
They are more important by far, but similarly subject to social revision. Just and Unjust Wars
Long before philosophers are satisfied with it, however, The lists are often more specific and more picturesque than this, reflecting the character of a particular culture. Just and Unjust Wars
If they accepted it in certain sorts of cases, but not in others, the single concept would begin to break down, and we would eventually have a list of crimes more or less like the domestic list. Just and Unjust Wars
“The duties and rights of states are nothing more than the duties and rights of the men who compose them.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
The more important issue relates to the en- durance of rights over time. Just and Unjust Wars
Territorial integrity, then, does not derive from property; it is simply something different. Just and Unjust Wars
Then if their country is attacked, it is not merely their homeland that is’ in danger but their collective property—though 56 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Law and Order in International Society I suspect that the first danger is more deeply felt than the second. Just and Unjust Wars
Sometimes adjustments should be accepted and territories shaped so far as possible to the actual needs of nations. Just and Unjust Wars
We shall see this reason at work in the minds of the leaders of Finland in 1939: they might have accepted Russian demands had they felt certain that there would be an end to them. Just and Unjust Wars
It is like domestic society in that men and women live at peace within it (sometimes), 58 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Law and Order in International Society determining the conditions of their own existence, negotiating and bargaining with their neighbors. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it poses a radical challenge to the coOventions: if aggression can be resisted, and at least some- times successfully resisted, without war, it may be a less serious crime than has commonly been supposed. Just and Unjust Wars
The first case I have already alluded to in discussing the voluntary combat of aristocratic warriors. Just and Unjust Wars
It addresses the questions that ordinary men can- not avoid: should we support this war? should we fight in it? Bismarck works from a more distant perspective, turning the peo- pie who• ask such questions into pawns in the high game of real- politik. Just and Unjust Wars
But we feel badly in such cases, not only because we have failed to serve the larger communal purpose of deterrence, but also and more immediately because we have yielded to coercion and injustice. Just and Unjust Wars
The paradigm as a whole is commonly defended in utilitarian terms: resistance to aggression is necessary to deter future aggres- sors. Just and Unjust Wars
“Rule of violence” is a more difficult term. Just and Unjust Wars
As a moral limit, the phrase must point to something more unusual and more frightening: the rule of men committed to the continual use of violence, to a policy of genocide, terrorism, and enslavement. Just and Unjust Wars
For there can be no doubt that Nazism represented the rule of violence~ and that its true character was sufficiently known at the time. Just and Unjust Wars
But it remains a question whether Vann’s argument might not apply to other cases. Just and Unjust Wars
But the situation of Finland a few months later was different. Just and Unjust Wars
69 Finland Stalin’s Russia was not a conventional great power, but its be- havior in the months before the Finnish war was very much in the style of traditionalist power politics. Just and Unjust Wars
Or, to turn the argument around once more, all these constitute aggressive acts on the part of whoever begins them and justify forceful resistance, as their equivalents would in the homes and streets of domestic society. Just and Unjust Wars
permit us to do little more than respond to an attack once we had seen it coming but before we had felt its impact. Just and Unjust Wars
The debate is couched, I suppose, in strategic more than in moral terms. Just and Unjust Wars
For -the paradigm is more restrictive than the judgments we actually make. Just and Unjust Wars
Burke in 1760, “has only preserved its liberty. Just and Unjust Wars
That is the classic argument for prevention. Just and Unjust Wars
The mere augmentation of power, it seems to me; cannot be a warrant for war or even the beginning of warrant, and for much the same reason that Bacon’s commercial expansion (“embracing of trade”) is also and even more obviously insufficient. Just and Unjust Wars
Pre-emptive Strikes Now, what acts are to count, what acts do count as threats suffi- ciently serious to justify war? It is not possible to put together a list, because state action, like human action generally, takes on significance from its context. Just and Unjust Wars
The boastful ranting to which political leaders are often prone isn’t in itself threatening; injury must be “offered” in some material sense as well. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument may be made more clear if I compare these criteria to Vattel’s. Just and Unjust Wars
It follows from this that Israel had no right of anticipation since it had no right of self- defense. Just and Unjust Wars
Nasser would almost certainly have regarded it as a great victory if he could have closed the Straits and main- tained his army on Israel’s borders without war. Just and Unjust Wars
He said this often enough, but it is also and more importantly true that his military moves served no other, more limited goal. Just and Unjust Wars
The formula is permissive, but it implies restrictions that can usefully be unpacked only with reference to particular cases. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is a fact of our moral life that political leaders make such judgments, and that once they are made the rest of us do not uniformly condemn them. Just and Unjust Wars
But intervention is dif- ferently understood. Just and Unjust Wars
Though Mill’s argument can be cast in utilitarian terms, the harshness of his conclusions suggests that this is not its most appropriate form. Just and Unjust Wars
Despite Mill’s very general account of self-determination, it isn’t always clear when a community is in fact self-determining, when it qualifies, so to speak, for noninter- vention. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be more exact, from Mill’s standpoint, to formulate the relevant principle in this way: always act so as to recognize and uphold communal autonomy. Just and Unjust Wars
An imperial army invaded Hungary, and the nationalists fought back. Just and Unjust Wars
But this is a difficulty that I am going to set aside, for it did not appear as such at the time; it did not enter into the moral reflections of liberal observers like Mill. Just and Unjust Wars
But what was missing in Katanga was a genuine national movement capable, on its own, of “arduous struggle.” Just and Unjust Wars
But one can make much more of prudence than this. Just and Unjust Wars
He thought, naively perhaps, that the world would be more orderly if none of its political communi- ties were oppressed by foreign rule. Just and Unjust Wars
If Palmerston was right in believing that the defeat of Austria would shatter the peace of Europe, a British intervention ensuring that defeat would not have been “honorable and virtuous” (however noble the Hungarian struggle). Just and Unjust Wars
They permit assistance to the established government—it is after all, the official representative of communal autonomy in international society—so long as it faces nothing more than internal dissension, rebellion, and insurgency. Just and Unjust Wars
I want to pursue a more sophisticated version of the American defense, which concedes the existence of a civil war and describes the U.S. role, first, as assistance to a legitimate government, and secondly, as counter-intervention, a response to covert military moves by the 97 North Vietnamese regime.’3 Just and Unjust Wars
Its urgent call for military intervention in the early 1960’s is more damning evidence still. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument might be put more narrowly: a government that receives economic and technical aid, military supply, strategic and 98 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Interventions side of the bond and hence no genuine bond at all. Just and Unjust Wars
We were far more vital to the government than they were to the insurgents. Just and Unjust Wars
Counter-intervention is a balancing act. Just and Unjust Wars
All individuals who disobey or who are found outside the prescribed areas will be considered as rebels and judged as such. Just and Unjust Wars
The Israeli raid on Entebbe airport in Uganda (July 4, 1976) seems likely to become a classic case. Just and Unjust Wars
Given such help, it was said, the insurgent forces would grow, the Spaniards could not long hold out, and the Cubans would be left to reconstruct their country (with American help) and manage their own affairs.22 Just and Unjust Wars
Now, unilateralism has always prevailed in the inter- national arena, but we worry about it more when what is involved is a response to domestic violence rather than to foreign aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
On the conventional military view, the only true aim in war is “the destruction of the enemy’s main forces on the battlefield.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
It would have been more precise had he said that the Allies were not bound te the German government, for the German people, the greater nûm- ber of them, at any rate, must be included under the rubric of “civi- lization.” Just and Unjust Wars
112 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION War’s Ends, and the Importance of Winning Nations have similar rights in international society, above all the right not to be “blotted out,” deprived forever of sovereignty and freedom. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, there was another, and a more realistic, motive for strictness: mutual distrust among Hitler’s enemies, the needs of coalition politics. Just and Unjust Wars
But there was no revolution and painfully little resistance to Nazi rule. Just and Unjust Wars
But the Allies also aimed at more particular and far-reach- ing punishments. Just and Unjust Wars
War affects more people than domestic crime and punishment, and it is the rights of those people that force us to limit its purposes. Just and Unjust Wars
We might consider a new version of the domestic analogy, oriented toward collective rather than individual action: the attack of one state upon another is more like a feudal raid than a criminal assault (even when it is, literally, a criminal assault). Just and Unjust Wars
It resembles a feud more than a mugging, not only because there are no commonly accepted police, but also because the rituals of punishment will more probably extend than cut off the violence. Just and Unjust Wars
The decision to cross is not at all easy to figure out, but it seems to be an example of military hubris far more than of demo- cratic idealism. Just and Unjust Wars
But when we crossed the old line, we also took on a more radical purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
And however grim a picture one paints, the North Korean regime was not such an affront; its poli- cies were more like those of Bismarck’s than of Hitler’s Germany. Just and Unjust Wars
And further military action may be necessary before a peace settlement can be worked out that provides even minimal security for the victim: disengagement, demilitarization, arms control, external arbitration, and so on.’~’ Just and Unjust Wars
“The object in war is a better state of peace.”22 Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the rights and limits fixed by the argument for justice: resistance, res- toration, reasonable prevention. Just and Unjust Wars
I am afraid that these are not as constraining as thçy may sound. Just and Unjust Wars
The idea, it should be said, is more readily traceable to Clausewitz than to Woodrow Wilson; it is anyway a silly idea, since it offers no defini- tion of victory. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the temptation to fight by any meanš—which brings us up against what I have described in Part One as the fundamental dualism of our conception of war. Just and Unjust Wars
Or, more directly: without reference to the justice of their cause, how can soldiers fight justly? 128 THE W4s.i~ Just and Unjust Wars
For it has to be said of many of the people who die in the course of a war, soldiers as well as civilians, that their deaths do not “tend materially to the end [of victory]” or that the contribu- tion they make to that end is “slight” indeed. Just and Unjust Wars
If one of the belligerents breaks the rules, it might end more quickly, but only if the other side fails or is unable to reciprocate. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t think that these restrictions have ever been expounded in utilitarian fashión, though it is no doubt a good thing that they be expounded and that military conduct be shaped to their requirements. Just and Unjust Wars
It has to do not only with reducing the total amount of suffering, but also with holding open the possibility of peace and the resumption of pre-war activities. Just and Unjust Wars
And if that is to be possible, the war must be fought, as Sidgwick says, so as to avoid “the danger of provoking reprisals and of causing bitterness that will long outlast” the fight- ing.5 Just and Unjust Wars
in character, as if the ban on rape or on the deliberate killing of civilians were nothing more than a piece of kindness.10 Just and Unjust Wars
If they are humani- tarian soldiers, they may indeed do more than is required of them —sharing their food with civilians, for example, rather than merely not raping or killing them. Just and Unjust Wars
But it rests more deeply on a certain view of noncombatants, which holds that they are men and women with rights and that they cannot be used for some military purpose, even if it is a legitimate purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
But the funda- mental recognition is the same as in the other cases and more fully articulated. Just and Unjust Wars
Mostly, he hides, is frightened, doesn’t 142 THE WAR CONVENTION a partridge sitting.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
And when we see him at rest, we assume that he is thinking of home and peace, as we would be. Just and Unjust Wars
The doc- trine justifies not only whatever is necessary to win the war, but also whatever is necessary to reduce the risks of losing, or simply to reduce losses or the likelihood of losses in the course of the war. Just and Unjust Wars
What is more important is that it is drawn under pressure. Just and Unjust Wars
We begin with the distinction between soldiers engaged in combat and soldiers at rest; then we shift to the distinction between soldiers as a class and civilians; and then we concede this or that group of civilians as the processes of economic mobilization estab- lish its direct contribution to the business of fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
It would have been more prudent to throw the bombs without warn- ing, which means that military necessity would have justified him in doing so. Just and Unjust Wars
We can ask the question in a more concrete way. Just and Unjust Wars
The effects of making “bomb without warning” his general policy would have been to reduce the risks of his being killed or disabled and to speed up the capture of the village, and these are “good” effects. Just and Unjust Wars
It is what we expect of soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
Bombardment in Korea I am going to follow here a British journalist’s account of the way the American army waged war in Korea. Just and Unjust Wars
In the end, it often comes to that any- way, as it did in this case, for the tanks and planes failed to hit the North Korean machine gunners. Just and Unjust Wars
Double effect is defensible, I want to argue, only when the two outcomes are the product of a double intention: first, that the “good” be achieved; second, that the foreseeable evil be reduced as far as possible. Just and Unjust Wars
So the third of the conditions listed above can be restated: at the acceptable effect; the evil effect is not one of his ends, nor is it a means to his ends, and, aware of the evil involved, he seeks to minimize it, accepting costs to himself. Just and Unjust Wars
We can move some way toward defining the limits of that second intention if we consider two more wartime examples. Just and Unjust Wars
Or, more often, military planners may decide that the losses entailed by the attack, even if it is carried out at minimal risk to the at- tackers, are not disproportionate to the value of the target: then “due care” is an additional requirement. Just and Unjust Wars
* The case is the same in domestic society: when the gas company works on the lines that run under my street, I have a right that its workmen observe very strict safety standards. Just and Unjust Wars
But if the work is urgently required by the imminent danger of an explosion on a neighboring street, the standards may be relaxed and my rights not violated. Just and Unjust Wars
Now, military necessity works exactly like civil emergency, except that in war the standards with which we are familiar in dothestic so- ciety are always relaxed. Just and Unjust Wars
Whenever there is likely to be a second effect, a second intention is morally re~ quired. Just and Unjust Wars
They would have shared that responsibility with the Germans—in part because the Germans had attacked and conquered France, but also (and more importantly for our immediate purposes) because they had mobilized the French economy for their own strategic ends, forc- ing French workers to serve the German war machine, turning i THE WAR CONVENTION Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity French factories into legitimate military targets, and putting the adjacent residential areas in danger. Just and Unjust Wars
But it raises issues that I have not yet addressed and that are most dramatically vis- ible when we turn to another, and a much older, kind of warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
Civilians have been attacked along with soldiers, or in order to get at soldiers, as often in ancient as in modern times. Just and Unjust Wars
Such attacks are likely whenever an army seeks what might be called civilian shelter and fights from behind the battlements or from within the buildings of a city, or whenever the inhabitants of a threatened city seek the most immediate form of military protection and agree to be garrisoned. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, it is not accepted even if the purpose of the forced evacution is more benign than Alexander’s: simply to clear the suburbs for military operations, say, or to drive away people whom the besieging army cannot afford to feed. Just and Unjust Wars
The legal norm is the status quo.7 Just and Unjust Wars
A more imme- diate escape route was available—through the German lines. Just and Unjust Wars
Before the siege ended in 1943, more than a million civilians were dead of starvation and disease. Just and Unjust Wars
The siege of Plevna in the Russo-Turkish war of 1877 is more typical.13 Just and Unjust Wars
At this point, the argument needs to be made more general. Just and Unjust Wars
The city’s food supply will now last so much longer. Just and Unjust Wars
In different circumstances, free exit might make a greater military difference, forcing a frontal assault on the city (be- cause the besieging army may also have supply problems) or a major prolongation of the siege. Just and Unjust Wars
In early modern times, long before the scientific destruction of crops became possible, the doc- trine of strategic devastation was a kind of conventional wisdom among military commanders. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is not the case that the army lives off the civilian surplus; more likely, civilians are forced to make do with what is left after the army has been fed. Just and Unjust Wars
And civilians 171 suffer long before soldiers feel the pinch. Just and Unjust Wars
More immediate, and less military consequences can also be traced 172 THE WAR CoNvEr~rrIoN i War Against Civilians: Sieges and Blockades to the blockade. Just and Unjust Wars
More important for our purposes, however, is their consistent denial that the interdic- tion of supply was aimed at German civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
This is the ambush prepared behind political or moral rather than natural cover. Just and Unjust Wars
It is also and perhaps more importantly true that it is relatively easy for them to make the relevant discriminations. Just and Unjust Wars
And, curiously enough, as the guerrilla units grow larger and more stable, their members are likely to put on uniforms. Just and Unjust Wars
When the guerrillas “melt away” after such an attack, they more often disappear into jungles or mountains than into villages, a retreat that raises no moral problems. Just and Unjust Wars
The French partisan attack perfectly illustrates this, and it has to be said, I think, that the killing of those German soldiers was more like assassination than war. Just and Unjust Wars
Now it may be the case—I am more than open to this suggestion —that the German army in France had attacked civilians in ways that justified the assassination of individual soldiers, just as it may be the case that the public official or party leader is a brutal tyrant who deserves to die. Just and Unjust Wars
First, their day-to-day existence is much more closely connected with the day-to-day existence of the people around them than is ever the case with conventional armies. Just and Unjust Wars
But in guerrilla war, the support a civilian provides is far more direct. Just and Unjust Wars
But it seems more likely that when they have siguificant popular support (which they don’t always have), they have it for other reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
If the killing of civilians were sufficient to win civilian support, the guerrillas would always be at a disadvantage, for their enemies possess far more fire 184 THE WAR Cor4v1’~isrnoN Guerrilla War power than they do. Just and Unjust Wars
The people, or some of them, are complicitous in guerrilla war, and the war would be impossible without their com- plicity. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is more plausible to make exactly the opposite argument: that the war rights the people would have were they to rise en masse are passed on to the irregular fighters they support and pro- tect—assuming that the support, at least, is voluntary. Just and Unjust Wars
So the burdens of decision are shifted by the guerrillas onto their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers can do no more when what they are doing is police work; for the status of the hostile civilians is no different. Just and Unjust Wars
They might have drawn hostile fire; more likely, they would have lost men to mines and booby traps, the exact location of which every- one in the village knew and no one would reveal. Just and Unjust Wars
190 THE WAR CONVENTION Guerrilla War Now, in a conventional war, removing civilians from a battlefield is clearly a good thing to do; positive international law requires it wherever possible. Just and Unjust Wars
What happened is quickly descnbed:2° In August 1967, during Operation Benton, the “pacification” camps became so full that Army units were ordered not to “generate” any more refugees. Just and Unjust Wars
But the rules of engagement raise a more interesting question. Just and Unjust Wars
‘For there are other and more effective ways of fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
Bernard Fall has reported in some detail on a French attack of this sort in Vietnam in the 1950’s.26 Just and Unjust Wars
There aren’t enough men or, more likely, the government, 194 THE WAR CONVENTION Guerrilla War though it can win particular battles, has no staying power. Just and Unjust Wars
I am inclined to say more than this. Just and Unjust Wars
That is a crude history; I offer it only in order to make a more precise historical point: that terrorism in the strict sense, the random murder of innocent people, emerged as a strategy of revolutionary struggle only in the period after World War II, that is, only after it had become a feature of conventional war. Just and Unjust Wars
What lies behind them both, I think, and lends them plausibility, is the moral difference between aiming and not aiming—or, more accurately, between aiming at particular people because of things they have done or are doing, and aiming at whole groups of people, indiscriminately, because of who they are. Just and Unjust Wars
The more impersonal truth is that they are vulnerable, or more vulnerable than ordinary citizens, simply because their activities are 202 THE WAR CONVENTION I Terrorism open to such descriptions. Just and Unjust Wars
The campaign announces the devaluation. Just and Unjust Wars
In its modern manifestations, terror is the totalitarian form of war and politics. Just and Unjust Wars
Yet it is common enough in the theory as well as in the practice of war. Just and Unjust Wars
The rule is quite differ- ent and far more precise than that which figures, for example, in the doctrine of double effect. Just and Unjust Wars
But one might require much more than that, both in the way of law enforcement and in the way of military action. Just and Unjust Wars
But the truth is that there are always other means, more or less dangerous, more or less effective. Just and Unjust Wars
If the raids fail, they can only be tried again; there is nothing more to be done. Just and Unjust Wars
How can they be shot out of hand, treated more cruelly than we would treat suspected criminals? It seems incredible that some number of them should be arbitrarily separated from the rest and then killed, simply so that we can announce their deaths, and all this for the sake of justice! Just and Unjust Wars
The maxim, however, is sometimes wrong and, what is more important, it fails to distinguish violence that is responsive and restrained from violence that is neither. Just and Unjust Wars
For soldiers have only a war right, and no more basic right, to be attacked with certain weapons and not with others. Just and Unjust Wars
The crime that is repeated is the act of force, the violation of sovereignty. Just and Unjust Wars
Not all the houses were cleared beforehand, and more than forty. Just and Unjust Wars
The killing of civilians is an affront to humanity, but attacks on military installations and the destruc-’ tion of civilian property pose a more narrow and direct challenge to the state. Just and Unjust Wars
It is the official position of the UN that this kind of law enforcement, even when it is restrained by the rules of war, is illegal.20 Just and Unjust Wars
Some 200 years after the battle at the River Hung, more than two millennia before the communist revolution, the philosopher Mo Tzu perfectly described Mao’s case, as he himself must understand it.3 Just and Unjust Wars
Of what use is the (undoubted) vir- tue of the Duke of Sung if the world is ruled by violence and aggression? Indeed, a war in which the Duke’s virtue was more important than a military triumph would seem to be a very un- important war. Just and Unjust Wars
And then, more often than the belligerent powers are pre- pared to admit—itself a matter of interest—the rules are broken. Just and Unjust Wars
We know how high the stakes sometimes are in war and how urgent victory can be. Just and Unjust Wars
“For there are peoples,” as Simone Weil has written, “[who] have never recovered after having once been conquered.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
The very existence of a community may be at stake, and then how can we fail to consider possible outcomes in judging the course of the fighting? At this point if at no other, the restraint on utili- tarian calculation must be lifted. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if we are inclined to lift it, however, we cannot forget that the rights violated for the sake of victory are genuine rights, deeply founded and in principle in- violable. Just and Unjust Wars
And there is nothing asinine about this principle: the very lives of men and women are at stake. Just and Unjust Wars
It is, of course, those who claim membership in the first group who 228 DILEMMAS OF WAR Winning and Fighting Well raise the issue, making what might be called an appeal against combatant equality. Just and Unjust Wars
Though such appeals are particular in char- acter, they have a general form. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument from extremity permits (or requires) a more sudden breach of the convention, but only after holding out fr a long time against the process of erosion. Just and Unjust Wars
The more convinced we are, however, that one of the belligerents is an aggressor or that the outcome is going to be dis- astrous, the more likely we are to deny the very possibility of non- involvement. Just and Unjust Wars
What is more important, normal pat- terns of trade may be maintained with both belligerents. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the neutrality of any given state is likely to be more helpful to one side than to the other. Just and Unjust Wars
The social life they $ Neutral states have sometimes sought a more perfect neutrality by embargoing all trade with belligerent powers. Just and Unjust Wars
But why should these men and women be immune and free when so many others are driven into battle? In what possible way are they entitled to their neutrality? The question is especially important if we imagine a situation where a particular state’s de- cision to be neutral means that more people will be killed than would be killed if it joined the war, for the participation of its armies might turn the tide and shorten the fighting by so many 236 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality weeks or months. Just and Unjust Wars
But what if neutrality is violated for a good cause: for the sake of national survival and the defeat of aggression; or, more largely, for the sake of “civilization as we know it” or the “peace and freedom” of the whole world? Here is the paradigmatic form of the collision between jus ad helium and jus in bello. Just and Unjust Wars
The value of that reluctance will be apparent if we look at two cases in which neutral rights were wrongly violated: first, on the plea of necessity, and second, with the argument more 239 justice, more right. Just and Unjust Wars
He wants to override it, however, not at the last minute but at the very first, and not when Germany’s survival is in danger but when the dangers are of a more ordinary kind. Just and Unjust Wars
“We have more to gain than to lose,” Churchill argued, “by a German attack on Norway.” Just and Unjust Wars
One immediately wants to ask whether the Norwegians had more to gain than to lose. Just and Unjust Wars
Churchill now pressed a more modest proposal. Just and Unjust Wars
Though the Cab- inet seemed favorable to Churchill’s original presentation (in September 1939), “the Foreign Office arguments about neutrality were weighty, and I could not prevail. Just and Unjust Wars
He puts forward a version of what I have called the sliding scale argument: the greater the justice of one’s cause, the more rights one has in battle.* Just and Unjust Wars
It is not enough to argue that the just side can do more. Just and Unjust Wars
That is why we are likely to be far more sympathetic to Churchill’s than to von Bethmann Holiweg’s position. Just and Unjust Wars
Nazism challenged these values on a grand scale, but challenges more nar- rowly conceived, if they are of the same kind, have similar moral consequences. Just and Unjust Wars
Overriding the Rules of War The Decision to Bomb German Cities There have been few decisions more important than this one in the history of warfare. Just and Unjust Wars
On the contrary, if tonight the people of London were asked to cast their votes whether a convention should be entered into to stop the bombing of all cities, the overwhelming majority would cry, “No, we will mete out to the Germans the measure, and more than the measure, that they have meted out to us.” Just and Unjust Wars
Offensive action could have been postponed until (or in hope of) some more favorable time. Just and Unjust Wars
But it does seem to me that the more certain a German victory appeared to be in the absence of a bomber offensive, the more justifiable was the decision to launch the offensive. Just and Unjust Wars
I am sure that we would all find the wager more difficult to undertake and defend if, through some strange combination of circumstances, it required the deliberate slaughter of Frenchmen. Just and Unjust Wars
I suppose it makes sense to say that there were more people in German than in French cities who were responsible (in some fashion) for the evil of Naz- ism, and we may well be reluctant to extend to them the full range of civilian rights. Just and Unjust Wars
The city raids, it was claimed by men such as Harris, would end the war sooner than it would otherwise end and, despite the large number of civilian casualties they inflicted, at a lower cost in human life. Just and Unjust Wars
But I want to look at one more case before concluding my argument—a case * George Orwell has suggested an. Just and Unjust Wars
In a column written for the leftist journal Tribune in 1944, he argued that the bombing brought the true character of contemporary combat home to all those people who supported the war, even enjoyed it, only because they never felt its effects. Just and Unjust Wars
It is an apology after, the fact, and not a convincing one. Just and Unjust Wars
Against all this was set, in the minds of American decision-makers, the impact of the atomic bomb—not materially more damaging but psychologically more frightening, and holding out the promise, perhaps, of a quick end to the war. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if we had been fighting in strict accordance with the war convention, the continuation of the struggle was not something forced upon us. Just and Unjust Wars
and a re- sulting indifference to all the values we cherish. Just and Unjust Wars
If deterrence were more painful, we might have found other means of avoiding nuclear war—or we might not have avoided it. Just and Unjust Wars
And from the perspective of morality, the readiness is all. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus, as André Beaufre has written, “Europeans would prefer to risk general war in an attempt to avoid war altogethei rather than have Europe become the theater of operations for limited war.”8 Just and Unjust Wars
I have been more concerned to acknowledge that deterrence itself, for all its criminality, falls or may fall for the moment under the standard of necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
And, what is more important, we are under an obligation to seize upon opportunities of escape, even to take risks for the sake of such opportunities. Just and Unjust Wars
For legal liability is a matter of definite rules, well-known procedures, and authoritative judges, while morality is nothing more than endless talk, where every talker has an equal right to his opinions. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, the view of a contemporary law professor who be- lieves that the “essentials” of “the question of war crimes” can be set forth “with tolerable clarity and brevity,” so long as one caveat is accepted: “I shall make no attempt to say what is immoral— not because I believe morality unimportant, but because my views on it are entitled to no more weight than Jane Fonda’s or Richard M. Nixon’s, or yours.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
We have more to do in these matters, and it is my 288 T~ QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILITY The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens purpose to do it here: to point at criminals’ and possible criminals across the whole range of wartime activity, though not to suggest, except tangentially, how we should deal with such people.2 Just and Unjust Wars
What is crucial is that they can be pointed at; we know where to look for them, if we are ready to look. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is another, more informal version of the “act of state” doctrine, which refers not to the sovereignty of the political community but to the representativeness of its leaders. Just and Unjust Wars
These are lead- ers, too; they may have risen to their “offices” by means not all that different from those adopted by more conventional officials, and they can sometimes say that acts of the movement or the revo- lution are as representative as acts of state. Just and Unjust Wars
I have argued that the American war in Vietnam belongs to the same series. Just and Unjust Wars
Persons lower down the bureaucratic hierarchy, though their contribution waš cumulatively significant, were not held individ- ually responsible. Just and Unjust Wars
man might feel at such a time is more than we require. Just and Unjust Wars
The issue of resignation came up more directly in connection with charges that von Weizsaecker was guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the latter relating to the extermination of the Jews. Just and Unjust Wars
The standards of blame, however, are much more strict: we need to say more about indecency. Just and Unjust Wars
What von Weizsaecker said was probably insufficient, for accord- ing to his own accõunt he urged nothing more than the likelihood of German defeat; his opposition to Hitler’s policies were always expressed in expediential terms.’-’ Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps it can always be said of such a person that he could have done more than he did do. Just and Unjust Wars
But some of us, surely, fail more dismally than others; and it is necessary, with all due caution and humility, to mark out stand- ards by which we can measure the respective failures. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t think this means that he must become a revolutionary or an exile, actually renounc- ing his citizenship or loyalty. Just and Unjust Wars
We can now drop the myth of perfection and paint a more realistic picture. Just and Unjust Wars
One might say of them what one says of soldiers in combat, that they are not to blame for the war, since it is, not their war. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument has to be more particular than that. Just and Unjust Wars
That spirit was more important than whether or not a few Jap soldiers got kicked around or killed.” Just and Unjust Wars
It is important to stress now that it is a large responsibility;’ for the general policy of the army, expressed through its officers, the cli- mate they create by their day-to-day actions, has far more to do with the incidence of “extra” killing than does the intensity of the actual fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
It is almost certainly true that they fight best when they are most disciplined, when they are most in control of them- selves and committed to the restraints appropriate to their trade. Just and Unjust Wars
But even if the colonel’s calculations were correct, he would still be bound to stop the killing if he could, for he cannot train and toughen his men at the expense of Japanese prisoners. Just and Unjust Wars
Lieutenant Calley, who actually led the unit that entered the village, gave far more specific orders, commanding his men to kill helpless civilians who were neither running nor hiding, let alone carrying rifles, and repeating the command again and again when they hesitated to obey.* Just and Unjust Wars
The defense of superior orders breaks down into two more spe- cific arguments: the claim of ignorance and the claim of duress. Just and Unjust Wars
Army discipline in the actual context of war is often a great deal more haphazard than the firing squad example suggests. Just and Unjust Wars
It has to be said, however, that officers are far more capable than enlisted men of weighing the dangers they face. Just and Unjust Wars
The decision of an ordinary soldier, who may well be subject to summary justice and who knows little of the temper of his more distant superiors, is much harder. Just and Unjust Wars
In more am- biguous cases, the duress of superior orders, though it is not “im- minent, real, and inevitable” and cannot count as a defense, is commonly regarded as an extenuating factor. Just and Unjust Wars
It must be taken into account especially in the case of common soldiers, for officers are more free in their associations and more involved in discussions about policy and strategy. Just and Unjust Wars
But it means more than that. Just and Unjust Wars
The campaign be- longs to the commander as it does not belong to the ordinary com- batants; he has access to all available information and also to the means of generating more information; he has (or ought to have) an overview of the sum of actions and effects that he is ordering and hoping for. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps the planes, flying low, could have aimed at specific enemy targets, or artillery have been used instead (since shells could then be aimed more precisely than bombs), or paratroops dropped or patrols sent forward to seize important positions in advance of the main attack. Just and Unjust Wars
The second argument against strict liability in criminal cases is a more familiar one. Just and Unjust Wars
We can say more than this, I think, if we turn back briefly to the My Lai case. Just and Unjust Wars
I would rather say something else: that decent men and women, hard-pressed in war, must sometimes do terrible things, and then they themselves have to look for some way to reaffirm the values they have overthrown. Just and Unjust Wars
For it is very rare, as Machiavelli wrote in his Discourses, “that a good man should be found willing to em- ploy wicked means,” even when such means are morally required.~ Just and Unjust Wars
If the invader accepts this role, and if he responds to the resistance he encounters with curfews, fines, jail sentences, and nothing more, the prospect is opened up of a long-term struggle, not without its difficulties and painfulness for civilians, but far less destructive than 330 Afterword: Nonviolence and the Theory of Wai Afterword: even a short war, and winnable (we are assuming) by those same civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
But there are other, probably more efficient, ways of terrorizing a people Nonviolence and the Theory of War 331 whose country one controls, and of breaking their resistance. Just and Unjust Wars
But here the onus is to be made especially clear (especially unbearable) by the dramatic absence of any armed struggle in which civilians might be collusive. Just and Unjust Wars
As in the do- mestic struggle against tyranny (so long as the struggle doesn’t degenerate into massacre), we judge them by their capacity for self-help, that is, by their collective determination to defend their liberty. Just and Unjust Wars
When one cannot count on the moral code, nonviolence is either a disguised form of surrender or a minimalist way of uphold- ing communal values after a military defeat. Just and Unjust Wars
It expresses the com- munal will to survive; and though the expression is brief, as in Czechoslovakia in 1968, it is likely to be long remembered.7 Just and Unjust Wars
For a recent scholarly reappraisal somewhat more sympathetic to Chamberlain, see Keith Robbins, Munich: 1938 (London, 1968). Just and Unjust Wars
ed, New York, 1974), p. 339: Lid- deli Hart himself holds a different, and a much more sophisticated, position. Just and Unjust Wars
For works more immediately relevant to my purposes in this chapter, see George Kennan, American Diplomacy: 1900—1950 (Chicago, 1951); John W. Spanier, The Truman-MacArthur Controversy and the Korean ~Var (Cambridge, Mass., Just and Unjust Wars
The New War on Terror A THOUSAND WORDS THE COMMANDERS THE BATTLE GROUND THETERRORISTS 'World View': The Arab Allies Who Created Out Foes 18 Stress: After the Trauma by Geoffrey Cowley Outlook Business as Usual No More by Daniel McGinn ‘Capital Gains’: Fallout on Wall Street by Jane Bryant Quinn ... 24 Surveillance: What Pnce Security? by Sharon Begley Peace Movement:VoicesofDissentAmid Calls for War 60 33 34 Town Portrait: Local Heroes of Sept. 11 by Jerry Adler This Week Online My Turn Letters 38 PSYCHOLOGY ECONOMY DEPARTMENTS 12 4 6 9 by George F. Will Perspectives ‘The Last Word’ 50 54 .57 Newsweek October 1, 2001
It’s not the firstwar ofthe 21st century. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In New York Peg Tyre, author of”Two Seconds Under the World,” about the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, worked her sources. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Media news, indefatigably Bonus No more Condit. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Novelists suddenlyhadto re- assess their labors: “I was 30 pages from the end ofmy second Falwell J. Cooksey P Gramm Intel. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But public-health experts say this is no ordinary trip to the dump. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Swiss “Ter- ror USA” taskforce has blocked one account that maybe con- nected to the financing ofthe at- tacks on the United States, and in London, several more ac- counts have been frozen. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Once outside, I passed storefronts covered with even more photos. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Weeks ago all I could think ofwas how to write a good rap. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Those peo- plc were allowed just a few more precious hours ofpurity ofheart, ofpeace and of es- cape from the horrible tragedies that lay before them. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Wouldn’t it be a more accurate reflection of the new reality to call these murderers “homicide bombers”? I PLAN TO KEEPYOURSEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Nowhere does our reli- can envision only more wanton destruction gion say that it’s OK to kill innocent civil- ofinnocent human lives as the consequence ians. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Violence will only beget more vio- lence. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I CAN THINK OF NOTHING MORE UN- American thanJerry Falwell’s spouting his venomous “religious” rhetoric on how the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon are God’s revenge for sin. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I hope the president has the wisdom to adjust and the gravitas to hun- ker down and set the course. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In “Ground Zero,” we reported that two Port Authority police officers fell more than 80 floors and survived in the World Trade Center collapse. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Jeff Immelt, new head of General Electric, which hasdonated more than $12 million to thefamilies of rescue workers, along with generators and CTscannersfor the rescue operation “Getting Osama bin Laden is the beginning, not the end, of this process.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
John Cooksey, in a statewide radio address. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Cooksey later apologized, addingthat he meant to refer to Osama bin Laden and notArab-Americans in general. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In calls to more than 80 nations, Powell has helped to extract dozens ofpledges that might be more diffi- cult to get months from now, when the worldwide sympathy for America may have waned. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Despite quiet worries about U.S. unilateralism and some demands for deals—Arab states, for in- stance, want to see more U.S. pressure on Israel—support for American retaliation against Afghanistan has remained deep. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Oh, my God’ Powell exclaimed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
With OWEN Mathews in Tajikistan, D0NATELLA . Newsweek October 1, 2001
It could bejust about anyAfghan holy warrior. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“You have done wasn’t that long ago that its militiamen I very much for us, you Saudis, and now you were regarded by many Afghans as saviors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Other analysts believe the re- lationship is more symbiotic— “a happy spiritual union’ in the words of a former CIA opera- tive. Newsweek October 1, 2001
got l4 years in prison instead. Newsweek October 1, 2001
exports two products around theglobe—oil Egypt’s problem is more familiar. Newsweek October 1, 2001
MH-6J Little Birds fly virtually silently. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He thorities dutiftillynotifiedthe French (hewas a wanted to concentrate onlyon the midairturns, not passport holder), who responded 10 days later that thetakeoffs andlandings. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ten days may seemlike a was sittingin the Sherburne CountyJailwhen some leisurelypace for investigators racing against time al-Shehhi had no trouble dodging U.S. actly fits theprofile ofthe suicide hijackers, but he mayor maynothavebeen partoftheplot. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Be ready for derers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
purpose of indiscriminately killing Americans—men women and children. Newsweek October 1, 2001
America—and bin Laden’s men were still able to re- grouptolaunch far more devastatingattacks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
A reason- able request, but perhaps a little late in the game. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Or it can be relived—as it truly was—as a race to the Gates of Hell. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The (first) World Trade Center bomb- ing, which killed six people and injured more than 1,000, might have been a powerful warning, especially when investigators dis- covered that the plotters had meant to topple the towers and packed the truck bomb with cyanide (in an effort to create a crude chemi- cal weapon). Newsweek October 1, 2001
At the time, Clinton’s national- security adviser was too preoccupied with U.S. involvement in tappingtheirphones. Newsweek October 1, 2001
the spooks tapped five telephone numbers used by bin Laden’s men “Bosnia was easier than changing the bureaucracy,” Lake told living in Kenya in 1996 and ‘97. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ali Mohamed went toAfghanistan to suspect in Canada. Newsweek October 1, 2001
What he did not tell the spooks was that he was helping plan to bomb the U.S. embassies in Africa. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The CIA’s skills in the dark arts ofmnning agents have atrophied over the years. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Actually, case officers in the field can still hire sleazy or dangerous characters by asking permission from their bosses in Langley. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Some U.S. investigators believe that bin Laden was using Canada as a safe base for assaults on the United States. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Atta won a yoke the United States against Islam. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Some very brave passen- gers stormed the cockpit in a last-ditch effort to seize control of the plane. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“They were go- ing to a place where they wouldn’t need money:’ The hijackers ap- parently didn’t need all that much to begin with: law enforcement estimates that the entire plot, flight lessons and all, cost as little as $200,000. Newsweek October 1, 2001
play the televised images in their minds. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He was contemplating divorce when Rousseau met him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Most of those now pulling body parts from the Trade Center will quickly rebound— while some who watched the collapse from Greenwich VIl- lage rooftops will suffer for years. Newsweek October 1, 2001
PTSD around 5 percent among people who sur- see:’ People As a man tried to find his way through the falling North Tower of the Trade Center, a photographer helped light the way with his flash or depres- PTSD was rates hover the disaster, vive natural disasters but rise to 50 percent among rape vic- tims and Holocaust survivors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
U.S. intelligence believes that Western intelligence services: Moharned American Right 11 Atm met in Europe this year with a midlevel Iraqi in- Atta. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The report immediately raised the cause of his role as the apparent senior question of Saddam Hussein’s possible role in the man among the suicide hijackers, and because his Sept. 11 atrocity, but intelligence officials cautioned against read- T HE AVAILABLE EVI- Ofthe tens ofthousands who survived the Sept. 11 attacks, a third may experience post-traumatic stress disorder. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Most, but notall. Newsweek October 1, 2001
PTSD is hard to predict, for people vary widely in resilien- cy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
1 4. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Robert Griggs of St. Charles, Mo., Newsweek October 1, 2001
The S&P index of 500 leading cut interest rates and made more than $80 billion available to the stocks fell 12 percent, for a bear-market slide (so far) of37 percent. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Talk of more tax cuts is intheair. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Butlast Monday, when the more, says economist Edward Wolff of NewYork University.) Newsweek October 1, 2001
After in record amounts, says Charles Biderman ofTrimThbs.com, Newsweek October 1, 2001
And that could be chicken feed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thousands ofpeople put goingto memorial services and staring at the skywhere friends’ of- in small “patriotic” buy orders when stocks first reopened for trad- fices used to be. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Their moneybags were congregate? “This is an opportunity for all companies to rethink expected to put prices up. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It remains to be seen whether more traditional peace groups will find new strength. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Are we about to witness the resurgence offlower power? “It’s not going to be ‘60s peace and love:’ says Lynch. Newsweek October 1, 2001
If effective. Newsweek October 1, 2001
A 1998 system that scours manifests looking for who have been citizens since birth, are law already allowed “roving wiretaps:’ in passengers’ embarkation points and their grilled far more intensely than Israeli which authorities receive a warrant to tap full itineraries. Newsweek October 1, 2001
And then, far- ther still, where on a clear day the Twin Towers were thumb-size bumps on the horizon, a circle shaded by griefin the suburban , towns of New Jersey, Westchester and nancial necessity and a lifestyle choice; a Long Island, on the streets where the flags firefighter has enough excitement at work are the thickest, in the houses with pictures that he doesn’t need to live in the midst of of the missing taped to the windows. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The coming infusion ofpublic money into the air- America, whose birth was midwived by a war and whose his- transportation system will not be the only way in which a Republi- tory has been punctuated by many more, is the bearer of great can administration is going to preside over a further blurring of responsibilities and the focus ofmyriad resentments. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thishashadacnp- . every day captures more data than is con- ____________________ For Amenca, mere are oniy two iunas or tained in the Library of Congress. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Shock, griefanda desire to do something How You Can Help Within days oflastweek’s attacks, we received more than 1,000 e-mails, many asking how to help. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Find your local chapter or more informa- tion at redcross.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
9658 BaltimoreAvenue, Suite35O, College Park, Md. Newsweek September 24, 2001
receptionistHanah Nehmeh WE ARE ALL AMERICANS. Newsweek September 24, 2001
One of more than 50 children ofYemeni billionaire parents who got rich offconstruction contracts in Saudi Arabia, Osama, for a time, made money on those most Western of beverages, Coke and Pepsi. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Accord- ing to law-enforcement authorities, he may have begun casing Logan Airport in Boston more than six months ago. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He wrote a $10,000 check to take ffight lessons at one The threat isn’t going away: 82% say more attacks on cities, buildings or landmarks are at least somewhat likely—soon of Florida’s many flight schools. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Con- sider some statistics: more people were killed by the suicide hijackers last week than the number of American soldiers killed in the entire American Revolution. Newsweek September 24, 2001
War had become more and more remote and sterile to Americans who experienced combat as a phenomenon that occurred on TV, either in movies or occasionally by watching cruise missiles light up Baghdad on the evening news. Newsweek September 24, 2001
BY MICHAEL HIRSH ANDJOHN BARRY Strike Back sides. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Pro: a swift strike by U.S. Army Special Forces probably offers the best chance of capturing bin Laden—and, probably more important, seizing computer disks that would lay bare the operations of his networks and their financing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Going forward, 69% believe more intelligence agents infiltrating terrorist groups would be bin Laden’s funds have also ledto countries very effective in preventing future attacks cially in the case of a tangle of bank U . Newsweek September 24, 2001
And any more ambi- tious operation involving ground troops would be high risk with little return. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Americans will be willing to see more U.S. soldiers die in an attack. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The administration is seeking to tar- get other “state sponsors,” including Pakistan, Yemen, Sudan and, more tan- gentially, Iraq and Iran. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And the more nations it adds to its list of culprits, the thinner its support- ing coalition could get. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Contain the damage from jihad and its expansion, don’t allow it to take over more territory, but rather keep it where it is and hold it at bay. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“To fight and break international terror in a lasting way, you must do more than act militarily.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some recruits would best serve the cause by forging docu- ments or moving money. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Yet his true genius is for building and buffing his own legend and rallying others to the cause. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Farmers build hives Born to wealth, bin Laden studied business administration—then The Mesmerizer turned to terror. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His eyes twinkie. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His immense charis- ma, in fact, derives not simply from his ca- pacity for violence, but forthegentle manner in which he comports himself. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Top Tenants There were 283 busl— nesses, 9 chapels, 2 restaurants, more than 300 computer mainframes, 15 trading floors, and cafés serving more than 30,000 coffees a day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Theyallgotmorethantheybargainedfor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the NEWSWEEK Poll, voters saytheyare willing to give up privacy in air travel, but they are more skeptical of other measures, such as surveillance of e-mail and phone conversations. Newsweek September 24, 2001
RUDY GIuLIANT On the front lines, grieving more than the public knew, the mayor guides his city through hell mayor’s neo-Churchillian reputation was already secure. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The mayor ofNew York was famished and exhausted From there Giuliani, needing phone lines, commandeered a and grieving more than the public knew. Newsweek September 24, 2001
to 83.6, Newsweek September 24, 2001
Standard & Poor’s—slightly more pessimistic—ex- pects a modest recession (declining eco- nomic output) for the rest ofthis year and then recovery in 2002. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Because the Nasdaq is totally computerized—traders from all over the world dealwith each other by computer—there is no central trading floor to be im- mobilized. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The located in Manhattan. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In a 2000 report, Con- gress’s General Accounting Office conclud- ed that “the threat of terrorism against the United States is an ever-present danger?’ wandering freely around parked and open Technology can also help. Newsweek September 24, 2001
, . Newsweek September 24, 2001
Rebuild the air-defense network to scramble jet interceptors when suspicious planes are detected. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As across New York Harbor from the attack, she walked home on Thursday, one sopho- 10th graders watched in horror from their more girl, who did not want to be identified, classroom as the Twin Towers imploded. Newsweek September 24, 2001
By quantity, content and tone. Newsweek September 24, 2001
tion. Newsweek September 24, 2001
To continue with that program- ming while other networks broke news of more possible terrorists at the New York airports was questionable. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Perhaps the terrorists cloaked their planning with cryptography, once an exotic technology, nowa commonplace computerutility. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They can also be usetul tools for those who would destroy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It’s simplythe downside of tech. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It was a nightmarish fulfillment of science-fiction writer William Gibson’s proclamation that the street finds its own F EDGED SWORD er, amusicdistributor, aphoto refinisher... Newsweek September 24, 2001
In such a utopia, Islamic principles would govern every aspect of personal and social behavior. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The household of Allah is in disarray and the result is more than mere anarchy loosed upon the world. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I still hear the sound of the bullets,” says Awadh,whoseassailantisstill atlarge. Newsweek September 24, 2001
that the world needed us more than we needed them. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No more. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Tne great political ngnts were over. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“The first five or seven were dropping right out of the building, almost as if they were trying to hold onto it,” he recalls. Newsweek September 24, 2001
That dai- ly miracle of controlled chaos—the rush of commuters into downtown Manhattan— went furiously into reverse, as hundreds of thousands fled uptown on foot in search of an operating subway line. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Steve Tamas, a Verizon technician working in a nearby building, counted 14 jumpers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Then, postponing their hon- eymoon in Vancouver— where they couldn’t fly any- — Scores of police officers, more than 300 firefighters and a 68-year-old chaplain were lost in the wreckage and debris ploding in the sporadic rubble fires. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“In case you watch tons of twisted metal? Amazingly, he the news. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ifyou gotlostway downtown, where the streets jig and jog off the grid, you could always look up and findthe Twin Towers to orientyourself. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No loss hurt more than the death ofFa- ries ofthe departed: “Open your hearts, and let ther MychaiJudge, 68, a department chaplain hit their spirit and life keep you going.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
NewJersey, versity ofCalifornia, Santa and all the bridges and tunnels Barbara. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He has taught comparative sociology and Middle East- ern social history at the University of Teheran, the University of Pennsylvania, and Princeton University. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His most recent book, The Fateful Pebble: Afghanistan’s Role in the Fall of the Soviet Empire, was published by Presidio Press in 1993. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The care of this enormous refugee population of more than four million and the channeling of U.S. military aid to the Afghan mujahidin through Pakistan pulled that country further into the Afghan conifict. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In some respects, the aforementioned developments, particularly in Afghanistan and Iran, have been guided by an even more fundamental idea than Islam: the notion that a whole society—its economic, politi- cal, and cultural institutions, the moral character of its people, and its sense of national identity and purpose—can be transformed swiftly by massive state intervention. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in economic terms, the state was weak: its share of the gross domestic product was quite small (8 percent in 1979, excluding gas and oil revenues)—a classic rentier capi- talist state whose expansion was dependent on the price of oil rather than on a domestic tax base. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Using data on the social composi- tion of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis-e Shura-ye Islami), he reports that the ulama were initially dominant but that within a few years the proportion of state managers and professionals increased sharply. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Within the revo- lulionary elite itself, differences soon arose about what constituted “revolutionary Islam,” particularly about the role of the state in the economy and in reshaping the moral and cultural character of the soci- ety Cross-cutting these two divisions were questions of relations with the West and of exporting the Islamic revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With the death of Khomeini in June 1989, the revolution entered its fourth phase, one in which Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as the chosen suc- cessor to Khomeini in his role of the supreme jurist (faqih), and Ali- Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, as president, pursued a more moderate course, both domestically and internationally. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Unlike the situation under the shah, ideological and personal factions within the elite are not only more intense, they also reach more deeply into the society, thus increasing the likelihood of future conflicts within the soci- ety at large. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both the Communists and the Islamic revolutionaries rejected the traditional leaders and dreamed of mobilizing popular support for a new ex- panded state, an outcome rendered more difficult not only by the ca- pacity of traditional elites to resist state power but by the many divisions and rivalries within the emerging educated classes in terms of ideology and ethnicity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In contrast, the Bengalis in East Pakistan (who formed a numerical majority of the country) and the smaller linguistic communi- ties (Sindhis, Baluchis, and Pashtuns) favored a more decentralized federal Pakistan in which the provinces would have considerable au- tonomy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some sections of the political elite, especially portions of the inteffigen- tsia, dreamed of a more egalitarian society in which the state would play an active role in breaking up the large landed estates (especially in the Sind and in portions of the Punjab) and limit the wealth of the business community; the landlord and industrialist elites, the bureau- cracy, and the military, on the other hand, sought to protect property rights. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The results were victories of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) led by Zulfikar All Bhutto in the West and of the Awami League led by Mujibur Rahman in the East. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Civil war, Indian military intervention, the breakup of Pakistan (the only postcolonial state to have disintegrated), the return of the military to the barracks, and the assumption of office by the PPP under Bhutto soon followed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Little had been done by Prime Minister Bhutto to strengthen the PPP, for she was more concerned with personal loyalty than with imper- sonal institution building. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nawaz Sharif, the chief minister of Punjab, proved to be far more effective than Bhutto in creating an electoral coalition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But such a characterization of the INTRODUCTION 11 12 MYRON WEINER AND ALl BANUAZIZI Pakistan political system belies the critical importance of the civil bu- reaucracy in the country’s governance under both military and party regimes and understates the dynamic interplay of regionalism, ethnicity, class, family, and political institutions in the changing compo- sition of Pakistan’s governing elite. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The bureaucracy, once Muhajir- and Punjabi-dominated, has become more ethnically diverse. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Its pluralism is based on diverse linguistic communities, a feudal land structure, and segmented tribes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And this, as David Gilmartin (1981, 1) has pointed out, has been in spite of the fact that “the movement for the creation of Pakistan was the first and perhaps the most successful of those twenti- eth-century Islamic movements that sought to bring about an Islamic transformation of the postcolonial state.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aside from any differences in their content, the success or failure of particular state ideologies in each of these societies has been closely linked with the question of regime legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the wake of the April 1978 coup, little or nothing was known about the tiny PDPA outside the secular intellec- tual circles and the politically active urban middle classes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the cities, the reform included a concerted literacy and educational campaign, various measures to im- prove workers’ wages and benefits, and expansion of educational and work opportunities for women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These differences occurred not only between the revolu- tionary elite and its political opponents on the Left, who for the most part pushed for more radical policies, but also within the elite itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Most of the confiscated proper- INTRODUCTION 19 20 MYRON WEINER AND ALl BANUAZIZI ties were put under the control of the Foundation for the Oppressed (Bonyad-e Mostazafan), which had been established in 1979 to admin- ister the expropriated property of members of the former royal family and of all persons who had acquired their wealth through their rela- tions with that family, but this was later expanded. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, as Shahid Javed Burki points out, some of these measures widened the rural-urban economic gap and increased disparities between the more prosperous provinces (Punjab and Sind) and the poor provinces (Baluchistan and the North-West Frontier). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although each of these distribution crises has had political repercus- sions, in most instances the government did little to correct the imbal- ances, many of which were the results of its own policies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Iran, the major eco- nomic factor was the precipitous decline in oil income, at first (1980—81) because of disruptions caused by the revolution and the war with Iraq, and later (in the mid-1980s) because of the glut in the world oil market. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As Nowshirvani and Clawson point out, within the manufacturing sec- tor, “by 1984, about one thousand publicly owned and managed indus- trial units (excluding those in the oil sector) employed 430,000 of the 530,000 workers in establishments with ten or more employees and produced 73.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With the revival and politicization of Islam in the late 1960s and early 1970s, opposition to women’s emancipation—particularly with respect to such symbolic issues as dress, lifestyle, and public be- havior—has come not only from religious leaders and the more tradi- tional segments of these societies but also from many young, educated, and urban-based Islamic activists. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Initially impervious to this resistance, the Khalqi leaders of the PDPA continued their campaign with relentless vigor and brutality for more than a year, until they were overthrown in De- cember of 1979 by the more pragmatic Parchami wing of their party, which was put in power by the Soviet army. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
million women and 51.9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The second factor is the active resistance by women themselves, which is expressed more in symbolic than in insti- tutionalized forms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whether it be the women’s issue, notions of social justice, a conception of what constitutes the country’s cultural heritage, or what the relation ought to be between central and local authorities, there is more agreement within the Iranian elite than among the elites of Pakistan or Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The center, controlled for much of Pakistan’s history by the military and always with the support of the bureaucracy, has maintained control over the territory, but all too often it has resorted to massive force to keep control—unsuccessfully in the case of East Pakistan, more effectively in the case of Baluchistan, and now problematically in much of urban Sind and in portions of the Frontier. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These arms are now readily available throughout Pakistan (which is why the Sindhi-Muhajir conflict has become so violent), and it will be difficult for authorities in Iran and the former Soviet Central Asian republics to keep them out should an underground market develop. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More- over, elites and counterelites have often turned to outsiders for support, or turned against outsiders as a means of mobilizing popular support against their opponents. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The issues that have violently torn these three countries are ones that touch the recesses of deeply held personal beliefs: Who has the right to govern? Which identities and loyalties most matter? What is the cultural heritage, how can it be sustained, and does it provide a framework for the future? And, above all, what should be the role of the state in shaping that future? The debates, more than ever before, spill across the borders not only east and west, but now to the north as well. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The steeper the terrain, the more difficult is the imposition of central au- thority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Loyalties tend to be local, restricted to the family and the vil- lage, and the voice of higher government is rarely heard and even more rarely heeded. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Marxist-Leninist Afghan leaders indeed considered themselves an elite, but that perception was not shared by the vast majority of those over whom they wished to exercise power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another peculiarity of Afghanistan is its ethnic makeup. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
True, the Afghan Tajiks (30 percent) outnumbered Soviet Tajiks, but only the Hazaras (about 7.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is indicative of Afghan values that the PDPA came into being more than forty years after the next youngest Communist party in a state bordering the USSR, that of Norway (1923). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More omi- nously, the Khalqis were focusing their attention on the Afghan mili- tary (Arnold 1983, 47). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It soon collapsed in bitter mutual recriminations, but in July 1977 a second effort to merge the two parties, also arranged by the CPSU, was more successful. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although this traditional practice lent a more commercial than romantic aura to matrimony, it served a valuable social function: a stipulated part of the money always went directly to the bride and constituted an untouchable reserve on which she could draw in case the marriage ended in divorce. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state and especially the party would be under firm Parchami control, in the person of Babrak Karmal and his closest associates, all of them blooded veterans of the Parcham-Khalq feud. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ten Parchami~ who had been expelled under Taraki and Amin reclaimed their seats, and seventeen more were appointed, most of them previous un- knowns. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After 1980, the overriding element was foreign in- volvement. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Opposition took many forms, including a general strike by shop- keepers in Kabul in February 1980, street marches by schoolgirls in the following months, wholesale desertions from the armed forces, a mass exodus of civilian refugees to Pakistan and Iran, and an ever more active and better-equipped underground armed resistance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of the delegates). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This would tie in with Babrak’s comment in 1983 that more than 50 percent of the party were “military personnel” (a frequent euphemism for all security forces combined), and with later reported figures that showed an increasing proportion of party members with security functions, from 60 percent in 1984 to 65 percent in 1985 and 1986. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These figures were probably offset by the record of the secret police, where the need for mutual protection probably drove membership up to nearly 100 percent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- What is astonishing is the low representation of teachers in 1982.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
compared with their (previous) dominance (Arnold 1983, 124— 25).’° The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
the ongoing war with the resistance) should be resolved by peaceful means; (2) the government—and especially the Revolutionary Council—should be- come more representative of “various strata and groups,” and “author- ity will not be monopolized by the PDPA”; (3) the private sector should be encouraged to increase agricultural production, and state farms should be established only on virgin lands; (4) “national traders” and industrial capitalists, essential for economic development, should be encouraged; (5) independent intellectual organizations would be per- missible; (6) tribal self-rule for the Pashtuns and Baluch in border areas would be affirmed; (7) the NFF should be expanded, but other organi- zations (provided they were cooperative and not opposed to the re- gime) would also be permissible; (8) Islam should be respected; (9) the Retreat and Compromise, 1985—1988 THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 53 54 ANTHONY ARNOLD various armed forces should be consolidated, and after “foreign inter- vention” had ceased, Soviet forces would leave; (10) the DRA’s foreign policy should be one of “active nonalignment” and friendship with neighboring countries (Radio Kabul, 9 Nov. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 12 Nov. 1985]).12 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was the harbinger of the policy of “national reconciliation” that was to be launched late in 1986, after Babrak himself had been ousted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Seen from Moscow, however, the choice had its own peculiar logic: unlike Babrak, Najibullah had unimpeachable Pashtun bloodlines, an important advantage if he were to survive on his own; his secret police was the most efficient DRA organization, and it almost surely had the highest percentage of party members; the influence of the KGB (whose man Najibullah was) was at an all-time high in the CPSU Politburo; Yuri Andropov, Najibullah’s model, had been the most effective Soviet leader between Stalin and Gorbachev, and it may have been assumed that Najibullah had similar qualities; and reports on Najibuliah that passed through KGB channels had undoubtedly been more flattering than warranted, just because he was their man. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Among the most serious of these was the failure of the PDPA to take root in the countryside. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Neverthe- less, none of the problems faced by Babrak was solved by his successor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
— — — — 1982 >80.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In December 1981 Babrak had complained about the failure of party leaders to get out among the people, yet he himself became a prime offender in this regard; a November 1985 visit to Kunduz was his first reported domestic foray out of the capital in two years. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Especially during its early days, it suffered from hyperinflated claims for its membership numbers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
— 94 50.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
90 1983 >90.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Soviets contin- ued and intensified their own efforts to influence Afghan children and students. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was claimed that there were 250 new Afghan students in Soviet mas- ters and doctorate programs each year and that 1,000 students would graduate from various institutions in 1988 (Bakhtar, 27 Jan. 1988 [FBIS- NES, 28 Jan. 1988]; Kabul New Times, 13 Feb. 1988; Radio Moscow, 3 Mar. 1988 [FBIS-SOV, 4 Mar. 1988]).14 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When the initial campaign of visits began to lose momentum, a somewhat unrealistic rule was adopted in 1987 that required Politburo members to spend twenty out of every thirty working days in the provinces (Staar 1988, 395). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
to widespread rumors at the time that a large-scale political revolt had occurred and that between 17 and 50 other Central Commit- tee members had been arrested (Staar 1989,459). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This time there was no hiding the revolt, as Afghan air force planes bombed the presidential palace in an effort to kill Najibullah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For the Afghan Communist elite, the withdrawal signaled a new sharpening of the Parcham-Khalq split, for without the presence of Soviet occupation forces, Moscow’s authority for dampening intra- PDPA squabbles no longer carried the same weight. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moscow’s empire, both the organizational structure and ideological ce- ment that might have held the elite together and sustained Sovietiza- tion crumbled away. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also note 19. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This trend was undoubtedly established under the Khalqis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In blocking the Central Committee’s rulings on selecting delegates, certain persons “even went so far as to es- pouse instituting rotten bourgeois ‘democracy’ in the revolutionary party” (Babrak Karmal, “0 proekte programmy deystviy NDPA i zadachakh p0 ukrepleniyu partii i usileniyu ee svayazey s narodom” [On the PDPA’s projected program of action and the tasks of consolidating the party and strengthening its ties with the people], Kommunist 5 (May 1982: 106). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the national assembly is not the same as a party conference, it has THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 71 The New Political Elite of Afghanistan Afghanistan is a segmented society, with different levels of identifica- tion between an individual and segmental groups, from extended family to ethnic identity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
War was part-time (after the crops), and even during the fighting, families could go on with everyday life because women, chil- dren, and vifiages were spared. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamist movement, whose origins may be traced back to the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s, was not active before the second half of the 1960s on Kabul campuses; it recruited mostly among young intellectuals who considered Islam more a politi- cal ideology than a religion.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They advocate a revolution (enqelab) to bring about an Islamic state (dawlat); such a revolution is undertaken by a vanguard party (hizb) and not by the corporation of Apart from this shared socioeconomic background (which is very The Islamist ideology uses an intellectual framework close to West- THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 75 The Islamists 76 OLIVIER ROY the ulama; that means that a real Islamic society is not the result of the ethical reformation of individual ways of life through ulama religious predications but is achieved through political means; it is a historical process. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Hekmatyar won the majority of the Pashto-speaking pockets in the Northeast (in Baghian, Takhar, Kunduz), where tribalism has disap- peared as the basis for the social order but not from the memory of the former tribesmen, who still retain the name of their tribe. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Local notables now feel more at ease with a regime that needs them according to the traditional patterns of power sharing between a weal~ central state and strong local powers, which could hope to become stron- ger by making a deal with the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ulama were edged out of the political scene at the time of the king, but they are now playing a more significant role, especially in areas where the young Islamist intellectuals have not made inroads (tribal areas, but also some northern provinces). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only perennial claim of the ulama is the implementation of Shari cah, whether by an emir or a king or a tribal leader. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The trends I identify here do not, of course, mechanically determine political affiliations, any more than political science in the West can predict people’s choices in elections. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In fact, the ideological split reveals the sociological changes in modern Afghanistan: the decrease of tribalism and the emergence of a new generation of young intellectuals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
3. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This explains why the Harakat-e Enqelab, whose influence is based on these networks, was spread throughout Afghanistan, whatever the ethnic and tribal affiliations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Nangarhar province, the Khugiani Islamists joined Khales because he is a Khugiani himself, whereas most of the Shinwari Islamists joined Hekmatyar. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Previous political affffiations of the local commanders. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ulama use the model of jihad, with two priorities, war and Shari~ah; building a would-be state is not a priority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The typical entity established by warring mullahs is a markaz (center), built along the same lines as the traditional ribat (Chamay 1986, 232, 250): a military base, far from bazaars and villages, where mujahidin are permanently established in a protected stronghold and from which they launch at- tacks against the regime outposts or place ambushes on the main roads. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A local aiim is seldom contested by another local aiim, because teaching in a madrasa and be- longing to a brotherhood has established between them an acknowl- edged hierarchy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is different from the permanent dynamic of competition that pitches one khan against another. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Like the whole muslim tradition of jihad, victory is seen more as God’s gift for pious Muslims than as the achievement of a politically minded organization and strategy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To be the leader of a qawm, one has to give, not to take (which is why Afghan society is not feudal). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
would-be state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The aiim establishes a Shari~ah court but does not interfere in the daily life of the surrounding vifiages except for meting out justice. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
So the warring aiim is less interested in extending a terri- torial organization than in attracting followers who could enhance his reputation as a pious man. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the South, loose political affiliations have allowed tribal areas to find some original patterns of coordination through traditional institutions and customs; traditional structures either remain untouched or, more often, tend to adapt to new patterns of warfare, like the markaz headed by a traditional cleric and afffliated with a Sufi brotherhood, mentioned above. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was only when the Panjshiris numbered less than 50 percent in these units (in 1986) that Masud was able to cross the Hindu Kush on the north and establish his organization in more than five provinces. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He created the Supervisory Council of the North to embody the new political framework, and he used the ulama to legitimate this new system through a discourse on Islam, Shari~ah and umma being more acceptable to peasants and notables than the “Islamic ideology” of the “campus years.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He invited non-Panjshiri commanders and mujahidin who were feeling constrained by the local qawm affilia- tions system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Interestingly enough, the more deeply rooted commanders, in political terms, are used to relying less on Peshawar to get weapons than are more ephemeral local lead- ers: Masud and Ismail Khan for years used to get a lesser share of weapons than Hekmatyar’s people; but instead of weakening them, this lack of assistance strengthened them politically, in the sense that they were obliged to acquire their autonomy by finding direct access to the enemy ordinances through successful assaults and by establishing their own tax system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since Abdur Rahman’s rule (1880—1901) no state in Afghanistan has relied on internal resources, that is, the extraction of wealth from the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, a would-be state is emerging from below, based mostly on domestic resources and not on the distribution of subsidies by Peshawar. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nothing will be as it was before, and the new elite will more and more be made from the edu- cated youth; the danger is the same as that which could have de- stroyed the Communist party: internal infighting may take the shape of tribal and ethnic feuds, despite the ideological formulation of these feuds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamist commanders, being generally more efficient than the traditionalist ones and hence more likely to play a role in the future, are slightly more numerous in the sample than in the field. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a consequence, more Pashtun commanders are listed here than appear to be warranted by the percentage of the Pashtun ethnic group (each commander controlling fewer people than his coun- terpart in the Persian-speaking area). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To compensate for that, I should have added local Tajik commanders under direct authority of Masud and Ismail Khan, but it would have overemphasized the Jami~at influ- ence, so I decided to avoid adding more Jamicat local commanders. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Pashtuns tend to be more fragmented, because of tribal influ- Small parties, like Modjaddedi’s National Liberation Front, are Gaylani’s party (NIFA) and Harakat-e Enqelab are underesti- Observations on the Survey F many local petty commanders that it is difficult to collect biographical data; the second, because there has been a great deal of change in political affiliations since 1983 among its followers, making it difficult to update data. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
JamiCat, though having the same back- ground as the HIH (64 percent are secularly trained intellectuals), has more connections with traditional clerics (22 percent of JIA, 5 percent of HIH). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even though the phenom- enon of pure charisma can appear anywhere, it is most evident in the religious realm and thrives with particular abundance in the fertile soil of the Shic ite culture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third, Khomeini introduced the new theocratic insti- tution of the divine commission of the jursiconsult to asst]me political authority and sovereignty as the vicegerent of the Hidden Jmam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even though his position as one of the Imams, or a sort of imam with infallibffity and supernatural qualities, was, evasively, neither confirmed nor entirely ruled out by his disciples during his lifetime, it was declared immediately after his death that he resembled the prophets and infaffibles sufficiently that one could believe he was the “fifteenth infaffible,” following the Prophet Mohammad, his daughter Fatimah, and the twelve Imams. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Personal charisma, in its genu- ine and pure manifestation, is characterized by a number of properties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The charismatic leader is not bound by administrative organs, rules of conduct, or legal wisdom oriented toward judicial precedent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The anticlerical na- ture of the ideas of liberalism and national sovereignty, with their hu- manistic undertones, weakened the overall status of the religious hierarchy in society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the same period, breaking its isolationist orientation, the Qom religious center gradually adopted a more receptive attitude toward modem political, economic, and intel- lectual issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First was a relative consolidation and centralization of the position of the source of emulation (marja ‘iyyat) at Qom, made possible by the expansion of modern means of transportation and communica- tion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime labeled the move the “third revolution.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Merchants and the more prosperous shop- keepers were increasingly threatened by puritanical, if not opportunis- tic, elements from the lower petite bourgeoisie. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The new middle class has been denied any autonomous orga- nization: the revolutionary strike committees and staff councils estab- lished in public agencies in the course of the revolution were forcibly CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 117 118 AHMAD ASHRAF dissolved and their leaders purged by the regime, and they were subse- quently replaced by Islamic associations, a move supported by only a slight minority of government employees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Tens of thousands of professionals, white-collar workers, students, and teachers, of both liberal and radical persuasions, supporters of the revolution, were purged, imprisoned, executed, or fled to exile in West- ern countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the same time, he seized the opportunity to make a number of other much more impor- tant appointments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He commanded the first executions of the old regime’s elites, which were carried out on the roof of his own residence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These trends may lead to a trans- formation from the traditional and charismatic revolutionary orienta- tion of the earlier period to a more bureaucratic, mundane, and pragmatic attitude in the future. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An examination of cabinet members’ educational and political backgrounds shows that most of them have combined technocratic skills with proven dedication to the cause of the regime: nearly 50 percent of ministers served in revolutionary tribunals, committees, the Revolutionary Guards, and other revolutionary organizations; 30 per- cent had served directly under Khomeini; and the remaining 20 percent were known more for their technocratic background. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, members of the dominant class of postrevolutionary Iran either were among Khomeini’s disciples and were active in the protest movements before the revolution or served in one or more of the revolutionary organiza- tions in postrevolutionary Iran. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini began his leadership career in Teheran with no experi- ence in running the day-to-day affairs of a gigantic modern state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He also issued an edict proscribing on religious grounds the import of frozen meats, an edict that he revoked a few days later (Khomeini 1983, 5:139). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On another occasion Khomeini expressed as- tonishment when he was informed by the minister of agriculture that a number of owners of dairy farms in the vicinity of Teheran possessed hundreds and even thousands of cows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He advised the minister to distribute the cows among the discontented workers, letting them take home a few cows each instead of encouraging them to cooperate with the owners and managers of the farms.9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The members of the new class are young educated people who come predominantly from the tradi- tional and modernizing petit bourgeois families. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Radicals and pragmatists, on the other hand, are relatively more permissive on these cultural issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During this period the state managers and bureaucrats have been influenced by two sets of processes: first, the process of bipolarization and radicalization in the course of the war and, second, the process of normalization in the postwar period. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The bazaari merchants, master arti- sans, and shopkeepers, both within the bazaar and outside of its boundaries, also belong to this camp. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Absolute power in relation to the polity and the civil society had already been secured for him in the Islamic republic’s constitution; he did not need more power or domination. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, the bazaar-mosque alliance tactically supported the more moderate camp against their common enemy, the radicals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Given that the 1989 amended constitution dissolved the Supreme Judiciary Council and transferred its extensive power to the office of the chief justice, the new conservative chief justice has much more constitutional power than his predecessors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He appeared on the stage as a leader of a Westernizing client state with a demoralized and politically immature dominant class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When Khomeini became dissatisfied with the conservative and traditional stance of the council in vetoing several radical bills, he did not hesitate to institute a Discretionary Council to overrule the veto power of the former council. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The drama and the passion play of Hossein, the commemoration of his death, and the notion of martyr- dom in Shicite culture were manipulated for the purpose of political CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 145 146 AHMAD ASHRAF mobilization of the masses. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More specifically, Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri’s evaluation of the balance sheet of the revolution tells what has hap- pened in the volatile sphere of the “giant charisma.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To admit a sin is remorse and it is incumbent upon us to notify each other of our mistakes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Let’s see what slogans we gave (over the past ten years) that made us so isolated in the world and turned the people pessimistic towards us. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- If we care for Islam, the revolution, and the country and want the ideals of the revolution be safeguarded, we must create unity optimism, and confidence among the people, just like the beginning of the revolution... The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both international and internal developments that have occurred in the late 1980s and early 1990s are likely to lead to a more moderage regime in Iran. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Iran has already lost most of its capability for playing a militant role in the region and is likely to follow a more moderate foreign policy in the future. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, the failure of the state socialism wifi lead to demoralization of the radical groups within the regime—the groups who have preached an Islamic variant of state socialism for Iran—and will strengthen the position of more moderate groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such an approach aims at disaggregating economic power blocs, as- certaining their relative political strength vis-à-vis each other as well as vis- à-vis the underprivileged strata, and in this way providing a more holistic view of the factors shaping the nature of the state in the contemporary world than that proffered by a study of dominant elites alone. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The formation of the state, in the postcolonial world at least, more often than not precedes the formation of elites in analytical sequence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Empirical investigations of the interplay of domestic, regional, and international factors in state formation can help to explain why the institutional bal- ance of power within the state apparatus can become a more important variable in shaping the processes of state consolidation and reconstitu- tion than simply the sociOeconomic background of privileged groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Clashes between centrally appointed civil bureaucrats and provincial politicians did not augur well for a healthy equation between state formation and the political process. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The relation between the Punjab administration and the provincial leadership was strewn with as many instances of rivalry as of collaboration. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But given the dissonance, if not divergence, between institutional interests and those of particular socioeconomic groups, it may be more worth- STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 159 160 AYESHA JALAL while to investigate the location of functionaries of the state within key economic sectors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Newly irrigated land in Sind was allotted to state functionaries, Punjabis in the main. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
State-sponsored links with socioeconomic structures generally prove to be less tenuous than the organic links between dominant social groups and the state, although even these might weaken in time. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The land reforms of 1959 were ostensibly intended to break the hold of the landed gentry in West Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some of the more enterprising were able to use their access to state authority to join the ranks of the regime’s other most favored groups—business and industrial entrepreneurs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime’s administrative reforms were intended to be of a more far-reaching nature. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was especially true for those who had already acquired land in rural or urban areas through state largesse during the Ayub Khan era. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These were subtleties Bhutto was prepared to ignore, not because he had naïve notions about the sincerity of the fortune seekers clamber- ing onto the PPP’s bandwagon but rather because he took the dictum that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely” as the best insurance of his ability to keep tabs on the PPP’s multicolored opportunists. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But Bhutto pushed his Machiavellian methods be- yond the point of ingenuity—by throwing open the PPP’s gates to all comers he alienated loyal party workers anxious to capitalize fully on the impact the PPP’s land and labor reforms and promises of allot- ments of state land to slum dwellers were having on the psyches of the rural and urban downtrodden. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Proud of portraying himself in the secularist traditions of Pakistan’s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Bhutto might have simply shrugged off charges by religious parties that his rule was “un-Islamic.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A number of concessions were made to appease the religious parties, thus giving more significance to STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 167 168 AYESHA JALAL the Islamic umbrella than the discordant and materially based interests accommodated under it warranted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was seen as Washington’s way of punishing Bhutto for his attempts to limit Pakistan’s dependence on the West and, more specifically, for his determination to proceed at all costs with a nuclear program. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Its place, however, had been more than adequately filled by commercial and trading groups, the main constitu- ents of the religious parties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He ab- solved Bhutto of direct responsibifity and instead blamed his lieuten- ants and administrative staff who in their “eagerness to show loyalty” had rigged the results even though the PPP would have “won the elections anyway” (British Broadcasting Corporation and the Voice of America, 13 July 1977). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A devout Muslim, Zia claimed to be single-minded about returning a “degenerate [Pakistani] society” to the pristine purity of Islam (cited in Sayeed 1980, 183). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But it was easier to assert and proclaim than to maintain and establish the legitimacy of his regime. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nine days after assuming office, Zia admitted in an interview with United Press International that although there was evidence of large- scale rigging in certain constituencies, especially in the Punjab, electoral irregularities were not as widespread as alleged by the PNA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
11; Lodhi, 151). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ostensible purpose of the Shura—a showpiece of “Islamic” de- mocracy with no effective powers over the executive—was to give the regime the appearance of support in civil society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But these groups were the would-be is- lands of enlightenment in a sea of illiteracy and so could safely be ignored in the general’s scheme of things. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Appointment to ambassadorial posts was another way of making retirement more palatable for senior mili- tary officers and in the process avoiding bottlenecks in the rate of pro- motions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moreover, it was now the industrial and espe- cially the service sector—trading, transportation, construction, and real estate, not to mention defense contracting—rather than agricul- ture, that were the most sought after by enterprising army officers, some of whom began taking early retirement in order to make hay while the sun was still shining. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To expedite their entry into the service sector, the Zia regime resorted to a variety of measures. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Clearly, Zia’s state-sponsored Islamization program cannot be seen as anything more than a token effort, and a highly spurious one at that, to establish his own legitimacy without having to court mass popular support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Apart from existing members of the Shura and of the local governmental bodies, federal and provincial ministers, political nonentities who had amassed private fortunes in recent years through dealings in the service sector, the sons and grandsons of vet- eran landed political families, more than ninety of the PPP’s supporters in the Punjab and Sind as well as members of smaller opposition par- ties contested the elections. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
billion; this gap only widened as military rule put on a civilian mask (Viewpoint, 4 Apr. 1985, 19). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For all of Zia’s expensive political engineering, his ability to per- petuate his rule for eleven long years was as much, if not more, owing to the shifts in the regional balance of power triggered by the Iranian revolution, followed soon after by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Democratically elected heads of government in Pakistan’s parlia- mentary system have so far found it tempting to continue using the state’s magnetic power to attract political support rather than to engage in the more daunting task of real party building. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For a more detailed analysis of state construction in Pakistan, see Jalal 1990b. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state retained its autonomy from Research for this chapter was supported in part by grants from the Yale Social Science Research Fund and the Yale Council on International and Area Studies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in its struggle with the revolt, the PDPA made important changes in the reform decrees, so that they became as much instruments of counterinsurgency as of social transfor- mation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Afghan state and the social strata dependent on it (including the strata that created the PDPA) had weak links to most of the society of Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Too much, or the wrong kind, of autonomy may impede effective policy formula- tion and implementation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, Skocpol (1988) has pointed out that redistribution is a consistent outcome of mass military mobili- zation, such as has occurred in Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The suc- cessful cases most often cited were the land reforms enacted by govern- ments led by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) in the Indian states of West Bengal and Kerala.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In these cases the state be- came autonomous specifically from dominant interests and also achieved the capacity to formulate and implement effective reforms because the CPI-M succeeded in organizing the beneficiaries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even though many, perhaps most, Afghans do not belong to tribes as defined above, and some of the tribes have preserved their institu- tions better than others, all Afghans do belong to more extended kin- ship-based solidarity groups known as qawms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More liquid forms of wealth storage are animals (which multiply, but also sicken and die) and pre- cious metals and cash. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in every province but Qandahar more than half of the households were owner-operators. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
— 19.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
4.3 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
40.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
13.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
738,000 10.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khans do indeed make loans and employ tenants on their lands. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, the patterns of circulation of wealth in the vifiage indicate that this perception is not simply the result of domination and false consciousness. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state, tightly controlled by the Musahiban lineage (Nader Shah’s brothers and their sons), acted more or less like a tribal khan, obtaining resources from outside (foreign aid and trade) and distributing them through patron- age networks in order to enhance its status and power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These provi- sions also distinguished between debts contracted more than five years before and more recent ones. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If implemented, these decrees would have transformed rural Afghan society from one of asymmetrical reciprocity, with the state kept at arm’s length, to one of economically more-equal nuclear families linked through market relations and tied directly to the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For these categories of peasants, all debts more than five years old for the purchase of seed or on which any interest was charged were canceled. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Any land that had been placed in geraw five years or more before the decree was introduced was to be returned to the owner after the harvest of the, standing crop, without any payment to the mortgage holder. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Land placed in geraw more recently was also to be returned to the owner after the harvest, but the owner had to repay a portion of the principal on a sliding scale and according to a schedule determined by the age of the loan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This decree effectively transformed the “land reform” into a counterinsurgency measure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even more than previously, the government’s fiscal policy was dis- tributive rather than redistributive. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In theory, the land reform, by creating wider registra- tion of land deeds with the government, would have enabled the gov- ernment to collect the existing land tax more fully, but there was no attempt made to raise the tax rate over its existing low level. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After subsisting for a few months on World Food Program handouts, they returned home “more disillusioned than ever” (ølesen 19S2). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The truly massive aid to the mujahidin did not begin until the war was several years old and was more the result than the cause of their successes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Within those areas, however, some anecdotal evidence indicates that the existing production was distributed more equitably than before. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, as Roy (1986) has shown, the big landlords and khans were generally absent from the struggle, having chosen to leave the country or to go to one of the more secure urban areas. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As Roy (1986,92) observed, “Opposition to the reforms not only strengthened the feeling that the ownership of land was sacrosanct, but it also caused the landowners to offer more favourable contracts to those who farmed their land (except in Hazarajat [where no land REDISTRIBUTION AND THE STATE 219 220 BARNETT R. RUBIN reforms were carried out and the society is more hierarchical]) and it ensured that the resistance movement could not avoid coming to terms with the social question.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The context in which the resistance began favored such develop- ments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
10. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is consistent with Ferdinand’s (1962, 123) estimate that one-sixth of the population was “more or less nomadic.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps such actions were not, in fact, clearly to the disadvantage of the poor groups; landlords may be oppressive, but the state may be more so. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Rice fields were more difficult for Soviet tanks to drive over, and production of food crops made the peasantry more independent of the government and national market and enabled them to supply the mujahidin. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The cost in 1984 was Af 1,218 million but the revenue was Af 900 million (Bakhtar, 17 June 1984, cited in Afghanistan Forum 12, no. 4 (1984): 33). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Recognizing that this deficiency would hamper their attempts to restructure the society, the radical elements have emphasized the need for a dynamic and progres- sive jurisprudence that is more relevant to the basic goals of the revolu- tion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Sunni ulama, having been more closely connected with political authority considered maslahat a source of Islamic legislation (Enayat 1982, chaps. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But although the doctrinal obstacles to legislating redistributive measures were re- moved, there were few concrete proposals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the time of the revolution, the widespread expectation in Iran was that the Islamic government could, through a more rational use of the country’s considerable oil wealth, achieve a rather painless realloca- tion of resources to meet the urgent needs of society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The decline in the early years of the Islamic Republic resulted from a combination of the initial disruption from the revolution and the war with Iraq, as well as the deliberate policy to limit the volume of exports because the new government initially felt that Iran did not need more revenue and that more-efficient use of oil receipts could allow it to achieve its goals with an income of $11 to $12 biffion per annum. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
sures spread and more producers were attracted by the high prices of the early 1980s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Distributing in- come losses is a much more difficult task than sharing a rising income. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in the inter- vening fifteen years, Iran had become more dependent on oil income, as the other sectors of the economy had adapted to the high oil earn- ings of the boom years: consumption standards had risen, the increas- ingly urban population had become dependent on food imports, and economic activity had shifted to providing service to complement im- ports financed from oil revenues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the official exchange rate, Iran’s per capita income in 1988 would have been more than $6,000, whereas at the parallel rate, its per capita income would have been about $500. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The statistics on prices appear to be more or less a blend of the small changes in official prices with the much larger changes in free market prices; in effect, each consumer faced a different price change, depending on how much he or she relied on the free market. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Owing to the more equal distribution of income, however, the top 20 percent of the households bore much of the brunt of the decline in real private consumption. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Presumably, some of the funds would later have been applied to projects more in keeping with the priorities of the regime. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The constituency to which these programs catered had been eliminated; therefore the cutbacks encoun- tered no political opposition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1985, in order to attract The Cost of the War Special allocation for the war Reconstruction of war-damaged areas Shahid Foundation Foundation for War Refugees Recurrent defense, army, and Revolutionary Guards 90.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Iran did not spend more on the war, because no country would provide it with the expensive high technology equip- ment, such as fighter planes, it wanted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After the cease-fire there were more willing suppliers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The nominal value of taxes collected by the government more than doubled in the first decade after the revolution, and the share of taxes in total state revenue rose from one-fifth in 1977 to an average of about one-half for 1985—87 (table 6.4). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This movement would in many coun- tries indicate that the tax structure was becoming more progressive, although such was not necessarily the case in the Iranian context. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the rural areas, there was a worsening of income distributions in 1979 that was more than reversed by 1982. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By 1986, rural income distribu- tion was slightly worse than in 1977 and significantly more unequal than in 1972. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The reported data for the postrevolution period probably exagger- ate the degree of inequality, especially in the more recent years. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, the distribution of real consumption was likely more equal than the distribution of nominal expenditures. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First are employers, who suffered a decline in their relative position after the revolution but by 1985 were more likely to be in the top 20 percent of households than before the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1985, it is not surprising that the distribution within this category in 1985 resembles the overall distribution even more closely. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This effect is more pronounced the higher the level of education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the Islamic Republic the illiterate had a better chance of being in the top fifth of the distribu- tion, and the more educated had a greater likelihood of being in the bottom 40 percent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1985, they were nearly six times more likely than they were before the revolution to be in the bottom 40 percent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the rest of the sample was more educated, the falling share of this group is itself an indication of their deteriorating situation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the nominal ratios are adjusted for the differential rates of inflation (data for which are available only since 1982), the improvement becomes more pro- nounced. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
48.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More often they were effected through government legislation and the extension of administrative regulations and controls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the manufacturing sector, the state attained a nearly total control of the larger companies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Local revolutionary organizations, more re- sponsive to local demands and in many instances penetrated by differ- ent political factions, were inclined to seize property even without a legal basis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even though by 1989 these public enterprises were functioning more nor- mally and were earning profits, they were not a significant instrument of resource extraction. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many large fortunes remained in private hands, and many more were amassed after the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were all intended to ensure an equitable distribution of scarce re- sources, and on the whole, this aim was served by many of the con- trols; but they also had significant adverse effects on efficiency and sometimes benefited specific groups among the rich or middle class more than they helped the poor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Distribution by special outlets, mainly consumer cooperatives that presumably imposed some informal rationing among their members. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The administrative apparatus for the allocation of goods and the oversight of the distribution network was the Economic Mobilization Command, which was set up soon after the start of the war. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The failure to adjust the official exchange rate and the consequent growing overvaluation of the currency en- tailed ever stricter administrative allocation of foreign exchange and more controls all along the production and distribution chain in every sector of the economy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the immediate aim of all these controls was a more equitable distribution of resources, there were unintended adverse effects on equity as well as significant losses in economic effi- ciency. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another instrument for income distribution was the foreign ex- change regulations, which were originally introduced to stop capital ffight after the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Fur- thermore, the implicit subsidies were general, rather than targeted to the neediest segments of the population, and thus were not the most appropriate mechanism for redistribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
above differed considerably. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because a holder’s place of residence was specified in the booklet, internal mi- gration to the large cities became more difficult and costly. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the rural areas, the Jihad for Reconstruction often rewarded loyal villagers with more-generous allocations of agricul- tural inputs and credit. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government also revived the previous regime’s program for distribution of stocks to workers in large firms, but this was hardly more than a political gesture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The numerical expansion of the more traditionalist kinds of coop- eratives, such as consumer, housing, and distribution and marketing cooperatives and credit unions, was quite large. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Housing was one of the first problems the Islamic regime tried to tackle. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Housing Foundation was set up with much fanfare as a revolutionary organiza- tion to provide housing for the poor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the develop- ment budget for the manufacturing industry, more than 80 percent was allocated for a few large-scale capital-intensive steel and petrochemical projects, about the same as in the prerevolution period, when the coun- try faced labor shortages. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
and the cutback in the development budget affected such services even more than the other sectors. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because projects in other sectors had a higher import content and because the cost of inputs was kept low by the artificial exchange rate, other sectors received more real resources than the budget shows, leaving less than 20 percent for social Under Ayatollah Khomeini the regime was unable to formulate a The rise in the population put severe pressure on social services, THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 265 266 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON affairs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A large portion of government investment was earmarked for highly capital-intensive projects in the electricity, oil, and manufacturing sec- tors, which create little employment per rial invested. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1986 there were 690 people for each hospital bed, nearly 10 percent more than before the revolution; over the same period the number of people per physician had risen from about 2,400 to 3,400. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During Ayatollah Khomeini’s life, the main political tendencies in the Islamic republic were strongly committed to more-egalitarian in- come redistribution, in part as a reaction to serious income discrepan- cies during the oil boom of 1973—78. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The general character of those changes was to give more play to market forces and less to government regulation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government relaxed most price controls, removed some state subsidies and targeted others more effectively, liberalized imports, and privatized some public enter- Epilogue: Post Khomeini Developments THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 267 268 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON prises. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The reform process has been championed by the Western-edu- cated technocrats who control most government posts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The years 1989—92 were a period of rapidly rising living stan- dards. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
How- ever, a larger source of foreign exchange during the boom was bor- rowing, which may have been over $20 billion during Rafsanjani’s first term, much of it in short-term trade debt. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is not clear what direction policy wifi take in the middle 1990s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A series of six “redistricutive episodes” occurred, each with its own special features and each with its own causes and conse- quences. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the time of inde- pendence, Pakistan was an underdeveloped economy dependent al- most entirely on agriculture, from which came more than one-half of the GDP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For instance, daily caloric consumption in Pakistan is nearly 4 percent higher than in low- income countries; the number of persons per doctor is six times lower than in low-income countries; and there are 20 percent more nurses available per hundred thousand of the population than in poor countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only way to reconcile these statistics with those that suggest a low standard of health for the general population is to condude that health coverage and food availabffity must be highly skewed in favor of the more privileged segments of the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The fruits of extraordinary economic growth during the four decades of Pakistan’s existence appear to have been avail- able mostly to the more privileged people in the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Press, 1992), various tables in World Development Indicators. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan was one of the few oil-importing developing countries not to be hurt by the increase in the price of oil; the increase in its oil bill was more than counterbalanced by remit- tances from its workers in the Middle East (Burki 1980b). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Without them, the country would not have been able to produce a high rate of growth in its GDP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Middle East boom began to subside about the time the So- viet troops moved into Afghanistan and bestowed on Pakistan the status of a “frontline state.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Most civil servants who wielded power in the economic arena and helped shape the country’s economic history came from the Indian civil service (ICS) or the civil service of Pakistan (CSP), the ICS’s successor in Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These measures were carried out in the name of socialism and for the economic well-being of Pakistan’s poor citizenry But instead, income disparities increased in the cities, the economic gap be- tween rural and urban areas widened, and incomes in Punjab and Sind, Pakistan’s prosperous provinces, increased much more rapidly than in the poor provinces of the North-West Frontier and Baluchistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The civil service was well equipped to handle crises; and left to its own devices, as it was most of the time in Pakistan, it managed to handle a number of problems that left unattended would have taken a heavy toll. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Approaches: • Large-scale invest- undertaken East encouraged development • Government encouraged • Economic rela- development of tions with the agriculture Middle East Consequences: • Some improvement in income distri- bution • Some correction Six Distributive Crises in Pakistan’s History (continued) took place in rural- urban terms of trade 1958—69 TABLE 7.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The rapid industrialization of Pakistan in the early 1950s was paid for by the windfall profits generated by the Korean War boom, which increased commodity prices, including that of jute— Bengal’s golden fiber; more than two-thirds of the increase in Pakistan’s export earnings during this period of commodity boom came from jute sales. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the provinces did not gain political power and were not able to use the government’s extractive authority to direct more resources toward them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It took the Muhajirs more than a decade to react to these challenges to their power and influence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the mid-1980s the more articulate sec- tions of the community organized the MQM, which went on to win the local elections of November 1987 and to a spectacular electoral triumph in the national elections of November 1988 and October 1990. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Large amounts of virgin land had become available to the British crown as a result of the extension of irrigation to the desert areas of the Punjab and Sind; the British awarded large tracts of this land to their loyal subjects, a number of whom became politically important during the fading years of the raj. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More than half of the area that was brought under irrigation by government canals was virgin land and under state control. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This reform reduced the ceiling of ownership to 100 acres of irrigated land and allowed compensation in the form of long-term bonds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Without the modern irrigation system inaugurated by the British in the nineteenth century, there would have been scarcely twenty million persons in West Pakistan [today’s Pakistani by the time of the partition, instead of the thirty five million in 1947” (Ayub Khan 1967, 94—95). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The govern- ment opted for the establishment of fairly generous ceilings on ownership—500 acres of irrigated and 1000 acres of unirrigated land. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The share of direct taxes declined from about one-sixth of total government receipts in the early 1980s to about one-eighth in 1987—88, the last year of the Zia period. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Universal literacy was a political objective in many countries, but money spent on primary schooling was often regarded as diverted from activities that would have contributed more to economic growth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the value of general education, improved health and nutrition for all segments of the population, and better shelter is now more widely recognized. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These actions reflected the personal assessments by the leaders that dominated decision making at that time; they did not represent a consensus reached among different economic and social groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The in- creases in national product and personal income were accompanied by a profound change in the structure of the economy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This performance was all the more impressive in light of the inhos- pitable global economic situation faced by Pakistan during this period. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Debt servicing was more than a quarter of the value of exports of goods and services. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In fact, during the Zia period, Pakistan may have finally graduated into the ranks of middle-income countries and may have succeeded in banishing the worst forms of poverty from its society The country’s economic structure at the time of Zia’s death had more in common with middle-income countries than with poor nations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These weaknesses included excessive depen- dence on foreign savings, inability to put into place programs that would address the problems faced by the more underprivileged seg- THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 321 322 SHAHID JAVED BURKI ments of the society, and the willingness to allow widespread economic and social discrimination against women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Bureaucratic Management of the Economy under Zia Unlike General Ayub Khan, Pakistan’s first military president, Gen- eral Zia ul-Haq had little interest in economics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
From 1979 to 1985, Ghulam Ishaq Khan was in complete control; helped by his civil service colleagues, he went back to the model of economic management that, at least in the eyes of the civil servants, had produced highly satisfactory results in 1960s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A rich and growing literature deals with these issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
11. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An enrollment rate of more than 100 percent means that the education system is reaching older children as well who, for a variety of socioeconomic and cultural reasons, were not able to attend schools when they were of primary school age. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both Amanullah and, fifty years later, Taraki attempted to impose their authority in order to accelerate changes they saw as too slow to effect the envisaged modernity But their efforts were more successful in modernizing appearances and the legal system than in transforming entrenched traditions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the provinces the response was more reserved; in Qandahar, in December of the same year, there was a short uprising after the local governor tried to force the elders to bring their wives to a public occasion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Several members of the PDPA were elected to the first legislature, among them Anahita Ratebzad, who had been edu- cated in the United States, was a graduate of a nursing school in Chi- cago, and was related on her mother’s side to Mahmud Tarzi. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government, reinforced by the PDPA, had more means at its disposal than had the preceding ones. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the constitution of Novem- ber 1987, Article 14 (Article 38 in the constitution amended in June 1990) reaffirms the equality of men and women, and Article 15 stipu- lates that “the State wifi adopt the measures necessary to ensure health for mother and child and the education of children.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Lowering the mahr to almost nothing seemed to be a threat to the status, or value, of women, as if the need for her and her role within the system of exchanges between families had been reduced to insignificance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Those institutions created or developed by the late Afghan Com- The case of the Afghan refugees is unique in the twentieth century AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 353 Afghan Refugees in Pakistan 354 MICHELINE CENTLIVRES-DEMONT In the Afghan refugee villages of Pakistan, the majority of settlers have built houses of earth, smaller than their vifiage houses in Afghani- stan, more exactly hovels surrounding an interior courtyard, or com- pound. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The latter strongly feel and resent this masculine presence and authority, which renders even more slender the margin of liberty left to women in the domestic sphere. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When physically ifi or in need of psychological treatment, women have found a haven of counseling and attention there; it is the only outing authorized by husband and family. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These more educated women help somewhat in pulling back the curtain’ that separates the rural Afghans from those of the urban middle upper classes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One woman had said that she considered Fatimah to be an old image and that she found Oushin (a female character in a highly popular Japanese television serial) a more appropriate model for herself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both occasions provided me not only with financial support, but, more important, with an invaluable atmosphere for ex- change of ideas. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But there was more at stake. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps nowhere did this total rejection touch popular as well as intellectual imagination more acutely than in the rejection of the gharbzadeh woman. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The editorial then continues by discussing the specifics of Islamic societies in these words: In Islamic countries the role of woman is even more sensitive. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The breakdown of moral behavior has acquired the connotation of political subversiveness; the enactment of Islamic codes is seen as essential for rooting out imperial- ist cultural values; those not sharing the dominant moral preoccupa- tions are viewed not simply as un-Islamic but, more seriously, as fifth columnists of “cultural imperialism.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Islamic belief and culture provides people of these societies with faith and ideal. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Then she became the target of poisonous ar- rows of corruption, prostitution, nakedness, looseness, and trivialities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
it is something more on the order of being attacked by tongue worm. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When it became too dangerous to appear unveiled, some continued to pose problems for the govern- ment and for the more religiopolitically committed through smaller infringements of the dress code. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In some cases the original intent of the writer may have been to change the level of public discus- sion and policy away from strict and narrow concerns over chastity and clothing and toward more general and symbolic discussion of what con- stitutes a truly Islamic womanhood. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The transformation, however, far from reducing the significance of the actual piece of clothing, gave it an even more essential and vitally contested meaning. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many more, finding the pressures of conformity unacceptable and not actually needing the income, resigned or opted for early retirement (Moghadam 1988,226—28). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Muslim women reformers, writing extensively in the pages of Zan-e Ruz and “lobby- ing” influential clerics, used every possible argument in support of a more enlightened legislation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moreover, once certain changes in the law had been made under the old regime—all of which could easily fit some sort of Islamic reinterpretation—it was not so easy simply to discard them; precedents had been set, and there was a sizable and vocal group of Islamic women (and men) advocates not only for pre- serving those changes but indeed for enhancing them through more favorable legislation.17 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1976 to 5 percent in 1982, corresponding drops in activity rates for men have been even more drastic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Moreover, women continue to constitute roughly the same proportion of government employees in 1983 as they did in 1974—75 (Moghadam 1988, 230). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An expert on labor force p’anning and development, Dr. Hedayat, is quoted as saying that a woman of equal qualification has one-sixth the chance of a man to be employed for the same job. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course teaching in girls’ high schools or working in hospitals are exceptions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
we do have women workers on the production line. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
monetary fines that he is not able to pay and as a result of which has to serve prison terms of five years or longer, or a combination of prison terms and fines that eventually become five years or more imprisonment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the court issues an order certifying that the husband’s engagement in 6. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More recently, de Lauretis (1987) has elaborated on the con- cept and the social fact of gender in the following way: “The cultural conceptions of male and female as two complementary yet mutually exclusive categories into which all human beings are placed constitute within each culture a gender system, that correlates sex to cultural contents according to social values and hierarchies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, women’s legal and social positions are quite vari- able, as any detailed comparative and historical study wifi show (see Beck and Keddie 1978; Moghadam 1993). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The census shows that in all age groups there are more males than females. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was apparently also true for Afghanistan until recent years, when the escalation of the civil war resulted in more male deaths than female.3An The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
adverse sex ratio indicates the low status of women, which within the overall cultural matrix and resource con- straints would mean more nutritional deficiencies suffered by females than males (Harriss 1990; Drèze and Sen 1989). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The sex ratio in Iran is curious because the census shows more male deaths than female for the years 1982—86. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women who work outside the home, particularly those who earn cash incomes, are presumed to have enhanced control over household decisions, increased awareness of the world outside the home, and subsequently more control over reproductive decisions, as a recent study of women in rural Dominican Republic has confirmed (Finlay 1989). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1986 more than 7 million Iranian men and women, mostly in the provinces, did not speak or understand Persian, the principal and official language of Iran (SCI 1987, table 6.1). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of that figure, 57 percent, or more than 4 million Iranian women (17 percent of the female population) did not speak Persian. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of women and 47.7 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both absolutely and relatively, more males than females are receiving education, at both the grade school and post-secondary school levels. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Figures for urban areas are more reliable than those for rural areas, but even so, dealing with large informal sectors, seasonal employment, mi- grant workers, unstable work arrangements, and part-time employ- ment makes enumeration difficult. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Female civil servants numbered about 420,000 (as against more than one million men), constituting 28 percent of the total number of civil servants and 41 percent of the total employed female population (see table 10.5). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The social problem is that women workers are subject to “double exploitation” (as workers and as women, or, to put it more analytically, by class and by gender), as fewer of them are wage earners and many more are unpaid family workers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But they are not impervious to modifica- tion, change, resistance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Stripped of their economic and productive role, women depend on motherhood perfor- mance for status and prestige and on children’s labor as a strategy for survival (Ward 1984). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the absence of more-detailed labor force and household surveys, one can only speculate why the female employment figure is so low in Iran and theorize on the basis of similar patterns found elsewhere. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Government policy regarding women appears to be more con- cerned with economic exigencies than with gender or identity is- sues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In attempting to provide safeguards for women in the event of a divorce, the law requires the registration of all marriages and eliminates divorce solely by repudiation (talaq). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, an adult could be proven guilty of zina-bil-jabr (four types of sexual intercourse without consent, e.g., rape) “with or without the consent of the parties” (Zia ul-Haq 1979, 19). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government contends that the Shari~at Bill’s purpose is to give more power to interpretations of Shari~ah (Islamic law) in all aspects of state policy, significantly widen the jurisdiction of the Shari~at Court, and elevate the QuiPan and sunnah to be the country’s supreme law. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the 68 percent who were “not working,” more than half stated that they would like to if they had the opportunity to do so. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Therefore, more than two-thirds of the women surveyed either earn from their own efforts or would if they had the opportunity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women are fearful of asking for more payment for their labor, because the middleman might just stop coming at his whim, which would be disastrous for their families. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Urban working-class women have always played critical economic roles that have largely gone undocumented, but circumstances today require even more from them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The stark reality depicted is often more than most people would like to read: the shat- tered dreams of an industrial worker; the twenty-hour day of a domes- tic worker who returns home to six children, a tired husband, and a kutchi abadi (ramshackle shack) at night; and the plight of the vegetable seller in her fifties who supports her invalid husband. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such portrayals, in circumventing problems inherent in quantitative data collection and allowing for vivid descriptions of these women’s lives, argue the case for more at- tention to be paid to predicaments facing women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The social implications of Pakistani state policy are more problem- atic than the legal or economic issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Policies existing during Zia’s tenure, such as compelling women newscasters to wear a dupatta (a type of scarf) while on television, may have reinforced existing norms CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 423 424 ANITA M. WEISS of female modesty in some segments of society, but they were ignored or ridiculed by others. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For example, Punjab University announced that 153 more females than males (6,210 females; 6,057 males) appeared in its B.A. and B.S. examinations in 1992. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
No more-recent statistics are available, as the Nawaz Sharif government decided to cancel the scheduled 1991 census on the grounds that holding it would create too volatile a situa- tion, given the prevailing ethnic tensions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a woman’s advocacy organization, it has supported thousands of nationwide development projects and more than ~fty research studies and has established training academies, mobile dispensaries, legal aid facilities, and small credit programs in this regard (Pakistan, Women’s Division, 1988b, 9—17, 21—29). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While the movement has had an impact on the social orientations and self-con- sciousness of some of its members, its wider impact, particularly in the political sphere, has been limited. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women’s groups organized protests in 1986 in the wake of the debate over the Shari~at Bill and the Ninth Amendment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Information on how the Women’s Division has assisted women in seeking employment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
make the law-enforcing machinery effective to protect [the] 9.6: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The status of women in Pakistan and state policy oriented toward changing it cannot be separated from other events that are happening in the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
more than 2,000 women, 500 labor leaders, and 500 male executives from diverse sectors of industry in 30 Pakistani cities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Evans, Peter B., Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Gender and Class in Education-Employment Link- ages.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Pakistan in 1983: Internal Stresses More Serious Than Externa] BIBLIOGRAPHY 465 466 BIBLIOGRAPHY Shafi Khan, Shahrukh. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This consisted of a motel with adequate rooms for all the families, adequate security to protect the privacy of the families, mental health support, and other support personnel to serve the needs of the families. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The ambulatory sur- vivors were taken to the two local hospitals. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
At that time the federal Stafford Act for more than 1 5 years had already provided fund- ing through the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the National Institute for Mental Health for crisis intervention services after presidential declarations of major disasters. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
About 30 disasters receive such presidential declarations annually, but, on average, “national” dis- asters* occur daily. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
In addition, there was concern that morgue workers who were supported as they performed their assignments, despite experiencing emotional difficulties, might fail to take breaks, resulting in more significant long-term mental health consequences. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
As will be seen below, the Family Assistance Act of 1 996 may provide a more direct solution for this problem in aviation incidents. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Florida law limits out-of-state mental health professionals to no more thar Innovations in Clinical Practice: A Source Book (Vol. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Few cities, however, have experienced major aviation disasters, and of those, fewet still have experienced more than one in a decade. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Red Cross DMHS may be accessed more discreetly in some cases, and this has been a major factor in the popularity of DMHS serv- ices for this aspect of the disaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Individuals may experience a roller coaster of emotions: fear that their loved one is dead, hope that somehow the loved one missed the aircraft or survived but has not yet been found, and having hopes dashed with the passage of time. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Even in this context there is other pragmatic work the families need to accomplish. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
There is paperwork for the identification and transport of bodies, arrangements to be made with employers, and the routine business to which families have to attend in more normal circumstances. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The provider’s interventions will be more effective to the extent that they help the client ex- perience a return ofa sense ofcontrol in these difficult situations. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Over the past 1 0 years, the mental health response to aviation disasters has become more or- ganized and responsive to the needs of the survivors, families, and rescue and recovery workers. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
His father, Jacob Freud, was g a struggling wool merchant; his mother, Amalia (née Nathansohn), eventually bore seven more children. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In 1905 Freud issued two more books that further reinforced psychoanalytic thought: Three Contributions to the Theory of Sex and Wit and Its Relation to the Unconscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If an average psychologist should be asked to explain how it happens that we often fail to recall a name which we are sure we know, he would probably content himself with the answer that proper names are more apt to be forgotten than any other content of memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
me as one of the substitutive names—Botticelli— and somewhat more familiar than the other substitute.—Boltraffio—of The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
the possessor of which I could hardly say more than that he belonged to the Milanese School. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Only in certain cases have we added another motive to the factors long recognized as causative in forgetting names, and have thus laid bare the mechanism of faulty memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The last condition will probably not have to be much overrated, for the slightest claim on the farther-reaching question whether such outer association can really fur- nish the proper condition to enable the suppressed element to disturb the reproduction of the desired name, or whether after all a more intimate connection between the two themes is not necessarily required. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But on more thorough examination, one finds more and more frequently that the two elements (the repressed and the new one) con’ nected by an outer association, possess besides a connection in content, and this can also be demonstrated in the example, Signorelli. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The tendency to forget such words extends to all parts of speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There is something missing in this verse. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“This stream of thoughts has some connection with the theme which we discussed before the Latin word escaped you.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the course of this discussion, we shall repeatedly meet with this process, which seems to me to be the more easily understood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is not always very convenient to report such analyses, for, just as those cited, they usually lead to intimate and painful things in the person analyzed; I shall therefore add no more to the num- ber of such examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, I have enough to do with nerves. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Later, while wishing to talk about his visit, I for- got his first name, in no way an unusual one, and could not recall it in any way. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(i) I add here another example of forgetting the name of a city, an instance which is perhaps not as simple as those given before, but which will appear credible and valuable to those more familiar with such investi- gations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Naturally I also found those more direct associations which connected Capua and Verona as geographical ideas and as Italian words of the same rhythm. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As usual, however, my unconscious sticks more tenaciously to those impressions; it is old in its resentment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the next moment, the younger man discovered the lost name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, names can be disturbed on their own account or on account of their nearer or more remote associative relations in the reproduction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps more often, one finds the reversed relation—that is, an indifferent impression of the most remote period becomes a concealing memory in consciousness, which simply owes its existence to an association with an earlier experi- ence, against whose direct reproduction there are resistances. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We would ~ PuNished in the Monatschri/t f. Psychiatrie u. Neurologie, 1899. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the aforementioned cssay I only touched upon, but in no way ex- hausted, the varieties in the relations and meanings of concealed mem- ories. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I called this form of displacement a retro-active or regressive one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At first sight, it would seem that the diversities of both phenomena are far more striking than their exact analogies. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
* 3’ PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE32 ing function indicates more often than we suppose that there is an inter- vention of a prejudicial factor, a tendency which favors one memory and, at the same time, works against another. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of these retained childhood reminiscences, some appear to us readily comprehensible, while others seem strange or unintelligible. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There it is the forgetting, while here it is the remembering which excites our scientific curiosity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
igoo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With the relaxation or, more unequivocally expressed, through this relaxation, of the inhibiting attention, the uninhibited stream of associations be- comes active. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The disturbing element is either a single unconscious thought, which comes to light through the speech- blunder and can only be brought to consciousness through a searching analysis, or it is a more general psychic motive, which directs itself against the entire speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
His last voluntary remarks and his mistake put me on my guard, but after a few more uncalled-for remarks, he set me at ease by taking money from his pocket. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He counted four paper dollars and was very chagrined and surprised because he had no more money with him and promised to send me a cheque for the balance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As long as he has five straight limbs, he needs no more!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In those cases which I have studied and investigated more closely, they merely represent the preformed mechanism, which is conveniently utilized by a more remote psychic motive. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If I accept as certain “these more remote psychic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, in a number of examples gathered by these authors, a more complicated solution is quite apparent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
1 It may be observed that aristocrats in particular very frequently distort the names of the physicians they consult, from which we may conclude that inwardly they slight them, in spite of the politeness with which they are wont to greet them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In other and more significant cases, it is a self-criticism, an internal contradiction against one’s own utterance, which causes the speech- blunder, and even forces a contrasting substitution fr the one intended. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Are matters thus? Friend, should we allow him to go there with this false opinion, and not recall him at once in order to open his eyes instantly? OCTAVIa (rousing himself from profound meditation). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have been able to demonstrate repeatedly that the most insignificant and most natural cases of speech-blunders have their good sense, and admit of the same interpretation as the more striking examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I arrived at the theater, I found the foyer dark and the theater empty. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Evidently the performance was aver earlier and my wife did not wait for me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But here, as in the former cases, it is the inner conflict that is betrayed ta us through the dis- turbance in speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I was finally compelled to take up the letter and, as a matter of fact, we read therein “Poor W. M.” What is more, I had even overlooked “Poor Dr. W. M.” My mistake in reading signified a spasmodic effort, so to speak, to turn the sad news from the man towards the woman. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To my astonishment, I found only the words blood corpuscles. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
present noticed that the writer put the wrong address on the letter, and what was stifi more remarkable was the fact that she did not address it to the previous residence, but to one long ago given up, but which her sister had occupied when she first married. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Wundt gives a most noteworthy proof for the easily ascertained fact that we more easily make mistakes in writing than in speaking (bc. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Today, forgetting has perhaps grown more puzzling than remembering, especially since we have learned from the study of dreams and pathologic states that even what for a long time we believed forgotten may suddenly return to consciousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the tension before the final medical examination, I must have made use of the remnant of this ability, for in certain subjects I gave the examiners apparently automatic answers, which proved to be exact reproductions of the text book, which I had skimmed through but once and then in greatest haste. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For example, when, during my office hours, a patient states that I have seen him before and I cannot recall either the fact or the time, then I help myself by guessing—that is, I allow a number of years, beginning from the present time, ta come to my mind quickly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I offered my services, the image of an establishment in the heart of the city where I was sure I had seen such safes floated before me with extraordinary visual vividness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I was still puzzled, however, as to the motive that entered into play in this forgetting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He became more and more excited over it, but his search was un- successful. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But since this incident, I have grown more tolerant when I miss any mention of my name in medical literature in connection with ideas for which I deserve credit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
f. Kriminal-Anthropobogie u. Kriminalistik, von H. Gross) has recently collected a number of authors who realize the value of the influence of the affective factors on memory and who more or less clearly recognize that a defensive striving against pain can lead to forgetting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2Ernest Jones quotes the following passage from Darwin’s autobiography that does equal credit to his scientific honesty and his psychologic acumen: “I had, during many years, followed a golden rule, namelÿ, that whenever a published fact, a new observation or thought, came across me which was opposed to my general results, to make a memorandum of it without fail and at once; for I had found by experience that such facts and thoughts were far more apt to escape from the memory than favorable ones” (Jones, toc. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Berñheim, Neue Studien über Hypnotistnus, Suggestion und Psychotherapie, 2892. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As in the former functional disturbances, I have collected the cases of neglect through forgetting which I have observed in myself, and en- deavored to explain them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After he has finished, he pauses for a moment, then he pulls out the memorandum and says apologetically, “I have made some notes because 1 Women, yith their fine understanding of unconscious mental processes, are, as ~ rule, more apt to take offense at not being recognized in the street, and hence nol greeted, than to accept the most obvious explanation, namely, that the neglector is short-sighted or so engrossed in thought that he did not notice them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“We are more apt to mislay letters containing bills and cheques.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Direct counter-will and more remote motivation are found together in the following example of delaying: I had written a short treatise on the dream for the series Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens, in which I gave an abstract of my book, The Interpretation of Dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(a) In former years, when I made more calls at the homes of patients than I do at present, it often happened, when I stood before a door where I should have knocked or rung the bell, that I would pull the key of my own house from my pocket, only to replace it, quite abashed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This could therefore be a reminder to be particularly careful in this delicate differential diagnosis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am not particularly dexterous, but by virtue of the anatomic integrity of my nervous and muscular appara- tus, there are apparently no grounds in me for such awkward movements with undesirable results. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In latter years, since I have been collecting such observations, it has happened several times that I have shattered and broken objects of some value, but the examination of these cases convinced me that it was never the result of accident or of my unintentional awkwardness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The present mistake attempts to represent the mistake which was committed else- where. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But it never happened. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mistake in grasping the tuning-fork instead of the hammer could therefore be translated into the following words: “You fool, you ass, get yourself together this time, and be careful not to diagnose again a case of hysteria where there is an incurable disease, as you did in this place years ago in the case of that poor man!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here is a first example: It is very seldom that I break anything. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Those who saw the patient after me had no difficulty in recognizing the organic affection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She found them very pretty, and then remarked: “Now the desk really looks very well, only the inkstand doesn’t match. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have collected a large number of such “chance actions” from myself and others, and after thoroughly investigating the individual examples, I believe that the name “symptomatic actions” is more suitable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When therefore the visitor opened the conversation with inquiries regarding the health of my patient, the latter could well have thought: “You certainly found the right doctor for me, but if you could assist me in obtabiing the right husband (and a child), I should be still more grateful.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is known that a hundred-dollar note suffers no loss in value when it is torn, provided all the pieces are produced. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the next session, he again brought along a mass, and in the course of our conversation, al- though his eyes were dosed, modelled a figure with an incredible rapidity which excited my interest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I can also relate an experience from my psychotherapeutic practice in which the hand, playing with a mass of bread-crumbs, gave evidence of an eloquent declaration. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My patient was a boy not yet thirteen years of age, who had been very hysterical for two years. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I did not ask what he had in his hand; but as he suddenly opened his hand, he showed it to me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He therefore understood me, and showed that he was also un- derstood by me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
~ Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My supposition was that he must have had sexual ex- periences, and that, corresponding to his age, he had been troubled by sexual questions; but I was cautious about helping him with explanations as I wished to test further my assumption. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This horror I have erroneously advanced by a generation; according to Greek mythology, it was Kronos who committed this on his father Uranos.’- The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Similarly we can affirm of these passages cited from my book: back of every error is a repression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My constrained position was necessarily brought about by the peculiarity of dreams, which give expression to repressed thoughts, or to material which is incapable of becoming conscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now I was compelled to practise justice; as I had so frequently interpreted my patient’s symptomatic actions, I could save my prestige only by being honest and admitting to him the secret motives of n~iy averseness to his trip. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This was favored by a feeling of piety, for according to an old family tradition, my ancestors were once expelled from this city during a persecution of the Jews. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Nol before the next forenoon, while collecting my impressions during th railway journey in England, did I definitely remember that only a fe’cc steps from the place where I got off at the railroad station in Cologne, in~ deed, on the same platform, I had seen a large sign, “Rotterdam—Hool~ of Holland.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(d) A short account by Dr. Karl Weiss (Vienna) 1 of a case of for- getting impressively describes the futile effort to accomplish something in the face of opposition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
cit., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A woman travelled to Rome with her brother-in-law, a renowned art- ist. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The same action must have been previously performed more correctly or we must always rely on ourselves to perform it more cor- rectly; if we are corrected by others, we must immediately recognize the truth of the correction and the incorrectness of our psychic action. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now take the number that represents my age, 43, and add 24 years to it and you get 67! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
DETERMINISM—CHANCE—BELIEFS * 123 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE124 “We were altogether 7 children, I was the youngest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or, briefly expressed: If only these two had died in place of my father! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A gentleman of his acquaintance let the number 986 come to his mind, and defied him to connect it to anything of special interest in his mind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
His great ambition was to become a successful physician, and although he had practised medicine successfully for many years, he was not altogether satisfied with the financial fluctuations of his professional income. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I also recalled that the ‘Carrefour St. Lazare’ always impressed me as being one of the busiest thoroughfares in Paris. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But, so far as I can observe, it does not manifest itself in weighty and important decisions; on these occasions, one has much more the feeling of a psychic compul- DETERMINISM—CHANCE—BELIEFS * 129 13C PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE sion and gladly falls back upon it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
DETERMINISM—CHANCE—BELIEFS * ‘3,7 PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE ing into consideration, however, the circumstance under which this phe- nomenon presented itself to her, we found the way to another conception. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In answer to this question, my experiences leave me in the lurch. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The same applies to the solution of faulty and symptomatic actions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is not my task to answer this question. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the simplest and least striking examples of lapses in talking and writing, wherein perhaps only words are fused or words and letters omitted, there is no very complicated interpretation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Psycho- analytically, it can only be asserted, that in these cases one sees some dis- turbance of the intention, but one cannot say whence it originated and what its purpose is. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But we should like to know whether special conditions must not be fulfilled in order that such condensation, which is considered regu- lar in dream-work and faulty in our waking thoughts, should take place. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
No information concerning this can be obtained from the examples them- selves. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But I would refuse to draw the condusion from this, that there are no such conditions, as, for instance, the relaxation of conscious attention; for I have learned elsewhere that automatic actions are especially charac- terized by correctness and reliability. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(To distinguish this forgetting from the others; we designate sensu strictiori the forgetting of proper names and foreign words, as in Chapters I and II, as “slips”; and the forgetting of resolutions as “ol7kissions.”) The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The cases in which the dis— turbance is’ the result of an inner contradiction are the most significant ones, and also deal with the more important activities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That they appear so seldom in the thoughts revealed by the analyses of my examples, is simply a matter of coincidence. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
From the most strik- ing examples of faulty actions, it is quite obvious that this determinant should be sought in a relation to conscious capacity, or in the more or less firmly pronounced character of “repression.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mechanism of the faulty and chance actions, as we have learned to know it through the application of analysis, shows in the most essential points an agreement with the mechanism of dream formation, which I have discussed in the chapter “The Dream Work” of my book on the interpretation of dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There may be cases in which only a few symptoms appear, or they may manifest them-. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the same year, Dr. Brill pub- lished the first of his translations of my writings, which were soon followed by further ones. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the new situation makes it even more impos- sible to continue the foregoing summary. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Incoherent and confused dreams are certainly those that have been responsible for the invention of the cipher method.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The technique which I am about to describe differs from that of the ancients in one essential point, namely, in that it imposes upon the dreamer himself the work of Interpretation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this first and important condition, then, the method of dream-interpretation which I employ diverges from the popular, historical and legendary method of interpreta- tion by symbolism and approaches more nearly to the second or “cipher method.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the course of my psychoanalysis of neurotics I have already sub- jected perhaps more than a thousand dreams to interpretation, but I do not wish to use this material now as an introduction to the theory and technique of dream-interpretation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My pur- pose is rather to prepare the way, by the solution of the dream-problem, for the solution of the more difficult problems of the psychology of the neuroses. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I must, therefore, resort to my own dreams as a source of abundant and convenient material, furnished by a person who is more or less normal, and containing references to many in.. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In my own judgment, conditions are more likely to be favourable in self-observation than in the observation of others; in any case, it is permissible to investigate how much can be accomplished in the matter of dream-interpretation by means of self-analysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I say to her: “If you still have pains, it is really only your own fault.”—She The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The person of Dr. M. and the membrane return, indeed, in the course of the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now it occurs to me that during the past few months I have had every reason to suppose that this lady too is hysterical. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I take her to the window in order to look into her throat. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The compari- son is like that made above between the disobedient patient Irma and her friend, who was believed to be more sensible. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Otto was remarkably prompt and alert; Leopold was slow and thoughtful, but thorough. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An infiltrated portion of skin on the left shoulder. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Injections re- mind me once more of the unfortunate friend who poisoned himself with tocaine. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
propionic acid. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How on earth did this occur to me? On the evening of the day after I had written the dinical history and dreamed about the case, my wife opened a bottle of liqueur labelled “Ananas,” which was a present from our friend Otto. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My wife suggested: “We will give the bottle to the servants,” and I, more prudent, objected, with the philanthropic remark: “They shan’t be poisoned either.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here the reproach of rash- ness is hurled directly at my friend Otto. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As I have said, I had not intended that injections of the drug should be taken. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
has now apparently awakened my memory of the whole series: propyl, methyl, etc., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the dream I see the chemical formula of this sub- stance—which at all events is evidence of a great effort on the part of my memory—and the formula is even printed in heavy type, as though to distinguish it from the context as something of particular importance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day I was asked to reprove her for doing so; she had again thrown the apparatus on the floor. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The patient defended herself as follows: “This time I really couldn’t help it; it was the result of a dream which I had during the night. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
here Isaiah xxix. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream of this poor sufferer re- minds me of an expression which comes to our lips when we are in a disagreeable situation: “Well, I can imagine more amusing things!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
From a friend I have learned of a dream very much like that of my little boy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Another dream, with which the picturesque beauty of the Aussee in- spired my daughter, at that time three and a quarter years of age, is equally straightforward. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2A more searching investigation into the psychic life of the child teaches us, of course, that sexual motives, in infantile forms, play a very considerable part, which has been too long overlooked, in the psychic activity of the child. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But he knew how to indemnify himself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He had, until then, been in the habit of telling his mother every morning that he had dreamt of the “white soldier,” an officer of the guard in a white cloak, whom he had once admired in the street. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
i, 1909), and Jung’s “Experiences Concerning the Psychic Life of the Child,” translated by Brill, American Journal of Psychology, April, 19x0. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Eating and drinking constituted the pivot around which most of our dreams revolved. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS j THE DREAM AS A WISH-FULFILMENT he woke up joyfully with the announcement, which could have referred only to a dream: “He [r] man eaten all the cherries!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How rich in unsuspected content the dreams of children no more than four or five years of age may be is shown by the examples in my Analyse der Phobie eines fünfjährigen Knaben (Jahrbuch von Bleuler-Freud~ vol. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Once, more than thirty years ago, hoping to make money, he allowed himself to be involved in transac- tions of a kind which the law punishes severely, and paid the penalty. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The stricter the domination of the censorship, the more thorough becomes the disguise, and, often enough, the more in- genious the means employed to put the reader on the track of the actual meaning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here we arrive at a very definite conception of the “essence” of consciousness; for us the state of becoming conscious is a special psychic act, different from and independent of the process of becoming fixed or represented, and consciousness appears to us as a sensory organ which perceives a content proceeding from another source. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He would rise early, take physi- cal exercise, keep to a strict diet, and above all accept no more invitations to supper.—She The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I press for more. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am able to tell the patient: “It is just as though you had thought at the moment of her asking you that: ‘Of course, I’m to invite you so that you can eat at my house and get fat and become still more pleasing to my husband! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I would rather give no more suppers! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Your husband’s resolution to accept no more invitations to supper in order that he may grow thin teaches you that one grows fat on food eaten at other people’s tables.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This dream admits of yet another and more exact interpretation—one which is actually necessitated only by a subsidiary circumstance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But what is the meaning of this hysterical identification? To elucidate this a more ex- liaustive exposition is necessary. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This, however, only indicates the path which the psychic process follows in hysterical imitation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS The contradiction of my theory of dreams on the part of another female patient, the most intelligent of all my dreamers, was solved in a simpler fashion, though still in accordance with the principle that the non-fulfil- ment of one wish signified the fulfillment of another. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Yet another dream of a more gloomy character was offered me by a female patient in contradiction of my theory of the wish-dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She replied immediately: “Of course; the Professor returned then, after a long absence, and I saw him once more beside little Otto’s coffin.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
You would spend the day with your sister; the Professor would certainly come to offer his condolences, and you would see him once more under the same circumstances as before. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream signifies nothing more than this wish of yours to see him again—a wish against which you are fighting in- wardly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And yet it is entirely possible that even in the actual situation beside the coffin of the elder, more dearly loved boy, she had not been able to suppress her tender affection for the visitor whom she had missed for so long. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Like so many other young women, she was by no means happy on finding that she was pregnant, and she had confesseä to me more than once the wish that her child might die before its birth; in a fit of anger, following a violent scene with her husband, she had even struck her abdomen with her fists, in order to injure the child within. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The fact that the wish-fulfilment, which is the essence of the dream, disguises itself in such an unpleasant form, has iII often happens that a dream is told incompletely, and that a recollection of the omitted portions appears only in the course of the analysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These dreams occur regularly in the course of treatment whenever the patient is in a state of resistance; indeed, I can with a great degree of certainty count on evoking such a dream once I have explained to the patient my theory that the dream is DISTORTION IN DREAMS * 201 202 a wish-fulfilment.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Indeed, I have reason to expect that many of my readers will have such dreams, merely to fulfil the wish that I may prove to be wrong. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is obvious that such persons may have counter-wish-dreams and disagreeable dreams, yet these are for them nothing more than wish-fulfilments, which satisfy their masochistic inclinations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The anxiety which we experience in dreams is only apparently explained by the dream-content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we subject that content to analysis, we become aware that the dream-anxiety is no more justified by the dream-content than the anxiety in a phobia is justified by the idea to which the phobia is attached. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On awaking he was unable to recall any such place- names, and thought no more of the matter. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But why this preference for recent impressions? We shall arrive at some conjectures on this point if we subject one of the dreams already mentioned to a more precise analysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My wife, more thoughtful than I, often brings this favourite flower of mine home from the market. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When I was seventeen, I ran up a very considerable account at the bookseller’s, with no means with whIch to settle it, and my father would hardly accept it as an excuse that my passion was at least a respectable one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here again there is an association. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To go a step farther: if no sufficiently fertile associations between the two impressions of the day could have been established, the dream would simply have followed a different course; another of the indifferent impressions of the day, such as come to us in multitudes and are forgotten, would have taken the place of the monograph in the dream, would have formed an association with the content of the conversation, and would have represented this in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this process it is as though, in the course of the intermediate steps, a displacement occurs—let us say, of the psychic accent—until ideas of feeble potential, by taking over the charge from ideas which have a stronger initial potential, reach a degree of in- tensity which enables them to force their way into consciousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus we interpret the fact that the dream-content takes up remnants of trivial experiences as a manifestation of dream-distortion (by dis- placement), and we thereupon remember that we have recognized this dream-distortion as the work of a censorship operating between the two psychic instances. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This conception is in complete opposition to Robert’s theory, which consequently has no further value for us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
as we read in Hamlet. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(c) One or more recent and significant events, which are represented in the dream-content by allusion to a contemporary but indifferent event.8 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
may originate in the neighbourhood of an indifferent impression, which has been brought by more or less abundant associations into relation with the sphere of the dream-stimulus. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On more careful examination we note that the two brief fragments of the dream do not fit together very well, for what could be terrible about wearing a thick or heavy coat in cold weather? Unfortunately for the innocency of this dream, the first association, under analysis, yields the recollection that yesterday a lady had confidentially confessed to him that her last child owed its existence to the splitting of a condom. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She does not hear or else understand the last word. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One is the story of the “constitution”; it tells how a poor Jew sneaks into the Karlsbad express without a ticket; how he is detected, and is treated more and i~O’~ harshly by the conductor at each succeeding 11 long ago learned that the fulfilment of such wishes only calied for a little cour- age, and I then became a zealous pilgrim to Rome. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus I once dreamt that I saw the Tiber and the bridge of Sant’ Angelo from the window of a railway carriage; presently the train started, and I realized that I had never entered the city at all. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To my disappointment the scenery is anything but urban: it consists of a little stream of black water, on one side of which are black rocks, while on the other are meadows with large white flowers. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The black rock so close to the water vividly recalls the valley of the Tepl at Karlsbad. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I contrasted this situation, which did not please me, with another, more in harmony with my senti- ments—the scene in which Hannibal’s father, Hamilcar Barcas, made his son swear before the household altar to take vengeance on the Romans.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This preference is doubt- less also to be explained by the fact of my having been born, a hundred years later, on the same date. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And perhaps the development of this martial ideal may be traced yet farther back, to the first three years of my childhood, to wishes which my alternately friendly and hostile relations with a boy a year older than myself must have evoked in the weaker of the two playmates. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The orthopaedic institute is an allusion to one of my talks, in which I compared the treatment, with regard to its duration and its na- ture, to an orthopaedic treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The market-basket admits of more than one interpreta- tion; in the sense of refusal (German, Korb = basket = snub, refusal) it reminds her of the many snubs which she at first administered to her suitors and which, she thinks, she herself received later. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have already given examples of this, and I shall give yet more in different con- nections. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps I cannot close this chapter more fittingly than by citing 1 [Fensterin is the custom, now falling into disuse, found in rural districts of the German Schwarzwald, of lovers who woo their sweethearts at their bedroom win- dows, to which they ascend by means of a ladder, enjoying such intimacy that the relation practically amounts to a trial marriage. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am in the habit of using the anecdote to elucidate the factor of retrospective tendencies in the mechanism of the psychoneuroses.—One The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
of the Parcae, then, is rubbing the palms of her hands together, as though she were making dumplings. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I really do not envy him; be now has a difficult audience with the Emperor before him, and it is I who am the real Count-Do-Nothing, for I am going off for a holiday. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Jam once more in front of the railway station, but I am in the company of an elderly gentleman. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The remaining elements of this scene of the dream are of more remote origin. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2 Here is some more material for interpretation: Holding the urine-glass recalls the story of a peasant (illiterate) at the optician’s, who tried on now one pair of spec- tacles, now another, but was still unable to read.—(Peasant-catcher—girl-catcher The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This childish scene furnishes the elements for the last image of the dream, in which the rôles are interchanged, of course for the purpose of revenge. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream often appears tò have several meanings; not only may several wish-fulfilments be combined in it, as our examples show, but one meaning or one wish-fulfilment may conceal another, until in the lowest stratum one comes upon the fulfilment of a wish from the earliest period of childhood; and here again it may be questioned whether the word “often” at the beginning of this sentence may not more correctly be replaced by “constantly.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Every somatic dream-stimulus which provokes the psychic apparatus in sleep to interpretation by the formation of illusions may evoke an incalculable number of such attempts at interpretation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Appreciating the importance of the above-mentioned lacunae in the explanation of dreams by somatic stimuli, other writers—Schemer, for example, and, following him, the philosopher Volkelt—endeavoured to determine more precisely the nature of the psychic activities which cause the many-coloured images of our dreams to proceed from the somatic stimuli, and in so doing they approached the problem of the essential nature of dreams as a problem of psychology, and regarded dreaming as a psychic activity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It cannot be said that this theory of dream-interpretation has found much favour with other writers. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Arbitrariness in the interpretation of dreams would appear to be by no means excluded, especially since in this case also a stimulus may be expressed in the dream-content by several representative symbols; thus even Schemer’s follower Volkelt was unable to confirm the representation of the body as a house. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have seen that when two or more experiences capable of making an impression on the mind have been left over from the previous day, the wishes that result from them are united into one dream; similarly, that the impressions possessing psychic value and the indifferent experiences THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE MATERIAL AND SOURCES OF DREAMS of the previous day unite in the dream-material, provided that connecting ideas between the two can be established. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These stimuli, again, are of impor- tance to the dream because they are actual; they are united with the other psychic actualities to provide the material for dream-formation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The nature of the dream is not altered when somatic material is added to the psychic dream-sources; it still remains a wish-fulfilment, no matter how its expression is determined by the actual material available. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I should like to find room here for a number of peculiarities which are able to modify the significance of external stimuli for the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now 1 begin to feel more and more at ease on the back of my highly in- telligent horse; I sit more comfortably, and I find that lam quite at home up here. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My dream of the three Parcae is obviously a hunger-dream, but it has contrived to shift the need for food right back to the child’s longing for its mother’s breast, and to use a harmless desire as a mask for a more serious one that cannot venture to express itself so openly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And, in order to condude this argument: If sensations of a disagreeable character which originate from somatic sources are present during sleep, this constellation is utilized by the dream-activity to pro- cure the fulfilment—with more or less maintenance of the censorship— of an otherwise suppressed wish. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Not that it is êapable of supplying the dream-content; but it forces the dream- thoughts to make a choice from the material destined to serve the purpose of representation in the dream-content, inasmuch as it brings within easy reach that part of the material which is adapted to its own character, and holds the rest at a distance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It would be more in keeping with the dreamer’s feelings if the strangers were to look at him in astonishment, or were to laugh at him, or be outraged. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have an interesting proof that the dream which is partially distorted by wish-fulfilment has not been properly un- derstood; for it has been made the basis of a fairy-tale familiar to us all in Ande~sen~s version of The Emperor’s New Clothes, and it has more recently received poetical treatment by Fulda in The Talisman. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The elder child ifi-treated the younger, slandered him, and robbed him of his toys; the younger was consumed with helpless fury against the elder, envied and feared him, or his earliest impulse toward liberty and his first revolt against injustice were directed against his oppressor. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
also: Analyse der Phobie eines f12n/jährigen Knaben in the .Tahrbuch The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The child was being troublesome, at table, and noted that one of the waitresses in the pension was looking at her with an ex- pression of annoyance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE MATERIAL AND SOURCES OF DREAMS If, then, the death-wish of a child in respect of his brothers and sisters is explained by his childish egoism, which makes him regard his brothers and sisters as rivals, how are we to account for thè same wish in respect of his parents, who bestow their love on him, and satisfy his needs, and whose preservation he ought to desire for these very egoistical reasons? Towards a solution of this difficulty we may be guided by our knowl- edge that the very great majority of dreams of the death of a parent refer to the parent of the same sex as the dreamer, so that a man generally dreams of the death of his father, and a woman of the death of her mother. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We must distinguish between the traditional standard of conduct, the filial piety expected in this relation, and what daily observation shows us to be the fact. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Kronos devours his children, as the wild boar devours the litter of the sow; Zeus emasculates his father2 and takes his place as ruler. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
‘909, and Das Inzestrasotiv us Dicistung und Sage, 1912, chap. ix, 2. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Falling in love with one parent and hating the other forms part of the permanent stock of the psychic impulses which arise in early childhood, and are of such importance as the material of the subse- quent neurosis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
King Oedipus, who slew his father Laius and wedded his mother Jocasta, is nothing more or less than a wish-fulfilment—the fulfilment of the wish of our childhood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But we, more fortunate than he, in so far as we have not become psychoneurotics, have since our childhood succeeded in withdrawing our sexual impulses from our mothers, and in forgetting our jealousy of our fathers. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the more modern drama, the curious fact that it is possible to remain in complete uncertainty as to the character of the hero has proved to be quite consistent with the over- powering effect of the tragedy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just as Hamlet treats of the relation of the son to his parents, so Macbeth, which was written about the same period, is based upon the theme of childlessness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A child wants nothing more intensely than to grow big, and to eat as much of everything is grown-ups do; a child is hard to satisfy; he knows no such word as “enough,” and insatiably demands the repetition M whatever has pleased him or tasted good to him. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For inasmuch as everything that occurs in preconscious thinking may appear in dreams (in the content as well as the latent dream-thoughts) the altruistic feelings may possibly occur. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream-thoughts and the dream-content present themselves as two descriptions of the same content in two different languages; or, to put it more dearly, the dream-content appears to us as a translation of the dream-thoughts into another mode of expression, whose symbols and laws of composition we must learn by comparing the origin with the translation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a rule, the extent of the compression which has been accomplished is under-estimated, owing to the fact that the dream-thoughts which have been brought to light are believed to be the whole of the material, whereas a continuation of the work of inter- pretation would reveal st?ll further thoughts hidden in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have already found it necessary to remark that one can never be really sure that one has interpreted a dream completely; even if the solution seems satisfying and flawless, it is always possible that yet another mean- ing has been manifested by the same dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Is it not more probable that new combinations of thoughts are developed in the course of analysis, which did not participate in the formation of the dream? To this objection I can give only a conditional reply. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
it is true, of course, that separate combinations of thoughts make their first appearance during the analysis; but one can convince oneself every time this happens that such new combinations have been established only between thoughts which have already been connected in other ways in the dream-thoughts; the new combinations are, so to speak, corollaries, short-circuits, which are made possible by the existence of other, more fundamental modes of connection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
292 We shall learn more if we examine the other components of the dream in respect of their occurrence in the dream-thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Finally, towards 1h6 top of the hill, he is able to walk much more easily. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
From our study of ex- hibition-dreams we are already acquainted with this sensation of being inhibited in motion, peculiar to dreams, and here again we find it utilized as material always available for the purposes of any other kind of repre- sentation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now it is evident what inversion is meant: In Sappho the man carries the woman who stands in a sexual relation to him; in the dream-thoughts, conversely, there is a reference to a woman carrying a man; and, as this could occur only in childhood, the reference is once more to the nurse who carries the heavy child. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this case real and imagined happenings appear at first as of equal value—and not only here, but also in the creation of more important psychic structures than dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just as the name Sappho has not been selected by the poet without ref- erence to a Lesbian practice, so the portions of the dream in which people are busy upstairs and downstairs, “above” and “beneath,” point to fancies of a sexual content with which the dreamer is occupied, and which, as sup- pressed cravings, are not unconnected with his neurosis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A large company, as we already know, signifies a secret. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For the purposes of dream-condensation I may construct a composite person in yet another fashion, by combining the actual features of two or more persons in a single dream-image. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My readers may convince themselves that the dreams of my patients give the impres- sion of being quite as witty (at least, in intention), as my own, and even more so. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Since I know that he does not share my opinions concerning the etiology of the neuroses, t refrained from contradicting him, but I did not conceal my scepticism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They are my pride and my riches.”—” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Not infrequently they are trains of thought which proceed from more than ‘I have since given the complete analysis and synthesis of two dreams in the Brucli- stück einer Hysterieanalyse, 1905 (Ges. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It will then become clear that this thought activity is evoked not by the dream-thoughts, but by the dream itself, after it is, in a certain sense, already completed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The method of representation more frequently employed—in cases, for example, where the dream- thoughts are to the effect: “Because this was thus and thus, this and that must happen”—consists in making the subordinate clause a prefatory dream and joining the principal clause on to it in the form of the main dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now the preliminary dream refers to the hóuse of the lady’s parents. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, the same dream, which expresses the dreamer’s joy at having succeeded in passing through life unsullied, hints in several places (as in the falling of the blossom) at the opposite train of thought, namely, that she had been guilty of various sins against sexual purity (that is, in her childhood). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Abel demonstrates a very large number of those relationships in ancient Egyptian, and points to dis- tinct remnants of the same development In the Semitic and Indo-Germanic lan.. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Local- ities are often treated as persons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There are also dreams in which my ego appears together with other persons who, when the identification is resolved, once more show themselves to be my ego. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That one’s ego should appear in the same dream several times or in different forms is fundamentally no more surprising than that it should appear, in conscious thinking, many times and in different places or in different rela~ fions: as, for example, in the sentence: “When I think what a healthy child Iwas.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A more careful technique combines features of the one object with those of the other in a new image, while it makes skilful use of any really existing resemblances between the two objects. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If the objects to be condensed into a unity are too incongruous, the dream-work is content with creating a composite formation with a comparatively distinct nudeus, to whiçh are attached more indefinite modifications. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Dreams naturally abound in such composite formations; I have given several examples of these in the dreams already analysed, and wifi now cite more such examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
324) the dream- representation of ascending is an inversion of its prototype in the dream- thoughts: that is, of the introductory scene of Daudet’s Sappho; in the dream climbing is difficult at first and easy later on, whereas in the novel it is easy at first, and later becomes more and more difficult. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The differences in the intensity of individual dream-images cover the whole gamut, from a sharpness of definition which one is inclined— although without warrant—to rate more highly than that of reality, to a provoking indistinctness which we declare to be characteristic of dreams, because it really is not wholly comparable to any of the degrees of in- distinctness which we occasionally perceive in real objects. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, we usually describe the impression which we receive of an indistinct object in a dream as “fleeting,” while we think of the more distinct dream-images as having been perceptible also for a longer period of time. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The very element of the dream which is transient and hazy, and screened by more vigorous images, is often discovered to be the one and only direct derivative of the topic that completely dominates the dream-thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may, therefore, expect that it will be possible to express this condition, as well as the other condition of the wish-fulfil- ment in a single formula. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It will readily be understood that those elements by means of which the wish-fulfilment expresses itself are those which are intensely represented. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That one of these homologous dreams which comes first in time is usually the most distorted and most bashful, while the next dream is bolder and more distinct. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After relating the first dream, the King said: “After I had seen this vision I awaked out of my sleep, and, being in disorder, and consider- ing with myself what this appearance should be, I fell asleep again, and saw another dream much more wonderful than the foregoing, which still did more affright and disturb me.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE DREAM-WORK * 327 328 In other dreams in which the inability to do something occurs, not merely as a situation, but also as a sensation, the same contradiction is more emphatically expressed by the sensation of inhibited movement, or a will to which a counter-wifi is opposed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
iThis theory is not in accordance with more recent views. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Once the abstractly expressed and unservice- able dream-thought is translated into pictorial language, those contacts and identities between this new expression and the rest of the dream- material which are required by the dream-work, and which it contrives whenever they are not available, are more readily provided, since in every language concrete terms, owing to their evolution, are richer in associa- tions than are abstract terms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Not only the possibility of representation, but also the interests of condensation and of the censorship, may be furthered by this exchange. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What would be so long is not told in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But there is yet more symbolism in the picture. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE DREAM-WORK * 333 334 In fact, if we look more closely into the matter, we must recognize that in employing this kind of substitution the dream-work is doing nothing at all original. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have, of course, an abundance of such material, but to reproduce it here would lead us too far into the consideration of neurotic conditions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this connection it should be noted that symbolism does not appertajn especially to dreams, but rather to the unconscious imagi- nation, and particularly to that of the people, and it is to be found in a more developed condition in folklore, myths, legends, idiomatic phrases, proverbs, and the current witticisms of a people than in dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Although since Schemer’s time the more recent investigations of dream- problems have definitely established the existence of dream-symbolism— even Havelock Ellis acknowledges that our dreams are indubitably fufl of symbols—it must yet be admitted that the existence of symbols in dreams has not only facilitated dream-interpretation, but has also made it more difficult. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The technique of interpretation in accordance with the dreamer’s free associations more often than otherwise leaves us in th( lurch as far as the symbolic elements of the dream-content are concerned. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The interest 1 (In the U.S.A. the father is represented in dreams as “the President,” and even more often as “the Governor”—a title which is frequently applied to the parent in everyday life.—Tiw.rs.] The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have, at all events, abundant confirmation that the figure three is a symbol of the male genitals. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One of Stekel’s gen- eralizations refers to the double meaning of the genital symbols. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“He is taking a walk with his father in a place which is certainly th~ Prater, for one can see the Rotunda, in front of which there is a smal4 vestibule to which there is attached a captive balloon; the balloon, how- ever, seems rather limp. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An objection frequently raised by the opponents of psychoanalysis— and recently also by Havelock Ellis 2—iS that, although dream-symbolism may perhaps be a product of the neurotic psyche, it has no validity what- ever in the case of normal persons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I call her attention to the fact that “the centre of a table” is an unusual expression, which she admits; but here, of course, I cannot question her more directly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She also has a knowledge—possible only in the dream—of her physical need; she sees herself flat like a table, so that she emphasizes all the more her virginity, the costliness of the centre (another time she calls it a cen- tre-piece of flowers). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Two other lines would be more appropriate:— The dream thus contains the “lucky (big) throw,” which is not, how- ever, a wish-fulfilment only. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Dreams of falling are more frequently characterized by anxiety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more one is occupied with the solution of dreams, the readier one becomes to acknowledge that the majority of the dreams of adults deal with sexual material and give expression to erotic wishes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The nar- row, steep passage is, of course, the vagina; the assistance attributed to the wife of the dreamer requires the interpretation that in reality it is only consideration for the wife which is responsible for abstention from such an attempt. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I can assure the reader that disguised dreams of sexual intercourse with the dreamer’s mother are far more frequent than undisguised dreams to the same effect.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The robbers were always the father; the ghosts more probably corre- sponded to female persons in white night-gowns. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This detail, again, is nothing more than an indication to the effect that something else ‘[Given by translator, as the author’s example could not be translated.] The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That night, in a dream, he saw the New Year’s celebration once more, and heard the speech, or rather saw it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now, this is what the dream refers to, for a year is equal to 365 days; the three weeks remaining before the end of the scholastic year, and of the treatment, are equivalent to 21 days (though not to so many hours of treatment). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Bearing in mind these examples, and others of a similar nature (to follow), we may say: The dream-work does not calculate at all, whether correctly or incorrectly; it only strings together, in the form of a sum, numerals which occur in the dream-thoughts, and which may serve as allusions to material which is insusceptible of representation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The analysis of another dream—which I will cite at this stage for the sake of a very distinct speech, which constitutes its nucleus, but which will be explained only when we come to evaluate the affects in dreams—is more instructive. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
morial to Fleischl, in the doisters of the University, upon which occasion I had once more seen the memorial to Brücke, and must have thought with regret (in the unconscious) how my gifted friend P., with all blu devotion to science, had by his premature death forfeited his just dain~ ‘The inscription In fact reads:— The motive of the mistake: patriac for publicae, has probably been correctly divined by Wittels. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I will begin with a few examples in which the absurdity of the dream- content is apparent only, disappearing when the dream is more thor- oughly examined. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reason for this may be ‘Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The next sentence, to the effect that my father remembers that he was once drunk, and was locked up in consequence, contains nothing that really relates to my father any more. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
leaves the subject from which the preceding sentences are taken, and faithfully reproduces the circum- stances under which I told my father that I was engaged to be married. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This relation holds good in the case of caviare; the unsalted kind’ is more highly prized than the salted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A little girl asked me the way to a certain street; I had to tell her that I did not know it; I then remarked to my friend, “I hope that later on in life the child will show more perspicacity in select- ing the persons whom she allows to direct her.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He for whom the forbidden saying was Intended was more likely to tolerate it if he was able to laugh at it, and to flatter himself with the comment that what he disliked was obviously absurd. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
My next concern is to show that the dream-work is exhausted by the co-operation of the three factors enumerated—and of a fourth which has still to be mentioned—that it does no more than translate the dream- thoughts, observing the four conditions prescribed, and that the ques- tion whether the mind goes to work in dreams with all its intellectual faculties, or with only part of them, is wrongly stated, and does not meet the actual state of affairs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The interpostion, “Which seems improbable to me,” belongs to the follow- ing: “It seems plausible to me.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is the doing of the wish-fulfilment that precisely the material of those inferences, which I fear will be contested, should be utilized by the dream-work for establishing incontestable conclusions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Probably I was quickly recognized as a person hungry for fresh air. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This enigma disappeared more suddenly and more completely than perhaps any other dream-problem if we pass from the manifest to the latent content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Analysis tells us that the ideational contents have undergone displacements and substitutions, while the affects have remained un- changed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The child was at the time very well able to ex- press the concept of separation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I stand with him in a large salon with three windows, in front of which rise the projections of a wall, like battlements of a fortress. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In one place an affect that would be expected is lacking: it is expressly emphasized that the death of the governor makes no impression upon me; at another point, when I see the warships, I am frightened, and experience all the sensations of fright in my sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For there is no rea- son why I should be frightened at the governor’s death, and it is fitting that, as the commander of the castle, I should be alarmed by the sight of the warship. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The alarm which goes with the sight of the warship must: be transferred from it to this disagreeable thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just as in the sleeping state the emission of motor impulses towards the outer world seems to be suspended, so the centrifugal awakening of affects by unconscious thinking during sleep may be rendered more difficult. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We must remem- ber that all the more complex dreams have revealed themselves as the result of a compromise between conflicting psychic forces. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Like every other displacement, this serves the purposes of the censorship, but it is often the work of wish-fulfilment, for wish-fulfilment consists in nothing more than the substitution of an unwelcome thing by its opposite. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
an enemy, it is almost more important that I should conceal the expression of my affect from him than that I should modify the verbal expression of my thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I often felt far from comfortable about it, and regretted the waste of time which I might have employed for better and more useful purposes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Since then I have become an “analyst.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now I understand: when I feel THE DREAM-WORK * 413 414THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS proud of these analyses in my waking life, and feel inclined to boast of my achievements, my dreams hold up to me at night those other, unsuc- cessful analyses, of which I have no reason to be proud; they are the punitive dreams of the upstart, like those of the journeyman tailor who became a celebrated poet. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may conclude that the foundation of the dream con- sisted at first of an arrogant phantasy of ambition; but that in its stead only its suppression and abasement has reached the dream-content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now this is a wish-fulfilment in more senses than one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The preparation signifies the self-analyses which I perform, as it were, by publishing my book on dreams, which I actually found so painful that I postponed the printing of the completed manuscript for more than a year. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here the same affects that dominated in the dream-thoughts bave remained in the dream, but the process is probably not quite so sim- THE DREAM-WORK V * 415 416 ple as this in any dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But now let it happen that the hated person, through some transgression of his own, draws upon himself a well-deserved calamity; I shall now be allowed to give free rein to my satisfaction at his being visited by a just punishment, and I shall be expressing an opinion which coincides with that of other impartial persons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In such cases the quality of the affect is justified, but not its degree; and the self- criticism that has been appeased in respect of the first point is only too ready to neglect to scrutinize the second point. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the dream the element unobtrusively points to the reproach that I cannot keep anything to myself, and so does the question of Fi. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us assume, for the purposes of dream-interpretation, with, more or less, the following content: We two children quarrel on account of some object—just what we shall leave undecided, although the memory, or illusion of memory, has a very definite object in view— and each claims that he got there first, and therefore has the first right to it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, this recollection, or more probably phantasy, which forces itself upon my attention in the course of the analysis—without further evi- dence I myself do not know how—becomes a central item of the dream- THE DREAM-WORK * 419 420THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS thoughts, which collects the affective impulses prevailing in the dream- thoughts, as the bowl of a fountain collects the water that flows into it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He was next to me in the line of promotion in Brücke’s laboratory, but advance- ment there was very slow. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the funeral of this friend a young man made the following remark, which seemed rather out of place: “The preacher talked as though the world could no longer exist without this one human being.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In another stratum of thought I said to myself, at the ceremony of unveiling the memorial: “I have lost so many dear friends, some through death, some through the dissolution of friendship; is it not good that substitutes have presented themselves, that I have gained a friend who means more to me than the others could, and whom I shall now always retain, at an age when it is not easy to form new friendships?” The gratification of having found this substitute for my lost friend can be taken over into the dream without interference, but behind it there sneaks in the hostile feeling of malicious gratification from the infantile source. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And now the bonds of association be- tween the contradictory components of the dream-thoughts are more tightly drawn by the accidental circumstance that my friend’s little daughter bears the same name as the girl playmate of my own youth, who was just my own age, and the sister of my oldest friend and antagonist. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more intense and the more domi- nating the element of the painful mood in the dream-thoughts, the more surely will the most strongly suppressed wish-impulses take advantage of the opportunity to secure representation; for thanks to the actual exist- ence of discomfort, which otherwise they would have to create spon- taneously, they find that the more difficult part of the work necessary to ensure representation has already been accomplished; and with these observations we touch once more upon the problem of anxiety-dreams, which will prove to be the boundary-case of dream-activity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But it is more convenient to go on sleeping and to tolerate the dream, “because, after all, it’s only a dream.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These are the dreams which have, so to speak, already been once interpreted before we subject them to waking interpretation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A more thorough examination of the character of these day-phantasies shows with what good reason the same name has been given to these formations as to the products of nocturnal thought— dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the “secondary elaboration” of the dream-content which we have ascribed to our fourth dream-forming factor, we find once more the very same activity which is allowed to manifest itself, uninhibited by other influences, in the creation of day-dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They seem to me to be in a state of flux, to be more coherent and at the same time more transient than other portions of the same dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But even in Jhis connection I cannot entirely avoid the “phantasy,” because it often finds its way into the dream complete, and THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS still more often perceptibly glimmers through it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I might mention yet one more dream, which seems to be composed of two distinct and opposed phantasies, overlapping here and there, of which the first is superficial, while the second becomes, as it were, the interpretation of the first.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
iii). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE DREAM-WORK * 427 428THE INTERPRETATION OF t~REAMS analysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Upon waking, the sleeper remem- bers in detail the phantasy which was transferred as a whole into the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After several vain efforts, I once more exert all my will- power to formulate for myself the Kantian deduction in order to apply it to Schopenhauer’s statement of the problem. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The psychic activity in dream-formation resolves itself into two achievements: the production of the dream-thoughts and the transformation of these into the dream-content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It does not think, calculate, or judge at all, but limits itself to the work of transformation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Greater intensities have (probably) to be produced than are at the disposal of the night dream-thoughts, and this purpose is served by the extensive condensation to which the constituents of the dream- thoughts are subjected. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Hitherto, all the paths that we have followed have led, if I mistake not, to light, to explanation, and to full understanding; but from the moment when we seek to penetrate more deeply into the psychic processes in dreaming, all paths lead into darkness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the contrary, we shall be compelled to advance a number of new assumptions, which do little more than conjecture the structure of the psychic apparatus and the play of the energies active in it; and we shall have to be careful not to go too far beyond the simplest * 437 438THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS logical construction, since otherwise its value will be doubtful. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream was given precedence over waking reflection because it was able to show the child still living. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There can be no doubt about the peculiar features in this brief dream which engage our particular interest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is true that we distort the dream in our at- tempt to reproduce it; we once more find therein what we have called the secondary and often misunderstanding elaboration of the dream by the agency of normal thinking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this distortion is itself no more than a part of the elaboration to which the dream-thoughts are constantly sub- jected as a result of the dream-censorship. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Other writers have here sus- pected or observed that part of the dream-distortion whose work is mani- fest; but for us this is of little consequence, as we know that a far more extensive work of distortion, not so easily apprehended, has already taken the dream for its object from among the hidden dream-thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These are the points from which the analysis may start. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES disguise, replacing a treacherous expression by a less relevant one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the same way the patient, having reached a certain part of the work, may recall a dream which occurred three, four, or more days ago, and which has hitherto remained in oblivion.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Psychoanalytical experience has furnished us with yet another proof of the fact that the forgetting of dreams depends far more on the resist- ance than on the mutually alien character of the waking and sleeping states, as some writers have believed it to depend. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream has far more frequently taken the result of the interpretation with it into forget- 1Ernest Jones describes an analogous case of frequent occurrence; during the analy.~ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this attempt I was invariably successful; indeed, I may say that the interpretation was effected more easily after all this time than when the dreams were of recent occurrence. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In such subsequent interpretations I have compared the old yield of dream-thoughts with the present result, which has usually been more abundant, and I have invariably found the old dream-thoughts unaltered among the present ones. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For when I treat a psychoneurotic, for instance, an hysterical patient, by psychoanalysis, I am compelled to find explanations for the first symp- toms of the malady, which have long since disappeared, as well as for those stifi existing symptoms which have brought the patient to me; and I find the former problem easier to solve than the more exigent one of to- * 445 446 day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is very much more difficult to get hold of the “unwished ideas.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The interpretation of a dream cannot always be ac- complished in one session; after following up a chain of associations you will often feel that your working capacity is exhausted; the dream will not tell you anything more that day; it is then best to break off, and to resume the work the following day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2Dreams which have occurred during the first years of childhood, and which have sometimes been retained in the memory for decades with perfect sensorial freshness, are almost always of great importance for the understanding of the development and the neurosis of the dreamer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He has the former chain of associations stifi in mind, and will therefore in the analysis o. the second dream-idea hit all the more readily upon single associations which have something in common with the associations of the first chain. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thinking without directing ideas cannot be ensured by any influence we ourselves exert on our own psychic life; neither do I know of any state of psychic derangement in which such a mode of thought establishes itself.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I know that an unregulated stream of thoughts, devoid of directing ideas~ can occur as little in the realm of hysteria and paranoia as in the forma~ tion or solution of dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But how are we now to explain this characteristic peculiarity of the dream-work, or—to put it more modestly—how are we to bring it into relation with the psychic processes? The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us take another dream, in which the dream-wish does not break away from the continua- tion of the waking thoughts in sleep; for example, the dream of Irma’s injection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When Daudet’s M. Joyeuse wanders unemployed through the streets of Paris while his daughter is led to believe that he has a post and is sitting in his office, he dreams, in the present tense, of circumstances that might help him to obtain a recommendation and employment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is probably this modi- fication of the usual psychic process which makes possible the cathexis1 of the system of P to its full sensory vividness in the reverse direction to thinking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In regression the structure of the dream-thoughts breaks up into its raw material. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It would seem that dreams and neuroses have preserved for us more of the psychical antiquities than we suspected; so that psycho- analysis may daim a high rank among those sciences which endeavour to reconstruct the oldest and darkest phases of the beginnings of mankind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All these considerations are justified, and force us to look more closely into the rôle of the wish-fulfillment in dreams, and the significance of the waking thoughts continued in sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I will mention a very simple dream of this kind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may now ask whence in each case does the wish that is realized in the dream originate? But to what opposition or to what diversity do we relate this “whence”? I think to the opposition between conscious daily life and an unconscious psychic activity which is able to make itself per- ceptible only at night. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more domineering the worry the more forced could be the connection to be established; between the content of the wish and that of the worry there need be no connection, nor was there one in our example. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This, then, results in a pure and simple satisfaction- dream, a palpable “wish-fulfilment,” concerning which there is nothing more to be said. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(b) The painful ideas find their way into the manifest dream-content, more or less modified, but nevertheless quite recognizable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Analysis then shows that even these painful dreams are wish-fulfil- ments. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or it may happen that the sleep ego plays an even more extensive part in the dream-formation, that it reacts with violent resentment to the accomplished satisfaction of the repressed wish, and even goes so far as to make an end of the dream by means of anxiety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To this extent these dreams comply with the requirement here laid down: that the motive-power be- hind the dream-formation must be furnished by a wish belonging to the unconscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But a finer psychological dissection allows us to recognize the difference between this and the other wish-dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here I need only remark that the occurrence of punishment-dreams is not generally subject to the pres- ence of painful day-residues. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In other cases the capitalist himself is the entrepreneur; this, indeed, seems to be the more usual case. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus there are dreams sustained by more than one dream-wish, and many similar variations, which may be readily imagined, and which are of no further interest to us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we wished to penetrate more deeply into the psychic’ processes, we should have to throw a clearer light on the play of excitations between the preconscious and the unconscious, and indeed the study of the psychoneuroses would impel us to do so; but dreams, as it happens, give us no help in this respect. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But we are not a step nearer to answering the question: Why is it that the unconscious can furnish in sleep nothing more than the motive-power for a wish-fulfilment? The answer to this question must elucidate the psychic nature of the state of wishing: and it will be given with the aid of the notion of the psychic apparatus. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may assume a primitive state of the psychic apparatus in which this path is actually followed, i.e. in which the wish ends in hallu- cination. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The satisfaction does not occur, and the need continues. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
they dominate our speech and action, or they enforce hallucinatory regressions, thus directing an apparatus not designed for them by virtue of the attraction exerted by perceptions on the distribution of our psychic energy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On its way to regression it acquires representability. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But when the dream-process becomes a percep- tion-content, it has, so to speak, eluded the obstacle set up in the Pcs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus there arises a wish transferred to recent material; or the suppressed recent wish is revived by a reinforce- ment from the unconscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The first part threads its way progressively from the unconscious scenes or phantasies to the preconscious, while the second part struggles back from the boundary of the censorship to the tract of the perceptions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For consciousness, which for us means a sense-organ for the apprehension of psychic qualities, can be excited in waking life from two sources: firstly, from the periphery of the whole apparatus, the perceptive system; and secondly, from the ex- citations of pleasure and pain which emerge as the sole psychic qualities yielded by the transpositions of energy in the interior of the apparatus. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now that we know that throughout the night the preconscious is ori- entated to the wish to sleep, we can follow the dream-process with proper understanding. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may now begin to suspect that it is really more expedient and economical to give way to the unconscious wish, to leave clear its path to regression so that it may form a dream, and then to bind and dispose of this dream by means of a small outlay of pre- conscious work, than to hold the unconscious in check throughout the THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF’ THE DREAM-PROCESSES whole period of sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They thus behave like preparatory practice for waking activities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A neurotic is said to be incapable of crossing “A second consideration, much more important and far-reaching, but equally over- looked by the laity, is the following. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In attempting to penetrate more profoundly into the psychology of the dream-processes, I have undertaken a difficult task, to which, indeed, my powers of exposition are hardly adequate. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
thought an altered expression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, we too have called the dream absurd, but ex- amples have shown us how wise the dream is when it simulates absurdity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream-work we had to separate from this activity as something quite different and far more closely controlled. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Finally, we have by no means renounced the rela- tion of the dream to psychic disturbances, but have given it, on new ground, a more solid foundation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us also state in plain terms how we visualize the movement of our thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
taneously, or it may continue. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All the qualities which we value in our thought-processes, and which mark them out as complicated performances of a high order, we shall find repeated in the dream-thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in order to enable us to say just what repression is, after employing this THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES term so freely, we shall be obliged to make a further addition to our psy- chological scaffolding. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the contrary, there will be a tendency in the primary apparatus to turn away again from this painful memory-image immediately if it is in any way awakened, since the overflow of its excitation into perception would, of course, evoke (or more precisely, begin to evoke) pain. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The primary process strives for discharge of the excitation in order to establish with the quantity of excitation thus collected an identity of perception; the secondary process has abandoned this intention, and has adopted instead the aim of an identity of thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES system cannot do anything but wish. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If this were to remain so, the activity of thought of the second system, which needs to have at its disposal all the memories stored up by experience, would be obstructed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It will suffice to note the fact that such a conversion of affect occurs in the course of development (one need only think of the emer- gence of disgust, originally absent in infantile life), and that it is con- nected with the activity of the secondary system. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These “incorrect” processes are the primary processes of the psychic apparatus; they occur wherever ideas abandoned by the preconscious * 505 5o6THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS cathexis are left to themselves and can become filled with the uninhibited energy which flows from the unconscious and strives for discharge. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The fulfilment of these wishes would no longer pro- duce an affect of pleasure, but one of pain; and it is just this conversion of affect that constitutes the essence of what we call “repression.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
becomes the preliminary condition of repression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are probably much too inclined to overestimate the conscious character even of intellectual and artistic production. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“It is a truth which cannot be sufficiently emphasized that the concepts of con- sciousness and of the psyche are not co-extensive” (p. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the great respect with which the ancient peoples regarded dreams is based on a just piece of psychological divination. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are here once more confronted with the principle of the succession of instances which seems to dominate the structure of the apparatus. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is probable that the pain-principle first of all regulates the displacements of cathexis automatically, but it is quite possible that con- sciousness contributes a second and more subtle regulation of these quali- ties, which may even oppose the first, and perfect the functional capacity of the apparatus, by placing it in a position contrary to its original design, subjecting even that which induces pain to cathexis and to elaboration. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We find that repression, which, though originally expedient, nevertheless finally brings about a harmful lack of inhibition and of psychic control, overtakes memories much more easily than it does per- * 513 514 ceptions, because in the former there is no additional cathexis from the excitation of the psychic sense-organs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
sense-organs on the mobile quantity is demonstrated in a teleological context by nothing more dearly than by the creation of a new series of qualities, and consequently a new regulation, which cbn- stitutes the prerogative of man over the animals. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It would seem more appropriate not to speak of degeneration: (I) where there are not many marked deviations from the normal; (2) where the capacity for working and living do not in general appear markedly impaired.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may be disputed on the ground that a more accurate examination of those claiming to be congenital inverts will probably show that the direction of the libido was determined by a definite experience of early childhood, which has not been retained in the conscious memory of the person, but which can be brought back to memory by proper influences (Havelock Ellis). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The tentative explanation by Krafft-Ebing seems to be more accurately formulated than that of Ulrich but does not essentially differ from it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
More- over, we do not even know whether we can assume for the sexual func- tions separate brain locations (“centers”) in the sanie way as for the speech function. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the determination of sex, as far as heterosexual persons are concerned, some are disproportionately more strongly developed than others. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Among these authors are Cheva- lier (inversion sexuelle, 1893), and Krafft-Ebing (“Zur Erkilirung der konträren Sexualempfindung,” Jahrbücher f. Psychiatrie u. Nervenheilkunde, XIII), who states that there are a number of observations “from which at least the virtual and continued existence of this second center (of the underlying sex) results.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Libido und Manie, ‘903). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The change concerns more or less completely the somatic sexual characters and the psychosexual behavior (as subject- and object-erotic). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of recent years biological workers, especially Eugen Steinach, have thrown a clear light upon the organic conditionings of homoerotism as well as upon sexual char- acters. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(A. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The sexual instinct is probably entirely independent of its object and is not origi~ nated by the stimuli proceeding from the object. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2At the same time it is to be observed that sexual overestimation is not developed by all of the mechanisms of object choice, and that we will later learn of another and more direct explanation of the sexual rôle of the other bodily parts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He who abhors the former as perversions, though since antiquity these have been common practices among mankind, yields to a distinct feeling of loathing which restrains him from adopting such sexual aims. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The limit of such loathing is frequently purely conventional; he who kisses fervently the lips of a pretty girl will perhaps be able to use her tooth-brush only with a sense of loathing, though there is no reason to assume that his own oral cavity for which he entertains no loathing is cleaner than that of the girl. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
1Deeper penetrating psychoanalytic investigation has led to a more authoritative critique of Binet’s assertion. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more remarkable, therefore, is the fact that the genitals, the sight of which provokes the greatest sexual excitement, can really never be considered “beautiful.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the perversion which consists in striving to look and be looked at, we are confronted with a very remarkable peculiarity which will occupy us even more intensively in the following aberration. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may even be doubted whether it ever is primary and whether it does not more often originate through transformation from sadism.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The aggression which is mixed with the sexual instinct is, according to some authors, a remnant of cannibalistic lust—that is, a participation of the domination apparatus, which serves also for the gratification of the other ontogenetically older great need.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A great part of the opposition to this assertion of mine is explained by the fact that the sexuality from which I deduce the psychoneurotic symptoms is thought of as coincident with the normal sexual instinct. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The interest in these deductions will be more heightened by certain peculiarities of the actual facts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What is more remarkable in the com- pulsion neurosis is the significance of the impulses which create new sex- ual aims and appear independently of the erogenous tones. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In individual cases of neurosis the behavior may be different; now the congenital force of the tendency to perversion may be more decisive, and at other times more influence may be exerted by the collateral increase of the same through the deviation of the libido from the normal sexual aim and object. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
it is quite remarkable that those writers who endeavor to explain the qualities and reactions of the adult individual have given so much more attention to the ancestral period than to the period of the individual’s own existence—that is, they have attributed more influence to heredity than to childhood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a matter of fact, it might well be supposed that the influence of the latter period would be easier to understand, and that it would be entitled to more consideration than heredity.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Why does our memory lag behind all our other psychic activities? We really have reason to believe that at no time of life are we more capable of impres~ sions and reproductions than during the years of childhood.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But what forces bring about this repression of the infantile impressions? He who can solve this riddle will also explain hysterical amnesia. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“One would more correctly represent the facts by saying that the maturing of the sexual characteristics as seen fully in puberty, depends upon the increasingly rapid development of proc- esses which have begun much earlier—according to our opinion even in embryonsi life.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the nursery, thumbsucking is often treated in the same way as any other sexual “naughtiness” of the child. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
No. 20), under the title “Das Lütscherli,” published the confession of a grown-up girl who had not given up this childish sexual activity and described the pleasure of thumbsucking as completely analogous to a sexual gratification, especially to that of a kiss from her lover. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The production of the sensation of pleasure therefore depends more on the quality of the stimulus than on the nature of the bodily region. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Real masturbatic irritation of the anal zone by means of the fingers, evoked through either centrally or peripherally supported itching, is not at all rare in older children. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The possible relations are very diverse and can only be elucidated through a more precise analysis of individual cases. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The latter case is more frequent in girls and in the second half of childhood; its deter- minants are not well understood, but it often, though not regularly, seems to have as a basis a period of early active masturbation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
INFANTILE SEXUALITY * 559 j 560 CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THEORY OF SEX ever the enuresis nocturna does not represent an epileptic attack, it cor- responds to a pollution. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This has justly caused them to demand that physical punishment, which is usually di- rected to this part of the body, should be withheld from all children in whom the libido might be forced into collateral roads by the later de- mands of cultural education.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have a right to expect that continued analytic efforts will furnish us with still more disclosures concerning the structure and development of the normal sexual function. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The first shift has its origin between the age of three and five years and is brought to a stop or to regression by the latency period; it is char- acterized by the infantile nature of its sexual aims. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As everybody knows, mod- em cultural education utilizes sports to a great extent in order to turn away the youth from sexual activity; it would be more proper to say that it replaces the sex- ual pleasure by motion pleasure and forces the sexual activity back upon one of its autoerotic components. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This may be looked upon as the only justified basis for the otherwise so doubtful etiology of nervous disturbances from mental “overwork.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in addition to this, there are arrangements in the organism which induce sexual excitement as a subsidiary action in a large number of inner processes as soon as the intensity of these processes has risen above certain quantitative limits. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That which separates the uormal from the abnormal is but a relative increase in a single component of the sexual in- stinct and what course it may take during development. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The psychic sign consists of a peculiar feeling of tension of a most urgent character, and among the manifold somatic signs, the many changes in the genitals are uppermost. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
tion for the sexual act (the erection of the penis and the glandular activity of the vagina). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How it happens that the perceived pleasure evokes the desire for greater pleasure, that is the real problem. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The most striking process of puberty has been selected as its most char- acteristic; it is the manifest growth of the external genitals which have shown a relative inhibition of growth during the latency period of child- hood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have laid down the concept of libido as a force of variable quantity by which processes and transformations in the spheres of sexual excitement can be measured. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We can thén see it as it concentrates and fixes itself on objects, or as it leaves those objects and passes over to others, from which position it directs the individual’s sexual activity; that is, as it leads to partial and temporary extinction of the libido. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These determinants are, therefore, most intimately connected with the nature of femininity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This object is later lost, perhaps at the very time when it becomes possible for the child to fo’rm a general picture of the person to whom the organ granting him the gratifi- cation belongs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
OBJECT-FINDING THE TRANSFORMATION 0F PUBERTY ual relations, which prepares for object selection and assists in re-estab- lishing the lost happiness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If the mother better understood the high significance of the sexual instinct for the whole psychic life and for all ethical and psychic activities, she would spare herself all reproaches even after the enlightenment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The perversions thus prove themselves to be, on the one hand, inhibitions, and on the other, dissociations from the normal development. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Accordingly, the forces which are destined to hold the sexual instinct in certain tracks are built up in infancy with the help of education at the expense of the greater part of the perverse sexual feelings. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But even these writers put the subject of wit in the background while their chief interest centers around the more comprehensive and more alluring problems of the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I re-emphasize this determinant because it also bas more to do with the nature of wit than with its relation to the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the end, they contribute no more to the knowledge of wit than a number of anecdotes teach us of the true characteristics of a personality whose biography interests us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And it would seem that the more insignificant the substitutive modification, the better is the wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The two thoughts condensed in the witticism are as follows: Except for his vanity, he is an admirable fellow; still I do not care for him, for he is more of an animal than a human being.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This modification takes the place of a passionate plea for his own cause which may be expressed as follows: After all, you must not think that he is so much deverer than I am simply because he has more success in school. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He is really a stupid ass, i.e., much more stupid than I am. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We could easily increase these examples by many others, but I am of the opinion that we are in need of no more cases in order to grasp this second group—condensation with modification. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We recall that Lipps has attempted to describe more fully the peculiarity of the brevity of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On other occa- sions and even much more frequently, the condensation work of the dream produces no compositions, but pictures which closely resemble an object or person up to a certain addition or variation which comes from another source, like the modifications in the witticisms of Mr. N. We cannot doubt that in this case, as in the other, we deal with a similar psychic process which is recognizable by identical results. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
~‘ ~ In examples of this sort, one can use the same material of words and simply change slightly their order. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we delve more deeply into the variety of “manifold application” of the same word, we suddenly notice that we are confronted with forms of “double meaning” or “plays on words” which have been known a long time and which are universally acknowledged as belonging to the tech- nique of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In both cases, the technique of wit can make use of such relationship of the speech material. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(c) Cases of actual double meaning or play on words—the ideal case, as it were, of manifold application. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, the wit depends more on the manifold application than on the play on words. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One can really not decide whether the sexual or non-sexual sig- nificance of the word is more applicable and more familiar. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, the final sense of the words, “I never aspired as high as that,” is by far more obtrusive and wvers and conceals, as it were, the sexual sensé which could easily escape the unsuspecting person. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the peculiarity that both senses of the double meaning are not equally manifested can occur also in witticisms without sexual reference providing that one sense is more common or that it is preferred on account of its connection with the other parts of the sentence (e.g., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The latter is here apparently the more comprehensive conception. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A compressing or —to be more exact—an economic tendency controls all these techniques. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It really tells the history of two generations in the life of some American families. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But let us remember that it is not at all a matter of Soulié’s witty comparison, but of Heine’s retort, which is surely much more witty. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This is quite correct, yet it seems that in this case, also, the reduction was applied in the wrong place, for the joke does not lie in the question, but in the answer, or rather in the counter-question: “How is that? Is there one missing?” Provided the same is not destroyed, the answer can- not be robbed of its wit by any dilation or variation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, here, too, things do not look quite dear and we will, therefore, look for a third example. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
1 The deviation is much more evident in the bath joke. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Look here,” he said, “you could have the best pupils in town if you would give up drinking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Shall I give up drinking in order to get pupils?” This joke, too, carries the stamp of logic which we have noted in the case of “salmon with mayonnaise,” but it is no longer displacement-wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE TECHNIQUE OF WIT * 627 628 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS displacing the psychic accent to another than the original theme. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Our example (salmon with mayonnaise) shows us that the displacement technique is absolutely independent of the verbal expression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reduced conception would then be: “What I like I cannot deny myself, and it is all the same to me where I get. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Have you taken a bath?” “Taken what? A bath? What is that?” But that is no longer a witticism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The officer who gives the artilleryman, Ike, the nonsensical advice pretends to be stupid in order to show Ike how stupidly he is acting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He enters into Ike’s stupidity and makes him conscious of it by making it the basis of a proposition which must meet with Ike’s wishes, for if Ike owned a cannon THE TECHNIQUE OF WIT NONSENSE AS A TECHNICAL MEANS * 631 632 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS and took up the art of warfare on his own account, of what advantage would his intelligence and ambition be to him? How would he take care of the cannon and acquaint himself with its mechanism in order to meet the competition of other possessors of cannon? I am breaking off the analysis of this example to show the same sense in nonsense in a shorter and simpler, though less glaring case of nonsense- wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One Inight say that the customer uses the relation “for it” in a double sense, or, to speak more correctly, by means of a double sense, he forms a rela- tion which does not hold in reality.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“That’s nothing: if she is not young or pretty, you can trust her all the more.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here you have a finished job.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It might have been possible that the Rabbi of Lemberg had died at the moment when the Rabbi of Cracow had prodaimed his death, but the ~upil displaces the accent from the condition under which the teacher’s Ìct would be remarkable to the unconditional admiration of this act. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are forced to admit, however, that so far, the investigation has led us into more obscurity than enlightenment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Nevertheless, we do not abandon the hope of arriving at a result by means of a more thorough knowledge of the technique of wit, which may become the starting-point for further understanding. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
UNIFICATION “Experience” is described through its own terms, just as in some of the examples cited above. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Neither would I be against this correction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Obviously, it is analogous to condensation by compression into similar words. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“There are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in your philosophy,” Prince Hamlet had disdainfully declared. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
More transpareilt still, because they show no trace of displacement, are two Jewish jokes, which are, however, of the coarse kind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This is what the critic wished to, but could not say, “You are a pair of scoundrels,” or more in detail, “What do I care about your por- traits? You are a pair of scoundrels, that I know.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Namely, in double meaning, when one of the two meanings expressed by the same word stands out very prominently be- cause being used much oftener and more commonly, our attention is di- rected to it first, whereas the other meaning remains in the background be- cause it is more remote—such cases we wished to describe as double meaning with allusion. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is not difficult to guess that the utilized association can be of more than one kind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Both kinds of witticisms create almost the identical impression, but they are more easily distinguishable by the processes of the wit-work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
is a manifesto (which Lichtenberg quotes no further) of these un- fortunates who probably have more right to that title than kings and dukes have to the unmodified “by the Grace of God.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is only a question of whether the gap, or the substitute in the wording of the allusion, which partly fills in the gap, is the more obvious element. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Once more we encounter the two Jews in front of the bathing estab- lishment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A still more obvious omission is contained in the next example, which is really a genuine and correct allusion-witticism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Long before the reader can suspect this application, a certain theme, which hardly lends itself to direct repre- sentation, is preluded by allusions of the most varied material possible; e.g., in Hirsch-Hyacinth’s twisting of words: “You are too corpulent and I am too lean; you have too much imagination and I as much more busi~ ness acumen; I am a practicus and you are a dkrrheticus, in fine, ‘You are altogether my Antipodex’—’Venus Urinia,’ etc.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Once more, we are reminded by the process of allusion of that relation- ship which has already begun to confuse our estimation of the technique of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in no other material do I feel this uncertainty greater and nowhere does it occur more frequently than in the case of comparison- wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
More- over, the fact that witty comparisons but seldom evoke the explosive va- riety of laughter by which a good joke proves itself, makes it impossible for me to cast aside the existing doubts, even when I limit myself to the best and most effective examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The following comparison seems witty for another, though similarly classified reason: “I look upon reviews as a kind of children’s disease which more or less attacks new-born books. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this is followed by a continuation of the com- parison with a regular play on words (“necessity”) and a second, still more unusual combination (“the pants of good breeding”), which is pos- sibly witty in itself; for the pants become witty, as it were, because they are the pants of good breeding. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or, the continued comparison with a very depreciating tendency, from the “Bäder von Lucca:” “The Catholic priest is more like a clerk who is employed in a big business; the church, the big house at the head of which is the Pope, gives him a set salary. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He is concerned only in the credit of the house and still more in its preservation, since he would be deprived of his livelihood if it went into bankruptcy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The Protestant clergyman, on the other hand, is his own boss and carries on the religious businesses on his own respon- sibility. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I add a few more. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The witticism in this case lies exclusively in the absurd repre- sentation which puts what is usually considered less important in the comparative and what is considered more important in the positive de- gree. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is especially true of Lichten- berg’s wit that the path of the thought is often of more value than its witty expression, though we unjustly extend the value of the former to the latter. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Or perhaps it may be more correct to say that they touch upon the solutions of problems. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us bear in mind that a witty sentence gave us a general impression in which we were unable to distinguish the amount of thought-content from the amount of wit-work; perhaps even a more significant parallel to it will be found later. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For our theoretical explanation of the nature of wit, harmless wit must be of greater value to us than tendency-wit and shallow wit more than pro~ found wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But before we proceed to solve the riddle of how the technical means of wit-work can produce pleasure in the hearer, we wish to mention that, for the sake of simplicity afid more lucidity, we have altogether put aside all tendency witticisms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
it is now easy to survey wit-tendencies. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is a much more complicated matter to show in what way wit serves these tendencies. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The smutty joke was originally directed against the woman and may be comparable to an attempt at seduction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The technical means of which it mostly makes use is allusion, i.e., substitution through a trifle, something which is only remotely related, which the listener reconstructs in his imagina- tion as a full fledged and diréct obscenity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Right from the start we meet with similar conditions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am referring to the marriage-agent stories—with a few of which we have become familiar in the investigation of the manifold techniques of thought-wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This state of affairs, we find, is here once more confirmed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If the agent’s speech is endowed with such a strong resemblance of logic, which on more careful examina- tion proves to be merely a semblance, then the truth must be lurking in the fact that the witticism adjudges the agent to be right. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Ridicule of the suitor as seen in these examples in which the agent quite correctly assumes the rôle of superiority, is much more clearly depicted in other examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more pointed the stories, the less wit-technique they contain; they are, as it were, merely borderline cases of wit with whose technique they have only the façade-formation in common. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I recall the two little stories about the impecunious gourmet who was caught eating “salmon with mayonnaise,” and about the tippling tutor; these witty stories, which we have learned to regard as sophistical dis- TEE WITTY CYNICISM j- placement-wit, I shall continue to analyze. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As long as the art of healing has not succeeded in safeguarding our lives, and as long as the social organiza- tions do not do more towards making conditions more agreeable, just so long cannot the voice within us which is striving against the demands of morality, be stifled. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Among the institutions which cynical wit is wont to attack there is none more important and more completely protected by moral precepts, and yet more inviting of attack, than the institution of marriage. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For no demand is more per- sonal than that made upon sexual freedom, and nowhere has civilization attempted to exert a more stringent suppression than in the realm of sexuality. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It shows besides an allusion (cab = pub- lic conveyance), and as the strongest technical means it also shows an omission which serves to make it still more unintelligible. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A particularly favorable case for tendency-wit results if the intended criticism of the inner resistance is directed against one’s own person, or~ more carefully expressed, against a person in whom one takes interest that is, a composite personality such as one’s own people. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Another especially interesting series of jokes presents the relation- ship between the poor and the rich Jews: their heroes are the “shnorrer,” 1 and the charitable Jewish philanthropists. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the absurdity is only apparent, for it is almost true that the rich man gives him nothing, since he is obligated by the mandate to give alms, and strictly speaking must be thankful that the shnorrer gives him an oppor- tunity to be charitable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That is a derogatory comparison; technically its value lies only in the allusion, for a métier—business or vocation—is plied either by a craftsman or a physician, and what is more he has only a single métier. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The second Jew has put himself in the way of being called a liar because he has said that he is traveling to Cracow, which is his real goal! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, this strong technical means—absurdity—is paired here with another technique—representation through the opposite, for, according to the uncontradicted assertion of the first, the second one is lying when he THE TENDENCIES OF WIT CRITICAL AND BLASPHEMOUS WITTICISMS * SKEPTICAL WIT 675 j 676 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS speaks the truth, and speaks the truth by means of a lie. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It seems to us that the desired explanation can be more easily ascer- tained in tendency-wit than in harmless wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This process we found, for example, in the reply which Augustus received to his query whether the mother of the stranger he addressed had ever sojourned in his home, and likewise in the question of the art critic who asked: “And where is the Savior?” when the two rich rogues showed him their por- traits. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With the aid of wit the inner resistances in these special cases were overcome and the inhibition removed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As in the case of external hindrances, the gratification of the tendency is made possible, and a suppression with its concomitant “psy- chic damming” is thus obviated. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
So far, the mechanism of the develop- ment of pleasure would seem to be identical in both cases. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A certain amount of haziness which we could not dissipate during the study of the pleasure mechanism in tendency-wit we accept as a slight punishment for attempting to elucidate the more complicated problem before the simpler one, or the tendency-wit before the harmless wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
While examining appropriate examples of harmless witticisms, in which PLEASURE MECHANISM AND PSYCHOGENESIS we had no fear of false judgment through content or tendency, we were forced to the conclusion that the techniques of wit themselves are pleas- ure-sources; now we wish to ascertain whether the pleasure may be traced to the economy in psychic expenditure. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
posed by an external hindrance which is eluded by the wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In one case the tendency serves to answer one insult with another; in the other case it offers an affront instead of the demanded expert opinion; in both cases the tendency was opposed by purely external factors, namely, the powerful position of the persons who are the targets of the insult. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We hardly resort to speculation when we assert that a “psychic expenditure” is required for the formation as well as for the retention of a psychic inhibition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The pleasure of the wit resulting from such a “short- circuit” appears greater the more remote and foreign the two series of ideas which become related through the same word are to each other, or the greater the economy in thought brought about by the technical means of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Nevertheless it may seem strange to us that these and THE PLEASURE MECHANISM AND THE PSYCHOGENESIS OF WIT * Iv 679 j 68o WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS analogous tendency-witticisms have not the power to produce a strong effect of laughter no matter how much they may gratify us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The two forms af the technique and the resultant pleasures, correspond more or less in general to the division of wit into word- and thought-witticisms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have become acquainted with the suc- cessive steps in wit, the development of which up to tendency-wit, will undoubtedly reveal new relationships between the different characters of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What distinguishes the jest from wit is the fact that the pith of the sen- tence withdrawn from criticism does not need to be valuable, new, or even good; it matters only that it can be expressed, even though what it may say is obsolete, superfluous, and useless. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A mere jest is the following of Professor Kästher, who taught physics at Göttingen in the z6th century, and who was fond of making jokes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Under the influence of alcohol the adult again becomes a child who REPRODUCTION OF OLD LIBERTIES PLEASURE MECHANISM AND PSYCHOGENESIS derives pleasure from the free disposal of his mental stream without being restricted by the p~essure of logic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Psychic relief may in a way be compared to economy, which constitutes the technique of the second group. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
* 695 THE MOTIVES OF WIT AND WIT IT SEEMS superfluous to speak of the motives of wit, since the purpose of obtaining pleasure must be recognized as a sufficient motive of the wit- work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Though wit-making is an excellent means of obtaining pleasure from the psychic processes, we know that not all persons are equally able to make use of it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is, therefore, hazardous to venture a more definite opinion about the nature of this personal deter- MOTIVES OF WIT AND WIT AS A SOCIAL PROCESS 697 * 698 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS mination. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The motive for the production of harmless wit is usually the ambitious impulse to display one’s spirit or to “show off.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Wherever such hindrances to the operation of wit fail, we see the phe- nomenon which we are now investigating, namely, that the pleasure which the wit has provided manifests itself more clearly in the third per- son than in the originator of the wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We must be satisfied to use the ex- pression “more dearly” where we should be indined to ask whether the pleasure of the hearer is not more intensive than that of the wit producer, because we are obviously lacking the means of measuring and comparing it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, we experience the desire to modify Spencer’s thought; to give a more definite meaning to some of the ideas and to change others. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There it is a correct motion of expression since it bespeaks the determination to take no more nourishment, an “enough,” so to speak, or rather a “more than enough.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And since not all laughter (but surely the laughter of wit), is a sign of pleasure, we shall be inclined to refer this pleasure to the release of previously existing cathectic energy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The task of psy- chology, provided it does not limit itself to a mere description of the content of consciousness, must also consist of revealing the nature of these unconscious processes from the nature of the contents of consciousness and its temporal relationship. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But such a psychology wili soon find that there exist quite a number of characteristics of these processes which are unrepresented in the corresponding contents of consciousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This psychic expendi- ture he has saved himself; according to our former discussion, we should say that his pleasure corresponds to this economy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But there remains the second case, namely, that even though the first person ex- perienced pleasure, he cannot laugh, because the possibility of discharge is disturbed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
it is only a question of keeping the psychic process from getting more than its share of attention during the recital of the witticism, and the usefulness of these auxiliary techniques permits us to assume rightfully that it is just the occupation of attention which has a large share in the control, and in the fresh utilization of the freed cathexis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The façade formations, which we have already discovered in many groups of tendency-wit, are still more effective. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A comic façade pro- motes the effect of wit in more than one way; it makes possible not only the automatism of the wit-process by riveting the attention, but it also facilitates the discharge of wit by sending ahead a discharge from the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We already surmise, and later will be able to see it more dearly, that 1Through an example of displacement-wit I desire to discuss another interesting character of the technique of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In con- junction with this, we can understand something more. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Keeping down running expenses would be parsimoni- ous; in fact, it would mean a direct loss. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
itures. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
C. THEORETICAL PART * THE RELATION OF WIT TO DREAMS AND AT THE end of the chapter which dealt with the elucidation of the tech- nique of wit we asserted that the processes of condensation with and with- out substitutive formation, displacement, r~resentation through ab- surdity, representation through the opposite, indirect representation, etc., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Experience gained from analyses—not the theory of the dream—teaches us that with children a fond wish left THE DREAM-WORK THE RELATION OF WIT TO DREAMS from the waking state suffices to evoke a dream, which is coherent and senseful, but almost always short, and easily recognizable as a “wish ful- fillment.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The action of this unconscious wish upon the logical conscious material of dream- thoughts now results in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But definitions are conventional and changeable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It might just as well be said that in order to recognize the real agreement between dreams and wit our ordinary knowledge must be augmented by a specialized knowl- edge of dream-work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At present we look upon it more as a sign of the unconscious elaboration which the thought of wit has undergone. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The displacements are, there- fore, not lacking in any dream and are far more comprehensive. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Indeed, we have discovered nothing more characteristic of it than just this technique. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I refer to irony, which is very similar to wit and is considered a sub-species of the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Nevertheless, it seems to give indications of an important charac- teristic of unconscious thinking which in all probability results in a process comparable to “judging.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
1 character of the comical which is referred to as its “dryness” also depends In the broadest sense upon the differentiation of the things spoken from the antics accompanying it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There still remains a short comparison of wit to the more familiar dream, and we may expect that, outside of the one agreement already considered, two such diverse mental activities should show nothing but differences. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we correlate the dif- ferent stages of wit to the mental dispositions favorable to them, we may say: The jest has its origin in the happy mood, which seems to have a peculiar tendency to lower the cathexis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the psychic process of the recipient person (which in the naïve regularly corresponds with our ego, whereas in wit we may also put ourselves in place of the producing person) is by as much more complicated in the case of the naïve as it is simpler in the producing person in wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is the person provided with inhibitions who understands the naïve, and it is he alone who gains the pleasure produced by the naïve. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But only a part of the pleasure created by the naïve admits of this explanation, in other cases of naïve utterances, even this portion would be endangered; as, for example, while WIT AND THE VARIOUS FORMS OF THE COMIC 733 * 734 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS listening to naïve obscenities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Hence we take into consideration the psychic state of the producing person; we imagine ourselves in this same psychic state and endeavor to understand It by comparing it to our own. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A1~Iong the genu- inely comic cases we might mention the motions made by the bowler after he has released the ball while he is following its course as though he were still able to control it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All grimaces which exaggerate the normal expres- sion of the emotions are comical, even if they are involuntary, as in the case of persons suffering from St. Vitus’ dance (chorea). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The child’s motions do not appear to us comical, even if he jumps and fidgets, but it is comical to see a little boy or girl follow with the tongue the movement of his pen-holder when he is trying to master the art of writing; we see in these additional motions a superfluous expenditure of energy which under similar conditions we save. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Wide exposed eyes, a crook-shaped nose bent towards the mouth, handle-like ears, a hunch back, and all similar physical defects probably produce a comical impression only in so far as the movements that would be necessary to produce these features are imagined, whereby the nose and other parts of the body are pictured as more movable than they ac- tually are. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But these other forms of expenditure can easily be reduced to the one of bigness’ and smallness, for what we call more interesting, more sublime, and even more abstract, are only particularly qualified special cases of what is greater. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The peculiarities of the person who furnishes the comic do not here come into essential consideration; we laugh when we admit to ourselves that had we been placed in the same situation we should have done the same thing. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Imitation, for example, belongs here; it accords the hearer an ex- traordinary amount of pleasure and makes its subject comical, even if it still keeps away from the exaggeration of caricature. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now we can decide with more certainty that the anecdote of the echo who reinforces all assertions of the marriage agent and in the end rein- fOrces the latter’s admission that the bride has a hunchback with the ex- clamation “And what a hunch!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE MEETING OF WIT AND THE COMIC WIT AND THE VARIOUS FORMS OF THE COMIC pains are of organic origin, therefore none of my concern, 3. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We had to transfer to the unconscious the source of wit-pleasure; there is no occasion which can be discovered for the same localization of the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We need not blame ourselves for digressing from the subject, for the rela- tion of wit to the comic really furnished the occasion which impelled us to examine the comic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“The truth is that a really living life should never repeat itself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We might say it is the degradation of the human to the mechanical or inanimate. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Imitation is mostly replaced by caricature, which is an exaggeration of certain otherwise not striking ‘“Trente et quarante” is a gambling game. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The modifications and substitutions can be treated collectively without much forcing; their character can be seen from the following examples which are peculiar to Wippchen, they are regularly permeated by a dif- ferent wording which is more fluent, most banal, and reduced to mere platitudes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As an example’ of comic disillusion- THE COMIC OP SPEECH WIT AND THE VARIOUS FORMS OF THE COMIC ment the following can be cited: “For hours the battle raged, finally it remained undecisive”; an example of comical unmasking (of ignorance) is the following: “Clio, the Medusa of history,” or quotations like the following: “Habent sua fata morgana.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Whether such productions, which have freed themselves from one of the most essential characters of wit, should be called “bad” wit or no wit at all, every one must decide as he feels indined. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The rejection of the objections, and the explanations of the contra- dictions to the definitions of the comic, will become easy for us, only after we trace back comic pleasure to the difference resulting from a compari- son of two expenditures. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When Colonel Butler answers Octavio’s admonitions with “bitter laughter,” exclaiming: bis bitterness has thus not prevented the laughter which results from the recollection of the disappointment which he believes be has experienced; and on the other hand, the magnitude of this disappointment could not have been more impressively depicted by the poet than by showing it capable of effecting laughter in the midst of the storm of unchained af- fects. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This sen- tence seems to say no more than that this comic feeling, like many others, first makes its appearance in the course of psychic development; and that would by no means be remarkable, especially since we must admit that it shows itself distinctly even during years which must be accredited to THE PSYCHOGENESIS OF THE COMIC * 761 762 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS childhood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this connection he reaches this viewpoint, which, to be sure, he soon drops; he seeks to trace the comic to the after-effect of childish pleasure. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Like humoristic pleasure, which results from a prevention of emotional feelings, it originates here through the disturbance of comic pleasure. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Originally Don Quixote is a purely comic figure, a big child whose fancies from his books on knighthood have gone to his head. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If this assumption is correct, a comparison of the psychology of primitive races as taught by folklore, with the psychology of the neu- rotic as it has become known through psychoanalysis, will reveal numer- ous points of correspondence and throw new light on subjects that are more or less familiar to us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They live exdusively on the flesh of all sorts of animals which they kill in the chase, and on the roots which they dig. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now what is a totem? As a rule it is an animal, either edible or harmless, or dangerous and feared; more rarely the totem is a plant or a force of nature (rain, water), which stands in a peculiar relation to the whole dan. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Even in casual amours the dan prohibitions are strictly observed; any violations of these prohibitions ‘are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and are punished by death’ (Howitt) .“ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The kinship names which two Australians give each other do not, therefore, necessarily point toa blood relationship between them, as they would have to according to the custom of our language; they signify much more the social than the physical relatiòns. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Although we believe we understand the motives of the marriage re- ~trictions among the Australian savages, we have still to learn that the actual conditions reveal a still more bewildering complication. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We only see that these arrangements seek to attain the same object as the totem exogamy, and even strive for more. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
•In the further development of the classification of the marriage system there seems to be a tendency to go beyond the prevention of natural and group incest, and to prohibit marriage between more distant group rela- tions, in a manner similar to the Catholic church, which extended the mar- riage prohibitions always in force for brothers and sisters, to cousins, and invented for them the grades of spiritual kinship.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It would hardly serve our purpose to go into the extraordinarily intri- cate and unsettled discussion concerning the origin and significance of the marriage classes, or to go more deeply into their relation to totemism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is sufficient for our purposes to point out the great care expended by 1 Article Totemism in Encyclopedia Britannica, eleventh edition, 1911 (A. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reserve between mother and son increases with age and generally is more obligatory on the mother’s side. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To hear that these savages hold sacred orgies in which persons of just these forbidden degrees of kinship seek sexual union would seem still more peculiar to us, if we did not prefer to make use of this contradiction to explain the prohibition instead of being astonished at jt.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Nor will a father remain alone in the house with his daughter any more than the mother with her son. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Among the Akamba (or Wakamba) in British East Africa, a law of avoidance is in force which one would have expected to encounter more frequently. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
E. B. Tylor thinks that the treatment of the son-in-law on the part of the mother-in-law is nothing more than a form of “cutting” on the part of the woman’s family. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(d) guarding the chief acts of life—births, initiation, marriage and sexual functions— against interference; (e) securing human beings against the wrath or power of gods and spirits; 2 (f) securing unborn infants and young chil- dren, who stand in a specially sympathetic relation with their parents, from the consequence of certain actions, and more especially from the communication of qualities supposed to be derived from certain foods. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“The violation of a taboo makes the offender himself taboo.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The author states that there are permanent and temporary taboos. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
TOTEM AND TABOO TABOO AND THE AMBIVALENCE OF EMOTIONS ment of the offender, whose action has endangered his companions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2 On another occasion he says: “In accordance with the general sense of the word we understand by taboo every prohibition laid down in customs or manners or in expressly formulated laws, not to touch an ob- ject or to take it for one’s own use, or to make use of certain proscribed words. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The constantly used property of any person, such as his clothes, tools and weapons, is permanently taboo for everybody else. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may be surmised that the taboo of Polynesian savages is after all not so remote from us as we were at first inclined to believe; the moral and cus- tomary prohibitions which we ourselves obey may have some essential relation to this primitive taboo the explanation of which may in the end throw light upon the dark origin of our own “categorical imperative.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
TOTEM AND TABOO TABOO AND THE AMBIVALENCE OF EMOTIONS fear. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of what the harm is to consist is not known, and this inadequate informa- tion is more likely to be obtained during the later discussions of the expiatory and defensive actions than when the prohibitions themselves are being discussed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, the his- tory of a typical case of touching phobia reads as follows: In the very beginning, during the early period of childhood, the person manifested a strong pleasure in touching himself, the object of which was much more specialized than one would be inclined to suspect. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On account of the repression which bas taken place, which is connected with forgetting (amnesia), the motiva- tion of the prohibition that has become conscious remains unknown, and all attempts to unravel it intellectually must fail, as the point of attack cannot be found. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This does not seem to be in accord with the fact that the con- tagiousness of the taboo is above all manifested in the transference to objects which thus themselves become carriers of the taboo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
TOTEM AND TABOO TABOO AND THE AMBIVALENCE OF EMOTIONS is too great. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As the Pima Indians took the manslayer taboo much more seriously than their enemies and, unlike them, did not postpone expiation and purification until the end of the expedition, their prowess in war suffered very much through their moral severity or what might be called their piety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The detail and variations of these expiatory and purifying ceremonies after the killing of an enemy would be most interesting for purposes of a more searching study, but I need not enumerate any more of them here because they cannot furnish us with any new points of view. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The skeptical king of Orange, William III, who became king of England after the banishment of the Stuarts, refused to exercise the spell; on the one occasion when he consented to practise the touch, he did so with words: “May God give you better health and more sense.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The more pow- erful a king of Loango is, says Bastian, the more taboos be must observe. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Our interest in the matter does not require us to take up more space to describe more fully the taboos that cling to royal and priestly dignity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
His wife, the flaminica, also had her own prohibitions: she was not allowed to ascend more than three steps on a certain kind of stairs and on certain holidays she could not comb her hair; the leather for her shoes could not be taken from any animal that had died a natural death but only from one that had been slaughtered or sacrificed; when she heard thunder she was unclean until she had made an expiatory sacrifice.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in contrast to this freedom they are restricted by other taboos which do not affect the ordinary individual. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, therefore, is the first contrast, which amounts almost to a contradiction, between an excess of freedom and an excess of restriction as applied to the same persons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus it no longer seems strange to us that savages should consider a dead person’s name as a part of his personality and that it should be subjected to the same taboo as the deceased. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Wester- marck,8 who, in my opinion, gives altogether too little consideration ta taboo, makes this statement: “On the whole facts lead me to conclude that the dead are more frequently regarded as enemies than as friends and that Jevons and Grant Allen are wrong in their assertion that it was formerly believed that the malevolence of the dead was as a rule directed only against strangers, while they were paternally concerned ‘Frazer, i.e., p. ~ cites the Tuaregs of the Sahara as an example of such an acknowl- edgment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Our study of psychoneurotic disturbances points to a more compre- hensive explanation, which includes that of Westermarck. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There is always more or less of this ambivalence in everybody’s disposition; normally it is not strong enough to give rise to the obsessive reproaches we have described. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mourning originating from the enhanced tenderness, became on the one hand more intolerant of the latent hostility, while on the other hand it could not tolerate that the latter should not give origin to a feel- ing of pure gratification. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But if we grant the testimony of our conscience the importance it daims, then the prohibition—the taboo as well as our moral prohibitions —becomes superfluous, while the existence of a conscience, in turn, re- mains unexplained and the connection between conscience, taboo and neurosis disappears. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The form in which taboo manifests itself has the greatest similarity to the touching phobia of neurotics, the délire de toucher. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Genetically the asocial nature of the neurosis springs from its original tendency to flee from a dissatisfying reality to a more pleasurable world of phantasy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Then sorcery is essentially the art of in- fluencing spirits by treating them like people under the same circum- stances, that is to say by appeasing them, reconciling them, making them more favourably disposed to one, by intimidating them, by depriving them of their power and by making them subject to one’s will; all that is accomplished through the same methods that have been found effec- tive with living people. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We can easily guess that magic is the earlier and the more important part of animistic technique, for among the means with which spirits are to be treated there are also found the magic kind,’ and magic is also applied where spiritualization of nature bas not yet, as it seems to us, been accomplished. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The likeness counts for little, in fact any object may be “named” as his image. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The cannibalism of primitive races derives its more sublime motiva- tion in a similar manner. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are apparently in need here of a dynamic factor; but while the search for this leads the critics of Frazer’s theory astray, it will be easy to give a satisfactory explanation of magic by carrying its association theory fur- ther and by entering more deeply into it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
First, let us examine the simpler and more important case of imitative magic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps it would be more correct to say that primitive man does not become aware of the over- valuation of his psychic acts until it becomes evident to him through the means employed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this intermediary stage, the importance of which increases the more we investigate it, the sexual impulses which formerly were separate, have already formed into a unit and have also found an object; but this object is not external and foreign ‘The following discussions will yield a further motive for this displacement upon; trivial action. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this comparison is perhaps more important than it claims to be. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream succeeds more or less in this, but hardly ever succeeds so completely that an ab- surdity or a gap in the structure does not appear somewhere. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Besides the condensâtion of the dream elements there is almost regularly a re-grouping of the same which is more or less independ- ent of the former order. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is necessary for the purposes of this chapter to go more deeply into the nature of totemism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The value of this catechism of the totem religion can be more appre- ciated if one bears in mind that Reinach has here also incorporated all the signs and dews which lead to the conclusion that the totemic system had once existed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In order to get a more correct picture of the characteristics of totemism we turn to an author who has devoted four volumes to the theme, com- bining the most complete collection of the observations in question with the most thorough discussion of the problems they raise. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As distin- guished from a fetich, a totem is never an isolated individual but always a class of objects, generally a species of animals or of plants, more rarely a class of inanimate natural objects, very rarely a class of artificial ob- jects.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2The conclusion which Frazer draws about totemism in his second work On the sub- Ied (The Origin of Totemism; Fortsìghtly Review, 1a99) agrees with this text: “Thus, totemism has commonly been treated as a primitive system both òf rellgloa ahd of society. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The authors rightly tall their attèanpt at explanation a “Contribution to the materialistic theory of History.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They may explain how animal names came to be applied to primitive tribes but they can never explain the importance attached to the giving of names which con- stitutes the totemic system. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Other authors have sought a more intimate reason for the share which social impulses have played in the formation of totemic institutions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Savages are the more omnivorous the lower they stand in the social scale. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Vol. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Though they raise the myth of immaculate concep- tion through a spirit to a general theory of conception, we cannot for that reason credit them with ignorance as to the conditions of procreation any more than we could the old races who lived during the rise of the Christian myths. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the belief in the soul’s migration to animals is more readily derived from totemism than inversely.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
‘Frazer, Lc., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are more interested in the argument that these premises still leave it unexplained why the male members of the tribe should have made these few women of their blood inaccessible to themselves, as well as in the manner in which the incest problem is here entirely neglected.8 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Other writers have on the contrary assumed, and evidently with more right, that exogamy is to be interpreted as an institution for the preven- tion of incest.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INFANTILE RECURRENCE OF TOTEMISM 869 sisters and between sons and mothers, while incest between father and daughter was only abrogated by more sweeping measures. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The objections to this attempted expla- nation crowd upon each other.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The child un- hesitatingly attributes full equality to animals; he probably feels himself more closely related to the animal than to the undoubtedly mysterious adult, in the freedom with which he acknowledges his needs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
8 Secret of the Totem, pp. 114, 143. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Sometimes animals which are known to the child only from picture books and fairy stories become objects of the senseless and inordinate anxiety which is manifested with these phobias; it is seldom possible to learn the manner in which such an unusual choice of anxiety has been brought about. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If this similarity is more than a deceptive play of accident it would perforce make it possible for us to shed light upon the origin of totemism in prehistoric times. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Later the use of fire, which made the sacrificial flesh ascend in smoke from the altar, made it possible to prepare human food in such a way that it was more suitable for the deity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But failure Is, as we know, auth more favourable to moral reaction than success. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Each one wanted to have them all to himself like the father, and in the fight of each against the other the new organiza- tion would have perished. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At first the brother clan has taken the place of the father horde and was guaranteed by the blood bond. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the deification of the murdered father from whom the tribe now derived its origin, was a much more serious at- tempt at expiation than the former covenant with the totem. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The sub- jugated sons have used the new relation to disburden themselves still more of their sense of guilt. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reconciliation with the father is the more thorough because simultane- ously with this sacrifice there follows the complete renunciation of woman, for whose sake mankind rebelled against the father. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A process like the removal of the primal father by the band of brothers must have left ineradicable traces in the history of mankind and must have expressed itself the more frequently in numerous substitutive forma- tions the less it itself was to be remembered.8 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have so frequently had occasion to show the ambiv- alence of emotions in its real sense, that is to say the coincidence of love and hate towards the same object, at the root of important cultural forma- tions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the other possibility seems to me also worthy of consideration: that ambiva- lence, originally foreign to our emotional life, was acquired by mankind from the father complex,’ where psychoanalytic investigation of the indi- vidual today still reveals the strongest expression of it.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The cere- monials and inhibitions of compulsion neurotics exhibit this characteristic too and yet they go back to a merely psychic reality, to resolution and not to execution. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This creative sense of guilt has not become extinct with us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The therapy founded thereon was to cause the patients to recall and reproduce these experiences under hypno- sis (catharsis), and the fragmentary theory deduced from it was that these symptoms corresponded to an abnormal use of undischarged sums of excitement (conversion). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The first difference of opinion between Breuér and myself came to light on a question of the more intimate psychic mechanism of hysteria. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Later, when I emphasized more and more the significance of sexuality in the etiology of the neuroses, Breuer was the first to show me those reactions of resentful rejection, with which it was my lot to become so familiar later on, but which at that time I had not yet recognized as my inevitable destiny. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, others have read this passage and overlooked it without making this discovery and perhaps the same would have hap- pened to me if, in former years, I had taken more pleasure in reading philo- sophical authors. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
However, “the seeker often found more than he bargained for.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The deeper one penetrated into the observations on the children, the more self-evident this fact became, and the more strange, too, became the circumstances that such pains had been taken to overlook it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of more importance, however, was another discovery of the Zürich School, or rather, of its two leaders, Bleuler and Jung. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In psychoanalytic diction: one often spoke of the “return of the complex,” when “the return of the repression” was intended to be conveyed, or one became accustomed tc saying “I have a complex against him,” when more correctly he should have said “a resistance.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
constantly increases the number of readers of psychoanalytic literature and thus forces the opponents to a more violent attempt at defense. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the recent works of the ZUrich School, one is more likely to find that religion becomes injected into the analysis rather than rationally explained by it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The Viennese are neither more abstemious nor yet more nervous than dwellers in any other metropolis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Our supposed observer would, more likely, be led astray by the particular conditions prevailing in Vienna than be enlightened as to the cause of the neuroses. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, an almost irreparable loss seemed to threaten psy- choanalysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A place like Zurich, in the heart of Europe, where an academic teacher had opened his institution to psy- choanalysis, seemed to me much more promising. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It was now my desire to transfer this authority to a younger man who would, quite naturally, take my On doomsday ‘twon’t be worth a farthing!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The disappointment which they caused me might have been avoided if more attention had been paid to the mechanisms of those who undergo analytical treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But I had not expected that anyone who had mastered analysis to a certain depth could renounce this understanding and lose it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Even if we succeed through laborious work in causing such a patient to grasp parts of analytic knowl- HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT 931 * 932 HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT edge and handle these as his own possessions, it may well happen that under the domination of the next resistance, be will throw to the winds all he has learned and will defend himself as in his first days of treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I had to learn that this can happen among psychoanalysts, just as among patients during treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I shall, therefore, use analysis only to make dear how these devia- tions from analysis could take place among analysts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
it is quite impossible to assume—and easily disproved by observation—that the masculine or feminine child builds his plan of life on an original depreciation of the feminine sex; nor is it conceivable that a child can take as his guiding principle the wish: “I will be a real man.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I replied that this was nothing to boast about, that the more he sacrificed of the hard won truths of psychoanalysis, the less resistances he would encounter. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This modification, for the introduction of which the Swiss were so proud, again was nothing more or less than the theoretical suppression of the sexual factor. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of the two movements under consideration here, Adler’s is undoubtedly the more important. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They are now disputing things which they, themselves, formerly defended and what is more, this dispute is not based on new observations, which might have taught them something fresh, but rather on a different interpretation which makes them see things in a different light than before. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The father who is killed in the OEdipus myth represents the “inner” father, from whose influence we must free ourselves in order to become independent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This was more distressing to me than to the physician, but how could I help it? Instead of freeing me analytically, each session made new and tremendous demands on me, on which fulfillment the overcoming of the neurosis was supposed to depend. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT 943 * 944 HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT which Jung hardly mentions any more in his writings, in the miscon.. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
BARRY MITCHELL violence produce more of the same. Time October 10, 2001
due when the barbarians are not waiting PAUL W. NISLY es; the effort will prove expensive, fruit- Grantham, Pa. Time October 10, 2001
“What kind of rage could possess someone to even consider such an act?” While an Alaska man angrily called forthe “swift, complete destruction of all known terrorist camps in the world others urged calm and restraint Military retaliation risks creating more martyrs wrote a New Zealander A wiser response is to ponder what it is that makes people hate us so much A reader from Scotland offered praise for “New York’s heroic police, fire and rescue teams, whose lives were sacrificed in the effort to help others.” Time October 10, 2001
To hear or read more from the works suggested bythe artists and writers above, go to time.com/notebook Time October 10, 2001
Remember, there will be one ofhim and maybe a few con- People diagnosed with a serious disease talk about how it and abroad that we are not at war with Islam but with those rewires them, lifts them to a different place where every day who desecrate their peaceful faith. Time October 10, 2001
At the hockey rink in the First Union Center in Philadelphia, the Rangers and Flyers were between periods when the image of Bush before the Congress appeared on the Jumbotron. Time October 10, 2001
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IN THE MIDDLE OFTHE NIGHT, WHEN NO ONE FEELS VERY BEAVE, who has not thought about escape? Uncertainty can be even\n harder to live with than bad news. Time October 10, 2001
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Unless you mountfortified checkpoints alongyour lines, everythingwill be blown up, destroyed or stolen. Time October 10, 2001
They also learned the use of more sophisticated weapons. Time October 10, 2001
No. 43’s almost unanimous and vocal support from Con- There was the unspeakable death toll in New York and by gress has surprised the former President. Time October 10, 2001
seled his son to return to Washington as soon as possible, as “George is so strong,” declares the father. Time October 10, 2001
They are the best in the business.” Time October 10, 2001
I knew what our mission was. Time October 10, 2001
He could make Afghanistan the fiery center of President Bush’s declared war on terror. Time October 10, 2001
A movement was born, in the rare words of Omar, as “a simple band of dedicated youths deter- iban—literally students of Islam, more poetically seekers of knowledge—set out to bring vigilante justice to the city. Time October 10, 2001
Its primary goals: to overthrowthe Egyptian government and attack U.S. and Israeli interests in Egypt and elsewhere MAJOR ATIACKS Assassinated Sadat in 1981; bombed Egyptian embassy in Islamabad in 1995; in 1998, failed in bid to attack U.S. embassy in Albania Palestinian branch of seeks more political active since the 1970s Egypt sAnwar E ACH YEAR THE STATE DEPART- ment releases a list of terror- and “pure” Islam to Afghanistan. Time October 10, 2001
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The middle sphere duct in the civil war against the Armed Is- forms a substantial recruiting base for the lamic Group. Time October 10, 2001
It and the outer ioop are Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak also enjoys the pa- the reason the U.S. faces an enormous tronage ($2.7 Time October 10, 2001
the massacre of innocent civilians? Far from being endorsed by Because the Koran was revealed in the context of an all-out the Koran, this killing violates some of its most sacred precepts. Time October 10, 2001
war, several passages deal with the conduct of armed struggle. Time October 10, 2001
Warfare Christian or Baruch Goldstein, who shot 29 worshipers in the is always evil, but sometimes you have to fight in order to avoid Hebron mosque in 1994 and died in the attack, a true martyr of the kind of persecution that Mecca inflicted on the Muslims Israel. Time October 10, 2001
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More ornate scenarios had the bad guys finishing off New York City with a suitcase nuke or poisoned water supply. Time October 10, 2001
In real- ity, it’s a hell of a lot more amor- phous than that.” Time October 10, 2001
Al-Zawahri leads the Egyptian al- HOW WERETHE Untangling this mess is mind WO WAS iHE MASTERMIND? PLANS FOR SO tON THE How bin Laden Funds His Network INVESTIGATION Chicago’soptionsexchange usually gets bullish and bearish orders in equal numbers, buton Sept. 10, there was heavy bethng that American’s stock was headed down. Time October 10, 2001
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Islamic charities take in billions a year; much ofit is used for good, but notall. Time October 10, 2001
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Thejob is not without risk for a person considered one of the Republican Party’s brightest stars. Time October 10, 2001
He also needs to head off resistance from people across the political spectrum who think the Justice Department already has all the power it needs. Time October 10, 2001
John Ashcroft proposed As a former Senator, Ashcroft is well aware that in 1995, in the wake ofthe Ok- lahoma City bombing, bipartisan anti- terrorism proposals much like the ones he just introduced were defeated in the House by Barr and Michigan’s John Conyers Jr., the liberals’ liberal. Time October 10, 2001
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Or- dinary Americans are waking up in the middle ofthe night with nightmares about poisoned water supplies and miniature nuclear weapons set off in city streets. Time October 10, 2001
Terrorists could try to tap into the more ample supplies of chemical arms believed to be stockpiled by Iraq and oth- er outlaw states. Time October 10, 2001
MORE THAN 25 YEARS AGO, IN AN EERIE foreshadowing of the World Trade Center . Time October 10, 2001
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says von Hippel, it would take at least 150 Even more worrisome are reports that lbs. Time October 10, 2001
make anthrax and smallpox more lethal “Nobody’s going to be carrying a bomb and resistant to antibiotics and vaccines. Time October 10, 2001
Alarmingly, these war-game assaults already heightened security at power have often succeeded, sometimes “releas- plants, and public health officials are be- ing” more radiation than Chernobyl (an ac- ginning to get serious about staving off cident, it’s worth remembering, that by biological assaults. Time October 10, 2001
All told, the Council on American- Islamic Relations counts more than 600 “incidents” since Sept. 11 victimizing peo- ple thought to be Arab or Muslim, includ- ing four murders, 45 people assaulted and 60 mosques attacked. Time October 10, 2001
There are some 7 million Muslims in the U.S. That’s more than the number ofJews and more than twice the number of Episcopalians. Time October 10, 2001
Most Muslims resemble Protestants in that no priest mediates between the believer and God (although the 10% Shi’ite minority is more enamored of its imams). Time October 10, 2001
But the three largest groups in America are made up of more recent additions. Time October 10, 2001
What hap- pened? The new immigrants became more comfortable with the language and the culture around them. Time October 10, 2001
Omar Abdel Rahman, the jailed ringleader of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, used to preach at the Masjid al-Salaam mosque in Jersey City, N.J. The day after the recent terror, two men arrested on a train in Dallas with box cutters, hair dye and more than $5,000 in cash are reported to have wor- shiped there recently. Time October 10, 2001
We are proba- bly more powerful relative to other states than any other nation has been since the Roman Empire. Time October 10, 2001
If the future of warfare between the U.S. and its foes is no longer areprise ofthe Battle ofthe Bulge or the Battle of Midway but something more insidi- ous, then the almost $300 billion we have been spending each year at the Pentagon’s re- quest might have little utility. Time October 10, 2001
If we are to understand and anticipate the terrorist world, we need to make serious investments in “hu- man” intelligence—agents in place, stronger PEACE RALLYMaking a plea for understanding Iast week in Manhattan’s Union Square links with foreign intelligence services, many more agents tern whose symbolic headquarters have been the World Trade trained in foreign languages. Time October 10, 2001
that can bring together the parts in a purposeful, wise and cali- Ifwe want to be effective in a long-term struggle against ter- brated way. Time October 10, 2001
Ifthe U.S. uses this moment to develop this kind of”New Bot- torn Line,” we will do far more to create safety for ourselves and ourchildren than bombing Afghanistan will achieve. Time October 10, 2001
Ifwe want a world ofpeace andjustice, we need to be more peaceful and more just. Time October 10, 2001
For most observers, it’s more devastating,” says Nicki Grossman, no longer a question of whether we are in president of the Greater Fort Lauderdale a recession but how long it will last. Time October 10, 2001
across Florida, where more than half the calls the terror attacks “a disaster of na- visitors arrive by air, the once thriving tionwide proportions.” Time October 10, 2001
All Zandi, chief economist at economy.com, Time October 10, 2001
There is talk in Congress of an unprecedented bailout of the tourism in- dustry, though that could turn into the biggest pork barrel project ever. Time October 10, 2001
Once the initial shock and grief wears off, people may return to shopping as an escape from the barrage of harrow- ing TV images. Time October 10, 2001
"We're all walking around with heavy hearts, and when you add light wallets to heavy hearts, it’s even more devastating." Time October 10, 2001
The government will plow more funds into precision-guided munitions, sophisticated communications and sur- vefflance systems, and unmanned aerial vehicles, but “it’s not clear this is going to be a Reagan-erabuildup,” warns Michael Vickers of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. Time October 10, 2001
An emergency is just what last week felt like for investors. Time October 10, 2001
“I think we’re in pretty good shape. Time October 10, 2001
All this stimulus is spooking bond traders, who are shoving up long rates, spec- ulating that a vibrant recovery may be just around the bend. Time October 10, 2001
If you’ve been out of work, your income may have fallen low enough (below $43,850 for couples last year) to qualify this year for a 10% capital gains rate, rather than the usual 20%. Time October 10, 2001
Where once they quieted raucous infants, now they must assure passengers—those relative few who are still flying—of the safety of air travel. Time October 10, 2001
More than 200 people looked up at him from the pews, double the normal draw at the Huguenot Memorial Church in Pelham, N.Y. Many had never come be- fore. Time October 10, 2001
“That’s even more of a problem when people have been previously severely traumatized in their lives.” Time October 10, 2001
Fear often leads to anger, and that can lead couples who were already fight- ing to argue even more. Time October 10, 2001
When de- pressed and feeling isolated, people can lash out if they feel their spouses are not reacting in the same way as they are to the tragedy. Time October 10, 2001
“But because of this shared experience, people here are far more apt to talk to strangers. Time October 10, 2001
His sign reads DON’T CREATE MORE TERRORISTS. Time October 10, 2001
And if this breeds more terrorists down the line, it means I’m going to be the victim.” Time October 10, 2001
—By Richard Corliss. Time October 10, 2001
Microsoft indefinitely put off vivor’s guilt, unsure whether their work the next version of its popular flight Sim- has a place in the new reality. Time October 10, 2001
In the 1,213- station Clear Channel Communications radio network, an internal e-mail circulat- ed last week listing more than 150 songs deemed possibly too sensitive to be played during this period, among them Peter, Paul and Mary’s Leaving on a Jet Plane. Time October 10, 2001
Butitwould be a mistake to confuse the reaction of the past weeks, a culture of mourning, with a long-term change. Time October 10, 2001
Most recent enterS tainment trends have assumed an eve: more fragmented audience. Time October 10, 2001
The cast of The Producers’ singing God Bless America on Broadway was all the more defiant for its squareness. Time October 10, 2001
For a non-British view of things past, we have relied on Parshotam Mehra’s A Dictionary of Indian History, 1707—1947, as well as a large and growing body of Indian and Pakistani scholarship. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Place names change for political reasons, too. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Thus, over the decades, the Company evolved into a baffling hybrid, something less than an independent entity but far more puis- sant than any government ministry. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It took three months on horseback to get from Calcutta to the frontier. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Moorcroft somehow failed to acquire the ideal breeding horses that he sought in Lucknow or in a dozen other cities on the same tour. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Company was guardedly agreeable. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
With his charm, the promise of gain, and proficient use of his medical kit (he successfully treated a village boy for dropsy), Moor- croft gained the friendship of two influential Rawats, Deb Singh and his brother Bir Singh. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The orders from Tibet were ignored. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Glinting like a gem in Tibet’s western plateau at more than 14,950 feet, Lake Man- asarovar is revered by Buddhists as the Turquoise Sea. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It fell to Moor- croft and Hearsey to become the first Europeans to explore all these regions. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But day by day conditions improved. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His board was interested not in Tibetan lakes or shawl wool but in the horses the Superintendent of the Stud failed to find in a self-authorized jaunt.These Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nor was sleep enhanced by the prevalence ofThugs, the thousand or more devotees of the Hindu goddess Kali who believed they had di- vine license to rob and strangle strangers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For Europeans, nature was omnipresent and hostile. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The normal team consisted of eight palkee-burdars, or palanquin-bearers, and two bhangy-burdars, or luggage porters. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
One yearns to know more. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The prevailing practice was described by Burton, who during his seven years in India acknowledged three amours: The Bibi (white woman) was at the time rare in India; the result was the triumph of the Bubu (colored sister). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Vast slopes of grass declined from the summits of the mountain in a uniform direction separated by clumps. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This did not prevent Moor- croft from citing Aga Mehdi’s travels as evidence of a treacherous Russian campaign to dominate Central Asia and threaten British India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Reassuring news arrived from Calcutta. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For as Moore’s poem said, A River Too Far :. 39 40 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS 14/ho has not heard of the vale of Cashmere, VVith its roses the brightest that earth ever gave, Its temples, and grottos, and fountains as clear As the love-lighted eyes that hang over their wave? Moore’s Kashmir was an Orientalist fantasy, a harbinger of Shangri-La. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Moorcroft’s clinic was busier than ever. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
There were more urgent reasons for tarrying. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Moorcroft’s unexpected arrival might prove useful, or so they thought. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In his grossest misjudgment, Moorcroft went on to urge British support for Dost Mohammed’s chief rival, the more accommodating Shah Shuja, adding that “a single British regiment would suffice” to change rulers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He demanded an im- possible sum for release of the caravan, detained its members in squalid quarters, and seemed prepared at any moment to plunder and kill. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“After a long and laborious pilgrimage of more than five years,” Trebeck wrote, with a trace of sectarian animus, “we had a right to hail the domes and minarets of Bokhara with as much pleasure, as had the wearied remnant of the first Crusaders the sight of the Christian banners waving triumphantly on the walls of the Holy City” This was not Christian Jerusalem: they were allowed to pass through Bokhara’s thick earthen walls but as infidels could move only on foot past the thousand-year_old citadel, known as the Ark. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He hoped to secure a market for British goods, es- pecially wool, but his charm and his courage notwithstanding, he found few takers in the Bokhara bazaar, whose merchants insisted they could buy woolens more cheaply in Persia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To escape desert heat, the caravan moved forward at night and by early August, crossed the Oxus. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Le jeu vaut bien la chandelle. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
If British agents were caught, they might meet with insult, provoking a war. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In India, where the Company also ruled by ukase, there was no Parliament to serve as a check, and so it was the more imperative to expose its decisions to unfettered criticism. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As regards foreign policy, he assured an anxious Met- calfe that nothing would be more foolish than to interfere in Sikh or Afghan affairs. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Our camp luckily does more good than harm. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
If they fail to meet, farms are blighted until the fol- lowing year; if the monsoon fails twice, the result is famine. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The monsoon generally begins with “violent blasts of rain which are succeeded by floods of rain. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For some hours lightning is seen almost without intermission,” sometimes illuminating the whole sky, at other times distant hills, and during all this time the thunder never ceases to roll. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Since it took five months for dispatches to arrive from London, Auckland had con- siderable scope for his initiatives—the more so since he had differ- ent masters, with conflicting priorities. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nobody took the Russian menace more seriously than Mel- The Road to Kabul :. 61 62 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS bourne’s Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, who relished crusades and was prone to patriotic hyperbole. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the Cabinet, Palmerston found an important ally in John Cam Hobhouse, once Lord Byron’s chum and now President of the India Board of Control, who in urgent terms conveyed to Calcutta the fears in London about Russian intrigues in Asia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
are permitted to imagine him at Simla, indulging an after-dinner cigar on the verandah of Auckland House, gazing med- itatively at the deodar-decked Himalayas, persuading himself he was walking with Destiny. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Herat was famed for its great earthen walls with their burnt-brick ramparts, which sheltered 100,000 people, and for its great mosque adorned with gleaming tiles and elegant minarets. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Colonel Charles Stoddart was in his tent pulling on his jacket, preparing to meet an unidentified visiting dignitary, when Pottinger appeared and introduced himself. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The fact is that if I don’t leave Herat, there will be war, is not that it?” “It is war’ responded Stoddart. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But inconveniently, the more he knew and learned, the less he felt able to support Lord Auckland’s grand scheme of invading Afghanistan to re-enthrone Shah Shuja. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Christian Armenians by his account were more than tol- erated; they intermarried with Muslims and attended each others’ weddings and funerals. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS Unfortunately for the British, Masson’s assessments were filtered through his “control” in Ludhiana, Colonel Wade, who was wholly committed to replacing Dost Mohammed with Shah Shuja, who had three times tried, and three times failed, to regain his throne.Just Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
in a small country. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Still, these tribal links, however useful, mattered less than the head start given Scots by an exceptional school system. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Burnes judged the Afghan pretender corpulent and melancholy, though at times affable and talkative, adding, “From what I learn, I do not believe the shah possesses sufficient energy to seat himself on the throne of Cabool; and that if he did regain it, he has not the tact to discharge the duties of so difficult a situation.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Burnes was asked to precede the advancing expeditionary force to assure a peaceftil reception from the emirs of Sind and Baluchistan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As the martial cavalcade lumbered across Sind toward Baluchistan in the spring of 1839, Burnes cowed, bullied, and blud- geoned the local rulers into permitting its progress and agreeing to pay tribute to Shah Shuja.Yet Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In offering him command, the Governor-General fatuously suggested that the “bracing hills of Cabul” might prove more salubrious than “the hot plains of India.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A senior offi- cer, Brigadier Sir Robert Sale, 13th Light Infantry, was also prepar- ing to depart. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Mohan Lal was a great deal more than that. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A second reality was that the rebels were superb shots and wore dun-colored outfits that melded into the hills from which they fired their jezails, muskets that had a longer reach than British rifles. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In spite of our shrapnel, the fire of the enemy told considerably more than ours did, from the supe- riority of their juzails and jingals over our muskets. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Absolutism also distinguished its social system. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The more I see of Russia:’ he reported, “the more I approve the conduct of the Emperor in forbidding his sub- jects to travel.. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
11~ 120 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS years or more, in press and Parliament, on platform and in pam- phlet.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What could have impelled this prodigious projection of power over an interminable solitude? Was it the threatening memory of Genghis Khan and his Golden Horde? A wish to square accounts for centuries of Mongol domina- tion? So ran a prevalent hypothesis, but there were more tangible rea- sons. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The frontier itself—the fluctuating terrain in which peoples with differ- ent beliefs and levels of skill were thrown together—generated its own transforming energy This was the essence of Turner’s frontier thesis, and his approach was applied to Inner Asia by Owen Latti- more, an American with firsthand experience in Mongolia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Russians Are Coming .~ Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
friend remarked that Stoddart had no more self- control than a child, adding: “To attack or defend a fortress, no bet- ter man than Stoddart could be found; but for a diplomatic mission, requiring coolness and self-coimnand, a man less adapted to the pur- pose could not readily have been met with.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His first encounters at Bokhara were not auspicious. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I repeat to you once more that both friendship and enniity with the Englishmen are dangerous to you. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Auckland at once sent Captain Conolly (as he now was) to join the victorious British forces in Kabul. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“He is ffighty, though a very nice fello~” Burnes remarked of Conolly. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In his first meetings with Conolly, Emir Nasrullah was polite but to the point. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The closer he came to Bokhara, the more earnestly he was entreated to proceed no further. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Another question seems worthy of meditation. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The conflict ostensibly arose from a dispute in Jerusalem as to whether Roman or Orthodox Catholics had more rights at Holy Places under Ottoman Turkish protection. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His more impassioned prose flowed into a memorandum entitled “The Negative Aspects of the Russian Soldier and Officer.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
at first intended to send his indictment to a Grand Duke, but on second thought, he more cautiously decided to chan- nel his passion into fiction. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1861, he won approval for a “ten-year plan” to build at least 3,500 miles of railroads. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The War Minister saw nothing wrong with baiting the British. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Besides, why should Russians pay heed to the preachments of the British, who in the wake of the Crimean War, were nearly ousted from India by their own native troops? were a barracks riot by disgruntled natives. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To the Victorians, the Mutiny was more than a colonial war, it was an allegory that affirmed Britain’s civilizing mission; for the historian Sir Charles Crostwaithe, it was “the epic of the Race.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
However, the succession required the approval of Lord Dalhousie, a Governor-General of exemplary energy and determination. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
with this massive political surgery and the displacement of old ruling elites, ever more missionaries were ar- riving to teach at new English schools, feeding anxiety among or- thodox Hindus and Muslims that their faiths were endangered. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was right to worry. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“No one seems to know the meaning of it. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And in the more recent judgment of Penderel Moon, “There is no reliable evidence that she instigated the sepoys at Jhansi to mutiny, or had any hand in their atrocities.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She is memorialized by Indi- ans in equestrian bronze at Jhansi and Gwalior, and patriotic songs, among them this: Raining fire of hell, How well like a man fought the Rat-il ofJhansi How valiantly and well! Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Lawrence had trained his juniors to show a bold front, take the initiative instantly, and assume their seniors would back them up, thus ruling more by bluff than force. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He wrote to the new Governor-General, Lord Canning, urg- ing an end to martial law and the looting that he feared would “ren- der more wide and lasting the breach which has taken place between them and us.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
John was the more practical, Henry the more emotional. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Lucknow by then was securely in rebel control. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
That force was the basis of British rule he had no doubt, “for I see nothing else but force em- ployed in our relations with the governed.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Under Lord Canning, who became the first Viceroy, the wave of annexations ceased, the frontiers of 500 princely states were perma- nently fixed, and native rulers were accorded more formal respect. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A new model Indian Army emerged: more Europeans, more ad- vancement by merit, and a more rigorous intelligence service. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Gorchakov’s more awkward silence concerned headstrong com- manders like Cherniaev, who kept expanding the empire with or without authority, taking advantage of Russia’s peculiar, hydra- headed government. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Perhaps because he served closer to the ground in India, his was the view from the ranks, not from the saddle. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As for the Russians, he did not know what their policy was in Central Asia, but suppose, he asked, they did occupy Afghanistan to attack India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
James Gordon Bennett, the Herald’.c Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
ONCE MORE, MACGAHAN WAS OFF TO BATTLE, JOINING THE RUS- sians in June as they crossed the Danube to enter Romania, still nominally a Turkish satrap but with its own king and substantially autonomous. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Grand Duke Nicholas did not move against the Ottoman capital, but halted in January 1878 at the village of San Stefano on the shores of the Sea of Marmara, ten miles from the walls of Constantinople. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Januarius MacGahan and Eugene Schuyler were drawn to the warmth, spontaneity, and frontier bravado of their Russian friends, who like Americans were susceptible to grandiose projects and the projection of power, whether by cavalry or rails. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a long essay following the siege, he wrote derisively of the Russian Army’s overaged generals, who never read a book or newspaper and whose sole passion was card playing. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Therefore let me exclaim once more: ‘Long live the Geok-Tepe victory! Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nor will the com- mon reader find a word about the troubled Viceroyalty of Lord Lyt- ton, the murder in Kabul of Cavagnari, or the Second Afghan War, events in which Bloomsbury’s own ancestors played a direct part. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This reticence, whatever its cause, might have interested Lytton Strachey, or even more his younger brother James, the translator of Freud. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His essay was dedicated to Sir John Strachey, “one of the most distinguished Indian civilians,” who served as Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces and as Finance Minister to three Viceroys. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For his part, Salisbury was more guarded. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was something more than that. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What the Emir did get was a jeweled presentation sword, a regal gift of cash, a mule train of weaponry, and a vague promise of future sup- port—yet what mattered more, he liked the Viceroy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
When the Emir sent an envoy to Simla to discuss what could be done, Northbrook proposed telling him “if he unreservedly accepts our advice on all external relations, we will Bloomsbury’s War .~ Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To attain this, Lytton was prepared to re- place Sher All with a more obliging Emir, or failing that, to conquer and carve up Afghanistan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
That objective was the “ultimate expression of the forward policy, to be carried out with little or no regard for Afghan wishes, but with an unswerving determination to place the Indian defensive frontier where it had been in the days of the great Empires, in Asoka’s day and in Akbar’s day—on the northern ridges of the Hindu Kush and the Oxus Valley beyond.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What a tantalizing vision for a poet-prince who only recently presided at Delhi from the golden Mughal throne. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the weeks before the Congress of Berlin, as a reprisal against British moves in the Straits and Malta, the Russians dispatched a military mission to Afghanistan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Disraeli was exhausted by his exertions at Berlin, and Lytton had come under the less skeptical, more permissive supervision of Lord Cranbrook, Salis- bury’s successor as Secretary of State for India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The home Government balked, believing that three Afghanistans would be more trouble than one, and in any case the Conservatives were anxious for a quick end to an unpopu- lar war. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To Sir Robert Warburton, Warden of the Khyber, he was the “beau-ideal of a chief,” who after chasing Pathan raiders would sit down “to write his report of ten, fifteen, Bloomsbury’s War :. 189 190 TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS twenty pages of foolscap, all in the best English, in a most beautiful clear hand, without a single blot or erasure.”Yet Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Although he is not to be thoroughly trusted, any more than any other Oriental, still, if he has any game in hand, I must confess to having not the slightest conception as to what it can be. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Mac- Gregor, who despised Afghans and worried that “We are thor- oughly hated and not enough feared,” drew back at what he witnessed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Maiwand was fought on July 27, 1880, months after the British assumed the war was nearly over. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
General Roberts, true enough, emerged a figuratively bigger man, but he was the exception.Writing Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As for India, it was Gladstone’s doctrine that British rule could be justified if it truly benefited—and was seen to benefit— the ruled. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Kipling was born in Lahore in 1862, and after at- tending boarding school in England, returned to India to work on the staff of The Civil and Military Gazette. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
No sooner was he back in Lahore, whose bazaars and back alleys he knew as a Hindustani- speaking child, than he was entranced by native life. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Although Mani was unsuccessful, the more tenacious Nain Singh did succeed in reaching Lhasa in 1866, and finally put it on British maps. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Chief Minster’s apartment in which they stayed, under Das’s appraising eye, is described with the lapidary pre- cision of a Sotheby’s catalog: When they met the twenty-five-year-old Fifth Panchen Lama, they decided that despite an appearance suggesting high intelligence, he was not as engaging, sympathetic, or dignified as his Chief Min- ister. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He wished the pundit to take the vows of celibacy (Das had a wife in Darjeeling) and to accept the allowance made to the monks. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
When Das grew ill on the way, and contracted a raging fever, the Lhacham, fearing he had smallpox, arranged for him to stay at the Samding monastery, the home of her stepsister, the female incarna- tion, the Dorje Phagmo or Thunderbolt Sow. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was then sewn alive into a yak-hide sack, and lowered into the Tsangpo. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The modest bust sprouted into a mammoth sculpted monument, fifteen feet high, in Alexandrovsky garden, where it joined statues of Gogol, Lermontov, and Glinka. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Most giants of discovery drew strength from interior wounds and were likable only at a distance. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“No, I want to work. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A succession of British and Russian missions explored possible links with the adventurer, with- out much success. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Przheval- sky had already taken him to the family seat, Otradnoye, to teach him how to shoot, ride, and skin specimens, before sending him off with a rifle, new suit, traveling rug, and a twenty-ruble monthly al- lowance for military training at Brest. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Przhevalsky re-entered Asia with “a carbine in one hand and a whip in the other.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Above all, his encounter with Yakub Beg left the lieutenant colonel unimpressed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Kashgarian Empire isn’t worth a kopek.”Yet Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Beyond these his mind never reached.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Russians were more cautious. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Of course that won’t happen often, but all the same it will occur— nobody’s perfect.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She has replied, urging him to be “very courteous to all the English who are taking such pains to give you the best possible reception.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Starting in the Georgian Age, British merchant fleets sailed homeward with mystical creeds and Sanskrit grammars mixed with more earthbound cargoes. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Brotherhood was hidden from most mortals, and was sometimes persecuted by humans under the influence of the Dark Force, but it communicated with Adepts, like Madame Blavatsky, through letters written in gold ink or other psychic means. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A new Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, saw no alternative to outright annexation of the Punjab, and the elimination of”a brat begotten of a bhishti, and no more the son of old Ranjit Singh than Queen Vic- toria.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The arrangement was not a success. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Governor-General approved putting the young Maharajah under the guardianship of a Scottish medical offi- cer, Dr. John Login, who found for him a suitable young companion named Tommy Scott. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS off with a letter saying the Imperial Government “protects peace” and had no wish to provoke troubles in India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Buriats were a Mongolian people who for centuries lived near Lake Baikal in Eastern Siberia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nga-Wang Lopsang Tupden (Thupten) Gyatso (1876—1933), the Great Thirteenth Dalai Lama, was the first Incarnation in more than a century who actually ruled. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1895 Ukhtomsky found a new platform as editor of the St. Pe- tersburg News, and in its columns he published his most celebrated sentence, seized upon ever since by Russophobes: “Properly speak- ing, in Asia we have not, nor can we have, any bounds, except the boundless sea breaking on her shores.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A note from Ukhtomsky to Nicholas II asked him to receive two Kalmyks, one being Norzunov. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Finding Peking besieged by Chinese rebels, he proceeded to Japan, then to Vladivostok, and traveled by train and steamer to St. Peters- burg, only to learn that his patron, Prince Ukhtomsky, had just been dispatched to Peking. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I consider one of the sovereign’s more dangerous character traits to be his love for mysterious lands and individuals such as the Buriat Badmaev and Prince Ukhtomsky. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Their arrival at Bombay on December 30,1898, was Curzon’s noontide. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Curzon’s tireless voyages were the more impressive considering his disability a curvature of the spine that tormented him until his death CHAPTER TWELVE Curzon’s Hour G EORGE NATHANIEL CURZON WAS NOT YET FORTY WHEN HE was named Viceroy of India, and his lovely Vicereine, née Mary 284 .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Try to suffer fools more gladly,” gently remonstrated his friend and putative superior, Lord George Hamilton, the Secretary of State for India in London, “they consti- tute the majority of mankind.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His forebears crossed the Channel with William the Conqueror and thereafter pursued with more tenacity than distinction the family motto, “Let Curzon holde what Curzon helde.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She insisted (to quote Nicolson again) on “obedience, success and the more de- tailed forms of religion.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
By his own account, that epiphany occurred during a spirited ad- dress to the Eton Literary Society by Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, friend and adviser to Viceroy Lytton, a despiser of liberal soppiness, and uncle of the yet-unborn Virginia Woolf Stephen said (as Curzon recalled) “that there was in the Asian continent an empire more pop- ulous, more amazing, and more beneficent than that of Rome; that the rulers of that great dominion were drawn from the men of our own people; that some of them might perhaps in the future be taken from the ranks of boys who were listening to his words.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Of his speaking style, a Balliol colleague said, “He spoke copiously, even long, was more inclined to overpower than to persuade, and in repartee or sar- casm was apt to be too heavy handed.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Curzon’s airs were superior, but not joyless. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Consequently more than half the probationers chose Oxford in the 1890’s, compared with Cambridge’s twenty percent. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Within Britain, Balliol accounted for more than forty seats in the House of Commons—and for seventeen years, from 1888 to 1905, three successive Viceroys of India were Jowett’s pupils. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“THERE IS MORE GREAT AND PERMANENT GOOD TO BE DONE IN India than in any department of administration in England,” Jowett wrote to Lord Lansdowne, the first of his three pupils to accept the Viceroyalty In that spirit, Curzon grasped the same reins. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
cumulative effect was to change the Viceroy’s stance on Tibet from “patient waiting” to “im- patient hurry.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This sense of urgency was rooted in Curzon’s long-held belief that Russia’s ultimate ambition was dominion of Asia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Such an operation was now more feasible because Russia was at India’s doorstep and could speed troops across the steppe by rail. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
recounted this for The Times and more fully in a book (co-authored with his brother). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was to take place in Delhi, seat of the old Mughal Empire, in January 1903, its pageantry more “Indo-Saracenic” than “Victorian Feudal,” with Curzon himself as impresario. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The haze from Whitehall proved as hazardous as the lofty terrain, averaging more than 14,000 feet above sea level, into which Younghusband now led a British expeditionary force. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Far more daunting was arranging portage. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Pack animals consumed ten pounds of fodder or more daily, and those in forward columns exhausted whatever grazing could be found. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The deeper into Tibet, the more strenuous the exertions to support the spearhead. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Macdonald urged a surprise attack, which Younghusband overruled in favor of a parley. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But their musket bar- rage caused more noise than injury and awakened the defenders, whose rapid fire killed upwards of 200 attackers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Taking advantage of the hiatus, the British soldiers and their press contingent explored Lhasa, becoming the first Britons to do so since Thomas Manning’s solo visit nearly a century before, in 1812. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Curzon sought to counter these arguments during his home leave. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More- over, the Chinese Amban helped negotiate and witnessed—though he did not sign—the first direct agreement between Tibet and Britain. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The controversy effectively endedYounghusband’s public career. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Curzon’s moment was over in 1904; the Younghusband mission was an anachronism; and nearly a century later the matter of Tibet remains unfinished business. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
309 CHAPTER THIRTEEN The Desert Wanderer glimpsed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Maps were the sacramental bread and wine for contestants in the Great Game. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Vic- torian tropical adventurer had been replaced in fashion’s limelight by ft the Edwardian polar explorer—Vikings with names like Nansen, Amundsen, and Nordenskiöld and homegrown talents Shackleton and Scott. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The [Geographical] Journal,” wrote Ian Cameron in the Society’s centenary volume, “was the fountain-head, the source from which information subsequently filtered down, via word of mouth, via libraries, via other journals and societies, via books, magic lantern lectures, photographs, newspapers and finally via schools, to a public who the more information they were given the more they wanted.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Among the dissentients at a special general meeting who voted for exclusion was Lord Curzon, recently arrived from his travels on the Trans-Caspian Railway. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Although a compromise was reached whereby the twenty-two globe-trotters were allowed to remain, no more women would be elected until 1913, when Curzon himself was pres- ident, a compromise that prompted Punch to comment: A lady an explorer? A traveller in skirts? The notion’s just a tr~fie too seraphic: Let them stay and mind the babies, or hem our ragged shirts; But they mustn’t, can’t, and shan’t be geographic. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
With these staffs they made a way through the crowd, for the King of Kings was out driving.A Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Shah wore a black cloak over his shoul- ders, and on his head a black cap, with a huge emerald and a jewelled clasp. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In October 1893, he left Stockholm “burning with desire once more to take the road of wild adventure” and proceeded to Oren- burg in Russian Central Asia, the end of the eastern railroad line. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But lured by tales of lost cities in the sand, where “gold ingots and lumps of silver lay exposed,” Hedin became the first European to attempt crossing the Takiamakan Desert in the more difficult west-east direc- tion. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Hedin replied that “it would have been more natural and simple to let the border follow the main ridge of the Hindu-kush, which separates The Desert Wanderer .. 323 324 . Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
ft Indeed news of the Tsar’s patronage had already stirred suspicion among Hedin’s new friends at the RGS. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This was in 1902, only a year before a British expedi- tionary force led by FrancisYounghusband finally ended Tibet’s iso- lation. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He did not know Russia’s plans, the Swede wrote, “but I think they are more dan- gerous neighbors for us [than] for you, and England is strong enough to keep her Colonies. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I have a good deal of friends in Russia, but I have more in England and my political sympathies are with England.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But you are a sci- entist before anything else—the man who more than any other has shown with what resources a great explorer ought to be equipped and what so equipped he ought to accomplish. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I hope therefore in the interest of the world that you will perform one more big jour- ney before you settle down. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Still, Hedin’s indignation over the invasion did not diminish his ef- forts to draw the veil further apart, even though, as he confessed, “The longing that had possessed me to penetrate the Holy City in disguise was completely gone. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After losing nine mules in one day—only six animals of the nearly one hundred he commissioned survived the trip—Hedin reached the provincial capital of Shigatse, where he had been invited by the Tashi (or Panchen) Lama, who viewed strangers more benignly than had the Dalai Lama. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Besides mapping the “unexplored” areas of what he called the Trans-Himalayan range, Hedin believed (as he wrote in September 1907) that he was “the first white man to penetrate to the sources of the Brahmaputra and the Indus, the two rivers famous from time immemorial, which like a crab’s claws, encircle the Hi- malayas.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He has without doubt made a fine jour- ney but if you will look at the attached maps it will be seen that more than half of it is along the very routes I have been. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But I have fully realized now that if one does not ‘brick by brick’ write oneself up and claim everything, one gets nothing; the more you talk about yourself, the more people swallow What drivel gets written and what is more wonderful, believed.. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“What shall we get from Sven Hedin?” Holdich asked, And what was “scientific map making” It occurred to me, while I was listening to Dr. Sven Hedin, how different is the career and how different the du- ties of a great explorer from those of a politician. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What mattered more, Curzon defended Hedin in the Journal, where he credited the Swede with filling in a great “white patch” in Tibet, becoming the first European to trace the main branch of the Indus to its glacial origin, and with The Desert Wanderer :. 339 340 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS the “determination” if not the discovery of the sources of India’s other two great rivers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Majesty, at any rate more interesting than a very doubtful record on the great ice, without a shadow of epoch making geographical discovery.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the first critical The Desert Wanderer .. 341 342 .. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS months, Hedin volunteered his services as an ostensibly impartial neu- tral to judge atrocity charges directed against German forces on the Western Front. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
My name has been removed from the list of Hon- orary Members but the deep and warm regards I have al- ways felt for British exploration and British geographical work will forever remain to an invisible member of the Royal Geographical Society Until the eve of her defeat, Hedin was certain Germany would win, and on November 11, 1918, Armistice Day, writing in a Swedish newspaper, he extolled Kaiser Wilhelm as the greatest, the last, and “the only true ruling personality of our time.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Hedin’s feats mattered more than his politics, and it was thus a coup for Adolf Hitler when the famous Swede in due course heaped praise on the Third Reich. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1937, Hedin was honored again in Berlin, this time with a Sven-Hedin-Platz, and his seduction was consummated when he accepted more sinister honors from Reichsftihrer Heinrich Himmier. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
61,000, raised only a little more than a year ago to 88,000.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He increased its grants with his own—or more precisely, his American wife Mary’s— personal funds. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Alone in this far outpost of Central Asia—Kashgar lies farther from the sea than any other city in the world—with only the occa- sional explorer or game hunter for company, Macartney tried to stem the Russian advance but waged a losing battle. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Stein was far more appreciative of his host’s special talents than Younghus- band, who complained of his half-Chinese translator’s tendency to approach problems from a Chinese point of view—”Macartney is a good enough fellow in his way but he is not English.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Finally these too disappear among totally bare accu- mulations of sand, in places rising 300 feet or more. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On this expedi- tion, funded by the Academy, Klementz photographed the ruins and brought back manuscripts and fragments of wall paintings. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His manner seems simpler & more easy than in public. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Reporting on his meeting with the new Viceroy in Pe- shawan, Stein tried to be optimistic: “Lord Minto understood what I told of my hope for another Troy and did not seem to mind that I could not promise there a pendant to the Elgin Marbles, only per- haps the earliest products of Graeco-Buddhist art and relics of Zoroastrian antiquity.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was the final scramble for antiquities in the imperial twilight, before the rise of nationalism challenged the old assumption that the right to dig and take was the unlimited franchise of European over- CHAPTER FIFTEEN The Last of the “Foreign Devils” I N PLANNING HIS EPOCHAL SECOND EXPEDITION, SIR AUREL Stein sounded more like Metternich than an archaeologist. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS lords. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More recently a Muslim trader had told him that a mass of ancient manuscripts might be there. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Last of the “Foreign Devils” 369 370 .. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS whether he should head toward Dunhuang, a seventeen-day trip south across the Gobi, and investigate the rumor, or rendezvous with Grilnwedel, a disgruntled von Le Coq returned to Kashgar. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Stein’s Dunhuang haul included paintings on silk, embroideries, sculptures, and, most importantly, more than a thousand ancient manuscripts written not only in Chinese but also in Tibetan, Tangut, Sansknit, Turkish, and a scattering of other, obscurer languages. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Four years later, Sir Aurel himself returned to the area, purchasing four more cases of manu- scripts from the nearby towns. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Last of the “Foreign Devils” .~ Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Not to be outdone by Sven Hedin on his second expedition, Stein crossed the Taklamakan from north to south, a route considerably more difficult than following the Kenya River northward, as the Swede had done in 1896. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Few more wonderful dis- coveries have been made by any archaeologist,” proclaimed the Times Literary Supplement; and Sir Leonard Woolley declared it “an unparal- leled archaeological scoop.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What Stein and Pelliot and Peking and the Kansu Viceroy and the Japa- nese failed to get has been carried off piecemeal by the mag- istrates who stay only a year or so in office. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As the conditions were satisfactory, Lampson advised Stein “to refrain from pressing for more specific fadilities”—such as exca- vation permits. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But in 1930 conditions were even more turbulent than in 1916. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
(The photographic record that Stein made of his finds, thought to be lost, was recently discovered in the British Library.) Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Sunday morning, realizing that he might not recover, he spoke to Engert about funeral arrangements and told his Ameri- can friend: “I have had a wonderful life and it could not be con- cluded more happily than in Afghanistan, which I had wanted to visit for sixty years.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Tuesday, October 19, he arrived in Kabul in the American Legation car, “apparently in good health and spirits,” Engert wrote, “with the zest of a school boy.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Rockhill was among the great scholar-diplomats of his time. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Before I came to the Pacific Slope I was an expansionist,” Roo- sevelt avowed amid roars of approval, “and after having been here I fail to understand how any man. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Originally warriors from Manchuria, known as superb horsemen and archers, the Manchus swept into Peking in 1644, de- posed the Ming Dynasty and claimed the Mandate of Heaven for their Qing (or Ch’ing) Dynasty. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Proud of their language, said to be related to Hungarian and Finnish, shunning commerce and domi- nating the imperial court, the Manchus remained outsiders, affecting a scorn for their peasant subjects. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
British and other traders could only enter a section of the Canton waterfront known as a “factory,” and that only from October to March. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
When T’ung-chih died at nineteen, Tz’u-hsi contrived to have her four-year-old nephew pro- claimed Emperor, and even after Kuang-hsü attained his majority, she continued to dominate. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Tsong-Khapa’s reformed creed, known as the Yellow Hats, with its codes of celibacy and abstinence from alcohol, took firm root in Mongolia and Tibet. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His provisions were more generous, but only just. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a pointed comment to his Smithsonian sponsors, he reported that he left Peking in December 1891 well provided with scientific apparatus but only scantily with money: “How to travel on an empty money bag (and an empty stomach, as it turned out in my case) in a strange land, is a more difficult problem than the quadrature of the circle.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As he feared, the local headmen reported his presence. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On his return to Washington, in an innovative final touch, Rockhill won approval for using half the American portion of the indemnity to provide scholarships for Chinese students in the United States. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“He seemed deeply impressed with his great responsibilities as supreme Pontiff of his faith,” Rockhill recalled in a monograph on Dalai Lamas written years later. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Kozlov found him as impressive as before, but markedly more as- sured. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
such a mission established in Lhasa for a year with an adequate following, “the world would hear little more of Chinese encroachment, while the benefits to scientific research would be enormous.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For all their bravery, they wore blinkers (so he wrote the Viceroy in India) and forgot “the complex intrigues and, if you like, diabolical machinations which make up international politics for a vast sprawling empire like ours, exposing more vulnerable surface than any Empire the world ever saw” Morley closed Tibet to all foreign explorers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In India today, cricket still reigns. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But what to do about Tibet—a theo- cratic kingdom larger than Western Europe and formally part of China? If Tibet were smaller, a British Resident could have been posted in Lhasa and Tibet could have become one more imperial protectorate. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was too important to China, its suzerain for more than two centuries. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After four years’ exile, he returned to Lhasa only to encounter a more belligerent invasion, this time by a China determined to turn Tibet into a province and keep the Dalai Lama under its thumb, When he decided to flee, it was Bai- ley, as Trade Agent, who was credited with the idea of disguising the Dalai Lama as a dak wallah, or postal runner. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was Bell’s task to befriend and dissuade, a task the more delicate since back home Lord Morley at the India Office referred privately to His Holiness as a “pestilent animal.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
So powerful was the hold of re- ligion that a fourth or more of the male population took orders; a good many youths became “fighting lamas,” or warrior priests, their headgear yellow or red, connoting the two main sects. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Not only were Tibet’s two Grand Lamas incarnations, but so were the four great Abbots of Lhasa, another sixty incarnations were of especially high status, and at a fourth level down, there were more than a thousand “Living Buddhas.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
McGovern turned himself in, and was expelled. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He identified two main factions in Lhasa: the pro- British court party, and the pro-Chinese priestly party, the former he believed ascendant. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
extraordinary regard for native susceptibilities is not always successful, but in the case of Sir Charles it seems to have worked wonders, and I was later to find that many Ti- betan officials have an unusual affection for him. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Would Britain intervene? Bailey replied that this was not possible, given Britain’s policy of noninterference.The Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In exchange for $300,000 in money and supplies for what was alternately billed as a scientific ex- pedition or a “Mission of the Western Buddhists,” Horch—or more precisely the Master Institute and Corona Mundi—would own the paintings Roerich created along the way. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Thus let us be mutually careful in letters. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It appears from the diaries of a disciple, Sina Lichtmann (later, Fosdick) that Roerich planned to “obtain concessions for mining businesses in the Altai and for agricultural development.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
However, the Resident in Kashmir, Sir John Wood, sent a contrary report to New Delhi stating that the “mob” consisted of drivers who objected to overloading their trucks, and that Roerich, “who was never in the slightest danger of assault or molestation, completely lost his head, and produced firearms.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A second Bolshevik mission, dispatched by Lenin himself, fol- lowed in 1924. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Using infor- mation supplied him by his own informant, Zambo Haldinov, a Kalmyk lama, Bailey warned the Dalai Lama about the anti-Bud- dhist zealotry of the “Red Russians,” as the Tibetans called the Bol- sheviks. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I do not know for certain if the party will be allowed to come to Lhasa.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Madame Roerich has been unwell during the whole trip. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
By the same logic, Nicholas Roerich could also have claimed a pivotal role in the 1948 election: a feat the more remarkable since he had died in India the year before. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Presi- dent Herbert Hoover invited him to the White House. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1934, Nicholas Roerich came to America to meet with Wal- lace and work out details of the mission. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He must know the story of the disgruntled dis- charged employee [Roerich]—a tax evader, who dare not re-enter this land—from which all this stems.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Guru :. 491 The Cousins Discover Tibet natural history museums. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The more hard- ships, the better. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More important, the dachshunds initiated an extended corre- spondence between Tibet’s Great Lama and Cutting, involving imag- inative gift-giving, novel requests, and a degree of dissembling on the The Cousins Discover Tibet .. 495 496 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS latter’s part. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Dalai Lama also wished to know whether Congress could be induced to buy silver and send it to Tibet in bond, and thereby avoid the Indian export tax (Cutting regrettably concluded the scheme was “decidedly impractical”). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Through craft and diplomacy, Cutting wrested the prize that eluded more ardent suitors. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Cutting reckoned Lhasa’s population at 40,000 inhabitants, more than a third of whom were lamas and monks, the dominant force in what he perceived as a “priest-ridden” society. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was interred at Gyantse in a small cemetery near the British mission. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The holy city had three motorcars—two Austins and a Dodge—but as the Cuttings discovered, they were inoperable. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Chinese threat had abated, and the modernizing faction once favored by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama seemed resigned to defeat. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More durable were the ties forged with British intelli- gence services. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He and Men- zies, known in Whitehall only as “C,” found they could trust each other, despite their differences. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A distinguished procession of Germans had taken special interest in Central Asia, beginning with Alexander von Humboldt, a founder of modern geographic science and author of Zentralasien (1843). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Admiral enclosed a letter he had gotten from Himniler, and asked the Prime Minister’s advice on how to reply. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Schafer confessed to a British official at Simla that he had expressed his enthusiasm for Hitler partly “to get a rise” out of Richardson, who had annoyed him on more than one occasion. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This did not play well with Gould, who noted that Schafer’s way with employees w~s “to pay them well, and beat them often.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Gould’s doubts prompted three letters from Schafer in May and June of 1939, saying initially that he wanted to train the talented Kaiser as a taxidermist, and moreover he needed the boy for a talk- I I I I ing part in an “evening-filling” motion picture. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Details may not be revealed.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Another, more grandiose, plan for “The Encirclement and Sub- mission ofWorld Enemy England by Germany, Italy, Russia, Iran and Japan” was put forward by a former member of Sven Hedin’s Lufthansa Expedition in the 1920’s, a certain Major Zimmerman, who urged a concerted attack on the “British Empire’s heart, India.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What India was to the British, the territories of Russia will be for us.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As part of his Auschwitz researches, he made casts of the heads of more than a hundred prisoners who were then gassed and their skulls given to Beger for comparison. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Could this horse exist? Could it be bred? After the huge loss of mounts during the Russian cam- paign, Schafer was pressed to breed a super steppe horse that would Swastikas to Lhasa :. 525 526 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS be winter-hardy and stronger than its European counterparts. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Beger was invited to, and photographed at, a festive reunion in Austria with the Dalai Lama, who knew nothing of Beger’s conviction. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He tracked down still more Hedin maps at a publishing house in Gotha, which like Saalfeld was also designated for Soviet occupation. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
DOLAN’S BACKGROUND WAS MORE CONVENTIONAL, BUT NOT HIS life. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In Chungking, they encountered further and frustrating delays: proferring the nec- essary “presents” to a Chinese marshal, and haggling for still more passports and customs permits. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was fascinated by Tibetan nomads and (as are today’s backpackers) by Litang, “the best concealed city in the world:’ with its large nearby monastery, bidden in two narrow valleys. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Leaving his animals to the Every hunter to whom the chasse means more than simply the trophy will sympathize. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
So much the takin has meant to me and more. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But the mission failed when he was not given an audience with the warlord. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More broadly, in Tolstoy and Dolan’s words, the Tibetans now re- alized “that the U.S.A. will have a large share in formulating the fu- ture peace and believe that its weight will be thrown toward preserving the integrity and freedom of small countries.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This association dogged Tolstoy when Donovan in June 1944 pro- posed a more congenial assignment—leadership of an OSS mission to Mao Tse-tung’s headquarters at Yenan in northern China. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In an effort to cir- cumvent Davies, Tolstoy befriended a more senior Stilwell aide, Major General Thomas Hearn, the CBI chief of staff, and arranged a showing of his OSS film, Inside Tibet. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To FitzGerald and his chief~ at CIA headquarters in Langley, Vir- ginia, it seemed just and feasible to help the Khampas wage a secret war that would punish Red China for its 1950 invasion and subse- quent occupation ofTibet—a strategy endorsed by the Dalai Lama’s brother, Gyalo Thondup, though not by the Buddhist ruler himself. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He then spoke more frankly to a visiting U.S. official: “Sir Olaf inti- mated that the Foreign Office tended too much to look upon India The Owl of Minerva :. 555 F OR HALF A DECADE, WE HAD SCAVENGED ARCHIVES AND scholarly journals in an effort to look afresh at the modern age’s 556 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS as a peninsular unit like Italy.. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In- deed, I have more than once flattered myself that J. F Dulles’ phrase ‘The Northern Tier’ and his association of the U.S. with the ‘Bagh- dad’ countries in Asia were influenced by the thinking in Wells of Power. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“We were all much surer of what we knew, and more zealous.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
More provocatively, India published new maps in 1954 that also incorporated in India the Aksai Chin, a frozen no-man’s land 17,000 feet high abutting Tibet, Ladakh, and China. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
These anomalies became more acute after China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950 and its aftermath—harsh Communist repression, an uprising in eastern Tibet that the CIA then assisted, and the Dalai Lama’s 1959 flight from Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The English people intend to retain every inch of land they have got and perhaps they intend to secure a few more inches”—which with Rhodes’s help, and after the Boer War, they did. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In Imperialism (1951), he cites as an example the British acquisition in 1815 of the lonian Islands, of which Corfu was the most important. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Owl of Minerva :. 565 566 .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Indeed few were more surprised by the passing of the Evil Empire than its sworn enemies in the CIA. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And twice in this century, Russia’s empire collapsed from within. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Early Travels in India 1583—1619 (London, 1921), or through those of Babur, its founder, whose memoirs have been freshly trans- lated by Wheeler M. Thackston in a lavish volume, The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor (NewYork, 1996). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On the Nepal campaign, see John Premble, The Invasion of Nepal:John Company at War 1814—16 (Oxford, 1971), and more generally, Byron Farwell’s The Gurkhas (New York, 1984). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A more heterodox view can be found in Edward Ingram, The Beginning of the Great Game in Asia, 1828—1834 Pottinger’s role, see George Pottinger, The Afghan Connection: The Extraordinary Adventures of Major Eldred Pottinger (Edinburgh, 1983). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Tolstoy and Crimea, see Ernest J. Simmons, Leo Tolstoy (London, 1949). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“render more wide”: Edwardes, Necessary Hell, 373—374. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
See also Sir John Strachey, India (London, 1894). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“more the man”: quoted, Robson, op. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For more on Watson and Maiwand, see the article by Thaddeus Holt, op. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But Rayfield arrived at a more stringent view of Przhevalsky’s relations with his “favorites” in his more recent Anton Chekhov: A L~fe (New York, 1997). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“There is more great”: Quoted, Symonds, op. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
30 “more difficult to say goodbye to the dogs than to the men”: quoted, Mountain in Tibet, 214. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“it would have been more natural and simple”: Hedin, My LEft, 244. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“but I think they are more dangerous neighbors”: Hedin to Keltie, May 24, 1899 (RGS). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“I am interested”: Bell to Hinks, February 3, 1925 (RGS). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Few more wonderful discoveries have been made by any archaeol- ogist”: quoted in Hopkirk, Forez~n Devils, 165. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
p. 115. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For background on the Diaghilev Ballet, see Lynn Garafolo, Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes (New York, Oxford, 1989); Richard Buckle, Diaghilev (New York, 1979); Simon Volkov, St. Petersburg (New York, 1995); Suzanne Massie, The Land of the Firebird (New York, 1980); Alexandre Benois, Memoirs (London, 1960); and Peter Lieven, The Birth of Ballets-Russes (Boston and NewYork, 1936). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His account in Najural History (February 1936), “In Lhasa—The Forbidden,” is more valu- able. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
522 “You should read more Karl May”: quoted, Hauner, India in Axis Strategy, 166. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even more, we have relied on John Kenneth Galbraith’s triad, Ambassador’s Journal (Boston, 1969); A Life in Our Times (Boston, 1981); and Name-Dropping (Boston, 1999). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He pleaded with Moorcroft to re- turn to Calcutta where he would be greeted as a hero, before his ru- mored dismissal became fact. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I just have to be there as a parent to back him up,” says Bonnie Morello, whose son, Mat, 17, is a captain in the Ex- plorers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It is defined in Webster’s Third International Dictionary as a major sector of the psyche that is mostly unconscious but partly conscious, that develops out of the ego by in- ternalization or introjection in response to advice, threats, warnings, and punishment, especially by parents but also by teachers and other authority, that reflects parental con- science and the rules of society, and that serves as an aid in character formation and as a protector for the ego against overwhelming id impulses. About Behaviorism
In The Portrait of a Lady, the young Ralph Touchett develops tuberculosis and must remain inac- tive for a long time. About Behaviorism
Then fol- lows the symbolic representation (paralysis) of her utter “helpless- ness” to aid either him or anyone else or alter the conditions of her own life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We don’t lie back upon them, we move forward, and, on occasion, make nature over again by their aid.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Neither conscious questioning nor rational advice can aid us in the discovery of FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 232 r 532 We cannot in every case get as far as this on the principle of these clues, for the obstacles which prevent us from finding them are hidden from the patient’s consciousness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
During the Afghan war, Peshawar became an Asian Casablanca, awash in spies, journalists, aid workers, and refugees. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although a country at war, it is a Prologue I 11 place where one can find a species of personal tranquillity rarely expe- rienced in the West. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But bin Laden would form his closest ties with the ultra-Islamist llekmat- yar and with Sayyaf, an Afghan leader who was fluent in Arabic and had studied in Saudi Arabia.75 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(It is ironic that billions of dollars of Saudi government aid helped create a cadre of well-trained militants who would later turn against the Saudi royal family. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
However, the CIA certainly made tactical errors during the war, some of which en- couraged the growth of anti-Western Afghan factions allied to Arab militants. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At that point, the U.S. government and the CIA should have put pressure on the Pakistanis to distribute American aid in a manner that better reflected the interests of the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
riety of militant Islamists from around the world, killing significant numbers of mujahideen from other parties, and taking a virulently anti-Western line. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Afghan commander Ahmad Shah Massoud was a moderate Islamist and a brilliant general, who never received American aid proportion- ate to his battlefield exploits.4’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1989, he traveled to Peshawar to aid in the jihad against the Soviets.60 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Swedish Committee for Afghanistan, one of the largest aid organizations in the country, reported that at the six hundred schools they supported, True Believers: The Taliban and bin Laden / 157 Although the Taliban is often seen as monolithic, it has in fact been split between hard-liners and those who want to engage more with there were now thirty thousand girl students and, astonishingly, that “there are parts of rural areas in Afghanistan today, where there are more girls in schools than ever before in Afghan history.”47 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Carved out of cliffs in central Afghanistan, the Buddhas dated from the third and fifth centuries and were one of the country’s premier tourist attractions in the 1970s. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In March 2001, Taliban soldiers, who had already disfigured the statues in past years, were dispatched to fin- ish the job once and for all with artillery and explosives.7’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In his office at the North London mosque, Abu Hamza told me he spent the mid-nineties going back and forth to Bosnia to aid the Mus- lims being slaughtered in the tens of thousands by Serbs hoping to create an “ethnically pure” Yugoslavia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In Kashmir it seems that Muslims, with the aid of Pakistan, are fighting to free themselves from the yoke of Hindu India; but on closer inspec- tion most Kashmiris are engaged in a nationalist struggle for inde- pendence and are opposed both to Indian rule and to the militant Islamists from Pakistan and elsewhere who have come to their aid.9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Some commentators, for instance Mary Ann Weaver, say that Hekmatyar received 50 percent of U.S. aid, in which case his share would rise to $1.5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
French aid worker, interview by author, Peshawar, Pakistan, September 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Swedish Committee for A~hanistan, “Afghanistan, Aid and the Taliban: Challenges on the Eve of the 21~t Century” (Stockholm, 1999), p. 62. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
51. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Similarly, if I claim that I am fighting justly, I must also claim that~ i was attacked (“put to it,” as the Melians were), or threatened with attack, or that I am coming to the aid of a victim of someone else’s attack. Just and Unjust Wars
But when the outcry of’ the lackeys and boys which ran away for fear of the Frenchmen . Just and Unjust Wars
Anyone can come to the aid of a viçtim, use necessary force against an aggressor, and even make whatever is the international equivalent of a “citi- zen’s arrest.” Just and Unjust Wars
And the British and French plans to come to Finland’s aid, inept and self-serving as these were, prob- ably played a decisive part, along with the early and unexpected victories of the Finnish army, in persuading the Russians to seek a negotiated settlement. Just and Unjust Wars
Writing ten years later, Mill argued that the British should have responded to this intervention with an intervention of their own.6 Just and Unjust Wars
When a people are being massacred, we don’t require that they pass the test of self-help before coming to their aid. Just and Unjust Wars
But it isn’t always appropriate. Just and Unjust Wars
Apparently he thought his silence the price of his office, and he wanted to retain his office so that he “might be in a position to initiate or aid in attempts to negotiate peace” and so that he might continue to pass on information to Hitler’s under- ground opponents. Just and Unjust Wars
Here is an account of an Israeli unit entering Nablus during the Six Day War: “The battalion CO got on the field telephone to my company and ‘said, ‘Don’t ‘touch the civilians - - - don’t fire until you’re fired at and don’t touch the civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
“Look, I just cooled myself off so That will depend, in part, on how much I I would notlose my temper,” Mullah Omar popular support the Taliban can muster. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Withallthat’sgoneonandwith what mighthappen, I wantto hold on to my money right now,” Becker says. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Our job is business as usual. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Virginians knew what they wanted from their 43d braska to Washington aboard Air Force manner of the Andover cheerleader he dragon slayer, a boyish knight in a helmet higher than the rating received by any other got promises of aid, too, and the warlike president—firm, cleareyed, inspirational One, maintaining radio silence at the Se- once was. Newsweek September 24, 2001
the lowest since November 1993. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“It has a lot of pain and suffering,” but people insurance money and government aid there are some signs that—economi- comes, it actuallyjogs the economy out of cally—Americans are taking the crisis a slump?’ This view seems widespread. Newsweek September 24, 2001
TheAmex, like the its building is uninhabitable. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Eric Stein is looking for Sean McNulty, whojust turned 30 and worked for Cantor Fitzger- aid on the 105th floor ofTower 1. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The first and, in retrospect, critical phase of the revolutionary struggle against the regime of the shah, according to Ahmad Ashraf, was the struggle within the religious establishment itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although Daoud had come to power with the aid of the Parchamis, he proceeded to eliminate them one by one from his inner councils. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The following year, a temporary reconciliation between Parcham and Khalq was engi- neered with the aid of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Like previous efforts to put a democratic face on his rule, this one also failed to lend Najibullah and his government the legitimacy they so desperately needed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These appointments were spurred by the desperate straits in which the Najibullah government found itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Previously financed by booty, governments turned mostly to foreign aid for their financing. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The British subsidies of the early twentieth cen- tury were replaced in the 1950s by international aid. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While Pakistan’s early managers sought to use its strategic location to acquire British and, subsequently, Ameri- can military and economic aid, the increasing costs of maintaining the defense establishment set the imperative of state formation on a coffi- sion course with the political process. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In December 1979 the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan proved to be a boon for the general’s tottering regime. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Junejo could only be as powerful as Zia wanted him to be. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The social relations defined by institutions of extended kinship and material production define and distribute resources such as ownership of land, flocks, and cash; seniority; family connections; and relations with outside forces (the state or empire, today including the Afghan resistance as a quasi-state transmitting foreign aid). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
they had been 62.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent and fell to about 7 percent by 1958; in the 1970s they were less than 2 percent.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The sources of finance illustrate the extent to which the government relied on its links to the international system and market as a counterweight to its inabil- ity to penetrate rural society directly.26 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government also spent foreign aid heavily on the education and employment of the new middle class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Agriculture remained the major economic activity in Afghanistan, but except for the cultivation of export goods and raw materials for government industries, it contributed virtually nothing to the fiscal base of the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
<_2.6c The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
45.6 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Not all of this foreign aid was labeled as such. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The natural gas fields were developed with Soviet aid and by Soviet experts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aid from Pakistan, the United States, and a host of other reactionary powers consolidated the hold of the “counterrevolutionaries” on the peasantry, who remained in the grip of false consciousness. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
External aid to the Nicaraguan contras or to the National Union for the Total Indepen- dence of Angola (UNITA) did not comparably weaken the state, be- cause the Sandinistas and the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), despite their mistakes, had far greater legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The available data as well as other statements cited below make it clear that these revenues derive almost entirely from the export of natural gas to the USSR, which can be called “domestic revenue” only by a considerable stretch- ing of the term. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most likely prospect is for Islamic Iran to con- tinue to pursue politics that aid the poor today at least in part at the expense of the growth that would aid the poor tomorrow. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps another $10 biffion came into the country through nonhanking channels. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These savings became available at a time when official capital flows to Pakistan had stagnated. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What was needed was a strong political entity at the center to redirect the power- ful civil bureaucracy away from procedures it had used during colonial times. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is no limit to the amount of assets that may be owned as long the owner contributes to the general wel- fare by using the assets productively and by surrendering a part of the income produced by the assets to aid the society’s underprivileged segments (the mustaikheen). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both programs used foreign aid to provide employment to the unemployed workers in the countryside. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan now makes Pakistan a less attractive candidate for aid from the United States, and continuing economic difficulties in the Middle East are already affect- ing the amount of remittances being received by the country from its workers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In addition to the money earned, these activities are positive expe- riences because of the contacts established between the Afghan women of rural origins and those from urban areas (usually from Kabul) who, because of their former education, are indispensable intermediaries be- tween the producers and those in charge of the international aid orga- nizations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In response, the Hizb-i Islami has established a huge private camp at Nasrat Mina (not far from Peshawar) for its staff and also for the widows and the orphans of its mujahidin martyred in Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This reinforcement should, however, be seen as an attempt to preserve the family, a cultural and ethnic nucleus in a context of deconstruction. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Presently they number almost two hundred stu- dents. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Political Resistance Parties and the Place of Women The affirmation of a position specifically for women and the theory of women’s position appear episodically in the declarations and writ- ings of the Islamist resistance movements, like faint echoes of the dis- cussions that had been held on the subject of women during the Iranian revolution (see Muttahhari 1981). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These courses are limited to the following subjects in girls’ high schools: first year, knitting and needlework; second year, sewing; third year, hygiene, safety, and first aid; and fourth year, nutrition and child care (Zan-e Ruz, 17 Dec. 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Hojjat ol-Islam Motebahheri, director of the politico-ideological section at the government~-owned Defense Industries Organization, explained the reasons for their refusal to em- ploy any women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They and other supporting organizations were not small, fanatical groups on the fringe of society, but rather consisted of elite women from the Business and Professional Women’s Club, APWA, and the Democratic Women’s Association, as well as supporters from the YWCA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In July 1989 the government took an important step by elevating the Women’s Division to the level of a ministry, the Ministry for Women’s Development. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Issues in Health Sector in Pakistan.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Intelligentsia Middle East, 23, 73, 75, 97, 133; Pakistani workers in, 277,279-81,298,323, 326; women in, 333—34, 393—94 Militant Ulama of Tehran, 134—35 Military: in Afghanistan, Communists and, 6, 13—14, 39, 43, 51—52, Karmal’s rule and, 46,52, new middle class and, 7, see also Armed forces, Army; in Iran, 3,5, 104, 240; in Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto and, 11, East Pakistan and, 9, 175, elections and, 9,13, Islamization and, 14, Muslim League and, 9, property rights and, 8, Punjabis and, 12, 150, religious ethos in, 174, role of, 11, 14, 159, 176, 178,270,289, Yahya Khan and, 161, Zia ul-Haq and, 10, 176,178, Zulfikar All Bhutto and, 285, 164—65 Military courts, 175 Ministry for Women’s Development, 441—42 Modernization, 24; in Afghanistan, 86, 336—38; in Iran, 109,368,395; in Pakistan, 431; and women, 27 Modjaddedi, Sibghatullah, 66-67,82—83, 96, 36.1—62 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
7—151n. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Afghanistan; Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) Resistance, 52,58, 64, 67, 198, 348; and Afghan government, 18,213, 215; and Afghan notables, 79,86; and Afghan women, 333,357, 359—61, 363; in the country side, 209; politicization of, 81, 84,91; redistribution and, 189, 221; reforms and the, 219—20. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Soviet Union; USSR Sadr, Ayatollah Baqer, 233 Safi, Ayatollah, 136 Sarandoy, 42, 51—52,54 Sarfaraz, Begum Zari, 430 Sarwar, Begum Rehana, 440-41 Sarwari, Assadullah, 45, 70n. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Russia; USSR Sri Lanka, 274—75 State: in Afghanistan, Amanullah and, 202—3, Communist dominance of, 6,43,45,48,54, 207—11,344, distribution and, 189, 211,218,221, Daoud and, 339, failure of reforms and, 216, Islam and, 76, 80,84—85, the new formation of, 91,94, the new middle class and, 7, periphery and, 79, qawm and, 72—73, reforms and, 188, 205—8, 210, revolutionar- ies and, 8, structure of, 191, traditional leaders and, 6, 8, weakness of, 209,215, women and, 352, see also Afghanistan, Demo- cratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA); in iran, economy and, 239, 243,245, 247, 279, expansion of the, 103—6,255— 56, Islam and, 4—5, 13, 19, 232, 371, 374,378, Khomeini and, 102, 110, Pahlavis and, 3, 107,371, post- Khomeini era and, 5, 13, 117—20, 129, 132, 136, 143—44, 147—49, redistribution policies of, 20,257, rural areas and, 254, ulama and, 110—11, 113, the war and, 242, see also Iran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Khomeini, Ayatollah Ruhollah, Revolution, Shah, The; in Pakistan, 9, 270, economic role of, 281, 296, 323, expansion of the, 282, 326, formation of, 152, 154—71, 182—83, Islamization of, 172—75, martial law and, 436, political apparatus of, 282, women and, 412—17,423,432, 437—38, Zia ul-Haq and, 176-77, 179—81, see also Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali, Military, Pakistan, Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Sufi orders, 82, 85. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And now it occurs to me that the name Castrogiovanni, which obtruded itself with the aid of a rationalization, alludes as expressly to giovane, young, as the last name, Castelvetrano, to veteran.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here my aversion naturally does not extend to the vendor of safes, but to another person, concerning whom I wish to know nothing, and later, transfers itself from the latter to this incident where it brings about the forgetting. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This woman wished to note the names of a number of persons to whom she could apply for charitable aid. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dim perception (the endo-psychic perception, as it were) of psychic factors and relations 1 of the unconscious Was taken as a model in the construction of a transcendental reality, which is destined to be changed again by science into psychology of the unconscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I prefer fo give cases in which these differences are not so marked. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With the aid of the material thus obtained—material which is new to the self-observer—it is possible to achieve the interpretation of pathological ideas, and also that of dream-formations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I must there- fore give him all the psychological explanations with whose aid I myself have succeeded in understanding his symptoms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I will here antidpate by dting the amplification and modification of this funda- mental formula propounded by Otto Rank: “On the basis of and with the aid of repressed infantile-sexual material, dreams regularly represent as fulfilled current, and as a rule also erotic, wishes in a disguised and symbolic form” (EM Traum, der sick ceibst deistet). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At my preliminary examination in botany I was required to identify a cru- cifer, and failed to recognize it; had not my theoretical knowledge come to my aid, I should have fared badly indeed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The lovers were in the habit of making him, the elder boy, drunk with beer whenever cir- cumstances were favourable to their nocturnal intercourse. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He had for some time had sexual intercourse with women, but had given it up on ac- count of inhibitions, and now hopes to be able to begin it again with the aid of the treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And as a gay young fellow, I hardly gave a thought to my noctur- nal dreams; only later, when I had formed the habit of thinking about everything, or when the Philistine within me began to assert itself a little, did it strike me that—when I dreamed at all—I was always a journey- man tailor, and that in that capacity I had already worked in my master’s shop for a long time without any pay. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus the entrepreneur may himself con- tribute a little of the capital, or several entrepreneurs may seek the aid of the same capitalist, or several capitalists may jointly supply the capital required by the entrepreneurs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If the dream continues and com- pletes mental work begun during the day, and even brings valuable new ideas to light, we have only to strip off the dream-disguise from this, as the contribution of the dream-work, and a mark of the assistance of dark powers in the depths of the psyche (cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I must repeat what I have said in other publications, that these psycho- neuroses, as far as my experience goes, are based on motive powers of the sexual instinct. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The sexual excitation of the nurs- ing period returns during the designated years of childhood as a centrally determined tickling šensation demanding masturbatic gratification, or as a pollution-like process which, analogous to the pollution of maturity, may attain gratification without the aid of any action. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As the first outer cause, there is the influence of seduction which prematurely treats the child as a sexual object; under conditions favoring impressions, this teaches the child the gratification of the genital zones and thus, usually forces it to repeat this gratification in masturbation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have thus been forced to perceive in every fixed aberration from the normal sexual life, a fragment of inhibited development and infan- tilism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Fischer explains the relation between wit and the comic by the aid PRESENTATION OF THE SUBJECT BY OTHER AUTHORS INTRODUCTION * I 6oi 602 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS slightly noticeable, it must be rendered conspicuous and elucidated in such a manner that it becomes clear and intelligible. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At all events, we can already infer from the controversies about the line of demarcation between puns and play on words that the former cannot aid us in finding an entirely new technique of wit. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And as it cannot aid us toward enlightenment, we shall leave it to search for another in which we imagine we can perceive a rela- tionship with the former one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We acknowledge to culture and higher civilization an important influence in the develop- ment of repressions, and assume that under these conditions there has come about a change in our psychic organization which may also have been brought along as an inherited disposition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The ordinary, bourgeois conception of alms is at cross-purposes with the religious one; it openly revolts against the religious conception in the story about the baron who, having been deeply touched by the shnorrer’s tale of woe, rang for his servants and said: “Throw him out of the house; he is breaking my heart.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here two cases must be differentiated. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There is but one way to accomplish this. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When asked what vocations his sons followed, Rokitansky jestingly an- swered: “Two are healing and two are howling,” (two physicians and two singers). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is a good aid in aggression, in the service of which, production of the comic is wont to place itself, in order that the comic pleasure may be independent of the reality of the comic situation; thus every person is really defenseless against being made comical. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It recalls wit only through the setting, through the technical means of “representation through a trifle”; here it is the cry which was found sufficient to indicate the point. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This same magic technique, instead of being used for private enmity can also be employed for pious purposes and can thus be used to aid the gods against evil demons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To aid the sun-god in this daily struggle a ceremony was daily performed in his temple at Thebes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is really the most essential part of it, and yet, it is nothing but the theoretical expression of an experience which can be re- peatedly observed whenever one analyses a neurotic without the aid of hypnosis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The analysis of myself, the need of which soon became apparent to me, I carried out by the aid of a series of my own dreams, which led me through all the happenings of my childhood years. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
NOTE A.A.B. Abel, K., 314 Aberrations (see also Perversions) as inhibited development, 588 sexual, 52 I—547 shown by psychoneurotic, 542—543 with children and animals, 530—53’ Abraham, K., 33711, 363, 566n, 873, 909, 920, 922, 929, 930, 940 Absolute inversion, 522 in exhibitionism, 537 of sadism and masochism, 537—539 Abstract wit, 656 Absurd dreams, 377—402 Absurdity in jokes, 633 Acceleration of thought in dreams, 430 Accidental stimuli, 245—246 Actions accidental, 88 chance, 97—108 symbolic, 96 symptomatic, 8,, 97—108 collection of, ioón examples of, 97—98 groupings of, 99 Activity, muscular, 568—569 Actuality in wit, 683-685 Adhesion, heightened or fixated, 596 Adler, A., 121, 122, 36011,48711, 928—929 his theory criticized by Freud, 933—94’ INDEX 949 ‘0 Affective processes, 569—570 pathogeny of, 569 value of unconscious thought formula, 541 Affects conversion of, ~ displacement of, 214 in dreams, 402—42 2 inhibition of, 408 inversion of, 410—411 of dream-thoughts, 417—418 reinforcement of, 418 sources of, 416, 422 theory of, 489 transference of, to waking state, 4,5 transformation of, 410 Agassiz, L., 624 Aggression, 537, 66,, 666, 670, 704 sadism and masochism, 537—539 Agoraphobia and walking disorders, 489, 56911, 849 Agreement in dreams, 314—315 Aims of impulses, 543—544 Albertus Magnus, 46011 Alexander’s dream, i58n Algolagnia, 537 Allegorising, symbolisms, 447 Alluring-premiums (in wit), 693 Allusions (in wit), 644—646, 704 Alternatives in dreams, 312—313 Altruistic impulses, 267 Ambiguity in dreams, 195 in wit, 62o—621 950 Ambitious impulse in wit, 698 Ambivalence, 566 of emotions, 789—832 Ambivalent behavior, 798 impulses, 802—803 American Psychoanalytic Association, 930 Amnesia, 65, 445, 798 connected with infantile sexual activity, 56on infantile, 32, 549—550 and hysterical—compared, 550 temporary, 16—17 Amphigenous inversion, 522 Anacitic, 555, 58211 Anagogic interpretation, 447 Anal erotic zone, 52911 (see also Anus) erogenous significance of, 557—558 masturbatory irritation of, 557—558 Analyses of dreams, 219-244, 259—283, 343_415 “A Beautiful Dream,” 292—295 “Botanical Monograph,” 209-2 13, 290—292 “Irma’s injection,” 164—172 Analyses of word-forgetting and faulty word-reproduction ‘‘aliquis,” 9, 10 “Castelvetrano,” 24 “Ode to Apollo,” 14 “Signoreffi,” 4—8 “Young,” 21 Anamnesis, 302 Androgyny, 526 Anesthesia causes of, 582 in newly married women, 581—582 of wives, caused by parent complex, 586 INDEX Animal phobia, 873 Animals as sex objects, 53~53, Animism, 845—848 defined, 833, 835 Animistic phase, 844—845 Anticipations, 37 Antithesis in dreams, 313—314 Anus (see also Anal erotic zone) as aim in inverts, 529, 533—534 transgression, 533, 543 Anxiety dreams, 204, 257, 279—280, 284, 358, 487—493 on railway trains, 568 Application of same material in jokes, 621 Arabs, dream interpretation of, i58n Arduin, Dr., 527fl Aristandros, i58n Aristotle, 15711, 465—466, 682 Arithmetic in dreams, 370-372 Artemidorus, ,58n, 32 In, 33911, 50711 Association, similarity and contiguity, 841 Association-experiment, 916—9,7 Associations, 7,494 Astonishment in dreams, 396-398 Atkinson, 872 Attention, as a definite psychic function, 497 Attraction and pleasure, 573—5 74 Attributions (in wit), 652—654 Auditij~s, 33 Autoerotism, 554—555, 843 of erogenous zones, same in boys and girls, 580 of infantile sexuality, 559—561, 565 Automatic process in laughter, 707 part played by erogenous zones in, 545 L Automatisms, 513—514, 637—638, 705—707, 759 Aversion and awe (in taboo), 795 Avoidances, 782 brother-sister, 782—783 father-daughter, 783 mother-in-law, 783—787 Awkwardness, accidental, 94—95 Back, G., 18311 Bacon, Francis, iio, 839 Bain, A., 701, 74511 Banchieri, 18311 Bastian, 810 Baths, therapeutic effects of, 567—5 68 Bayer, 55m Bed-wetting, 70, 359, 559—560 Behavior of paranoics, 130-13 I Bell, S., 54811, 56211 Benedikt, M., 425 Bergson, H., 736n, 751, 761 Bernard, C., 446 Bernheim, 7511, 194 Betiheim and Hartmann, 354 Binet, 535, 546 Binswanger, L., 920 Biographical dreams, 335—336 Birth theories, 563—564 Bisexuality, 343, 359—360, 526 as explanation of inversion, 528 normal in childhood, 580—581 sadism and masochism in, 538—539 Bjerre, P., 920 Bladder-stimulus dreams due to, 245, 249—250 disturbances in children, 55 9—560 Blasphemous witticisms, 675 Bleuler, E., i8, 56, 13011, 337n, 54911, 566, 72511, 79811, 915—917, 925 Bleuler-Freud, 18311, 31411, 33211 Bloch, I., 52111, 52411, 53211 INDEX ‘0 Blood miracle, mm Blunders, speech, 37—54 Boas, F., 866 Bodily stimuli, 245 symbolisation of, 248—250 Boileau, quoted, 54n Bon mot, 6i8 Botanical monograph, dream of, 209—213, 290—292 Brandes, G., 278 Breaking of objects, 84—87 Breaking of taboo, 791—792, 800—80, Breast sucking, 554 symbolism in Faust, 294 woman’s, as erogenous zone, 574 Breuer,J., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
for Madonna’s first London concert 7 9,390 Airline workers who were laid off after the $15 billion Aid pack- terrorist attacks age passed by Congress to bail out the airlines Office of the Mayor, Reuters, Sources: NY Times, Chicago Tribune, NYT, CNN, NYT (2), TIME, CIA, AP, Reuters, United Nations (2), AP (2), Twin Towers Bldg. Time October 10, 2001
The authoritarian regime of toxic inner hub. Time October 10, 2001
If the evil car- emy sues for peace (2: 192-3). Time October 10, 2001
As head of Americans for Tax Reform, Grover Norquist is ordinarily one of Washington’s most high-profile conserv- ative activists. Time October 10, 2001
“ To- day all that has changed. Time October 10, 2001
cost $80 billion over two years. Time October 10, 2001
Illiter- ate and unlettered, this remarkable soldier-diplomat was only seven- teen when he began welding Sikh clans into an Indian kingdom whose might was rivaled only by the British Raj. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Afghanistan at the moment and not unusually was embroiled in a ferocious power struggle, one that involved Moorcroft’s hosts, Pe- shawar’s two sirdars, who were also brothers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
During the Gurkha wars, he put together (with the aid of Moorcroft, among others) a cross-border undercover team whose work cleared the way for a British offensive, but as the years passed, he changed his mind about covert operations. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Writing of this very period, the noted military historian Sir John Kaye described Simla as “that pleasant hill Sanatorium” where Governors-General, “surrounded by irresponsible advisers, settle the destinies of empires without the aid of their legitimate fellow- counselors.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The officer so characterized arrived at Bokhara in December 1838 with instructions to gain the freedom of Russian slaves and to offer British aid if Bokhara were attacked. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He sought instead to convince the Afghans that the British did not covet a foot of their rugged hills. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Fresh British troops could then confront them with formidable ad- vantages at frontier mountains and passes. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It lamely ex- plained that weather precluded Russian aid and advised the Emir to come to terms with the British. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
If a sharp enough man could be found, he would have no difficulty in carrying a few small instruments amongst his merchandise, and with their aid good ser- vice might be rendered to geography.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The likely go-between was his paper’s Paris correspondent, Elie de Cyon (1843—19 10), a figure out of a Conrad novel: born a Russian Jew, trained as a scientist, and at the time an ardent proponent of a Franco-Russian alliance. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Held during the first month of the lunar year, the Monlam festival attracted the numbers that Rockhill hoped would assure his safety. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As Bailey arrived in July 1924 for his long-sought visit, rival fac- tions were openly vying for the Dalai Lama’s favor. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He became their man from the moment Truman fired him as Secretary of Com- merce in 1947 for opposing aid to Greece and Turkey, the move that heralded the Cold War. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1934 when “Junge” disembarked in Shanghai, “Brooky” was waving his arms on the quay, wearing a smart first-aid corps uniform with a Colt revolver strapped to his belt. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And what happened? In 1979, they did invade-they crossed the Oxus, they rolled their tanks into Kabul on the very highway built by Russian foreign aid, just as many of us said they would.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In public, the ambassador warmly and loyally supported India’s territorial claims. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
By co- incidence the following year, Burnham’s influential tocsin, The Strug- gle for the World, appeared the same week that President Truman called on Congress to replace the faltering British and provide mili- tary aid to Greece and Turkey. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“the objectless disposition”: Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism (New York, 1955), 6. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
(Go online for Joshua Hammer’s full story.) Newsweek October 1, 2001
So it should not be surprising that bin Laden’s top aide is a physi- cian from an upper-class Egyptian family, or that his former media representative in London was a Saudi entrepreneur, born in Kuwait, who worked in the import-export business. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On July 3, 1979, Presi- dent Carter signed a presidential finding that authorized funding for the anticommunist guerrillas.’7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
His aide, Muhammad Atef, faxed the group’s contact in London, Khaled al-Fawwaz, and urged him to get the text of the Afghan fatwa placed in Al-Quds Al-Arabi, where it was subsequently published.2’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On a street running along the Kabul River, dozens of tiny shops do a thriving business, their proprietors sitting cross-legged be- hind vast bundles of afghanis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As mentioned above, bomber Mahmud Abouhalima, who fought in Afghanistan in 1990, possibly with al-Qaeda, was an aide to Shalabi.60 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Josh Bolten, a for- mer investment banker and White House aide known for his policy mastery and meticu- lous sense of organization, would chair the Domestic Con- sequences Group—a blandly worded euphemism for the eco- left the president with one enor- and indispensablejob: to explain the crafted, carefully worded speech. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The secretary of State was sitting down to breakfast in Lima with Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo when an aide handed him a note: the first tower had been struck. Newsweek October 1, 2001
LORCH, JOHN BARRY and ELEANOR CLIFT zn Washington, ROD N0RDLAND :n Islamabad, GO TO NEWSWEEK.MSNBC.COM Newsweek October 1, 2001
Maybe 2,500. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Mail your check or money orderto United Way ofNewYork City, 2 ParkAvenue, NewYork, N.Y. 10016. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But now an aide caught him wolfing down half a sandwich ofwhat she de- scribed as “oily cheese” and “meats that sweat”—a total violation ofthe stewed- tomato-and-fruit diet he had strictly ob- served as part ofhis treatment for pros- tate cancer. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“That’s when I knew I was in trouble,” Ridge later told an aide. Time October 10, 2001
The American for obscure reasons quarreled and broke with Ranjit Singh, and turned up in Kabul a year later as aide-de-camp to the Sikh monarch’s archrival, Dost Mo- hammed Khan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Burnes’s weekly dispatches took on new urgency in December 1837. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
At one point Burnes’s munshi, Mohan Lal, was offering, on the authority of Macnaghten’s aide, Lieutenant John Conolly, “10,000 rupees for the head of each of the principal rebel chiefs.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To build an empire like Asoka and Akbar! Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
An aide rushed the message to Peterhof, where Roberts soon arrived to find the Viceroy already meeting with his Bloomsbury’s War :. 193 ft 194 .•. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Near its ten-mile-wide mouth, the Russians founded Vladi- vostok (“Ruler of the East”), a naval port, assuring Russian status as a Great Power in the Northern Pacific. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
day after Pereira’s departure, Tibetan authorities requested the services of Laden La, then Police Inspector in Darjeeling and formerly an aide to the Dalai Lama during his Indian exile. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
According to Roerich, one may con- clude that their trip through India, Tibet, and Western China, was the fulfillment of a mission of the “Mahatmas,” for the execution of which they were obliged to go to the USSR and then to Mongolia, where they were to get in touch with the Tashi [Panchen] Lama (aide to the Dalai Lama in spiritual matters) who fled from Tibet to China, get him out of Mongolia, and from there to set out on a spiri- tual journey for the liberation ofTibet from the British. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In August 1940, a trou- bled Harry Hopkins, FDR’s closest adviser, telephoned a White House colleague, Sam (“Judge”) Rosenman, and asked him to stop by his office. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nevertheless, reports of bizarre doings at Peterson Field turned up in Colorado newspapers, and the wire services carried a few summary paragraphs. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
DIXIE was the brainchild of a State Department civilian,John Paton Davies, a senior aide to Stilwell,who wanted to emphasize the mission’s military side and play down its political role. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What now of the centrality of Eurasia or the cult of the frontier? A friend at Oxford suggested that we look up H.V. Hodson, once editor (1950—61) of the London Sunday Times, an ex-Fellow of All Souls, and emeritus Provost of the Ditchley Foundation in Oxfordshire. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
(Sir John Gielgud, who depicted an addled Lord Raglan in the 1968 film The Charge of the Light Br:gade, played Cavagnari in the 1984 television miniseries based on The Far Pavilions.) Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The modification of the trauma theory already discussed, that the trauma is generally not real at all but essentially just fantasy, does not make things any better. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Prince Turki al-Faisal Saud, the head of the Saudi General Intelligence agency, managed the Saudi contribution, aided by Prince Salman, the governor of Riyadh.8° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was thirty-two. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A key question is to what extent groups like Tehrik and HUM are aided by the Pakistani government. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Says Iraq Aided Production of Chemical Weapons in Sudan,” New York Times, August25, 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The situation changed in 1973, when Mohammad Daoud, aided by the Parchamis, overthrew the monarchy and proclaimed a republic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pinyin is the system officially approved by the People’s Republic of China, and most of us realize that Peking is now Beijing. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The lake is as sacred to Hindus, who believe it emanated from the mind of Brahma the Cre- ator and that a great lingam or phallus once arose from its waters. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the Shah’s view, the Russians and the French were not foreign interlopers but invited guests. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Unappeased, the British feared that a Russian-aided Persian Army would bring the Bear (by now a cartoon cliché) to the very “threshold” of India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was, in Rayfield’s words, “a man of ruthless determination and of shy tenderness, an apostle of European superiority who loathed European society, an explorer of China who despised the Chinese, a big-game hunter on an epic scale who mourned the death of his dogs, a major-general who disliked the army, a materialist and a By- ronic romantic.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Secret cables were rushed to Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, the Foreign Secretary of India, detailing a plot in which Duleep Singh would accompany a Russian army through Central Asia, and incite a rebellion by native troops, who would sabotage rail and telegraph lines, aided by a cabal of disloyal princes. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Still, it would seem that Harry Hodson had it right. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Alkhifa Center seemed an unlikely jumping-off point to Par- adise, located as it was on a gritty stretch of Brooklyn’s Atlantic Avenue in a dingy three-story building above the unfortunately named Fu King Chinese restaurant. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He gave the Taliban $3 million at a critical moment in 1996 as the religious warriors geared up to take Kabul.50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But except for would answer an American call from militants, were wary of aiding the At home, the shock of the plane-bomb gulf war and Truman’s YE Day high of 87% attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon gave way to a mounting toll of country seemed determined to meet of complex items, practically barking out death, economic damage and anxiety about the long-term impact on psyches and civil liberties. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Hughes suggested that he drama- tize itby showing theworid the brass badge given to him by the grieving mother of a cop who had died at the World Trade Cen- ter. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“This is my reminder of lives that ended,” he said, holding the badge aloft at a pivot point ofhistory, “and a task that does not end.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
BY CHRISTOPHER DICKEY one of the country’s few exports. Newsweek September 24, 2001
We should _____________________ The bombing rippled out to touch all New Yorkers, who responded Ground Zero with bravery, generosity and a deep sense of community. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Many of his disciples also were old members of the ulama, including his two prominent aides, Hossein Ali Montazeri and Mortada Mutabhari, who were in their early sixties; a number of provincial ulama were even older. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government lifted press censorship, and there was a marked difference in the media’s portrayal of women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His State Department aides describe a man who looks after the basics, allotting specific tasks to his team. Time October 10, 2001
Reported by Michael Weisskopf and Adam Zagorin/Washington and Bruce Crumley/Paris I heday before the Worid LOOKING OUT FOR NEXT TIME Pennsylvania’s Tom Ridge has a daunting job: keeping the nation safe from terrorism By KAREN TUMULTY WASHINGTON S GOVERNOR OF THE STATE IN Wednesday afternoon, Ridge was rush- ing to catch a plane when aides told him that White House chief of staff Andrew Card was on the phone. Time October 10, 2001
was greeted coolly but civilly by Dost Mohammed, whose aides skeptically noticed that the crested letter, dusted with gold leaf, said to be from the Tsar himself, bore no signature. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Sale headed with his brigade toward Jalalabad, the plan being that once the Ghilzais were punished and the passes cleared, the others would follow, in- cluding the Macnaghtens and the brigadier’s formidable wife, Lady Florentia Sale. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He secretly deployed 7,000 Indian troops to Malta in a show of force in April 1878 that complemented the agile efforts of Lord Salis- bury, now the Foreign Secretary, to impel Russia to moderate its harsh treaty. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Rockhill responded that whatever the situation in the past, the Dalai Lama’s present position was that of a vassal. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Caroe’s memorandum was dated June 28, 1935, the same month that Williamson and his wife, Margaret, along with a dozen aides and forty servants, arrived on a special mission in Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
17. About Behaviorism
As the title shows, he was not proposing a new science but arguing that psychology should be redefined as the study of behavior. About Behaviorism
Must all this be ignored because it cannot be studied objectively? 17 The Causes of Behavior But problems remained. About Behaviorism
Two examples which have recently attracted a good deal of attention may be noted: (1) When injured or threatened, an organism is likely to attack—for exam- ple, by striking or biting—and, as I shall argue in a moment, some behavior of this sort may be as much a part of the genetic endowment as respiration or diges- tion, but we have no reason to say that an organism attacks because it possesses an aggressive instinct. About Behaviorism
We have seen an example in the behavior of the duckling that follows its mother because of the “universal” fact that moving in the direction of an object normally brings it closer. About Behaviorism
- The fact that operant conditioning, like all physiologi- cal processes, is a product of natural selection throws light on the question of what kinds of consequences are reinforcing and why. About Behaviorism
A person may report that a substance tastes good, but it does not elicit salivation because it tastes good. About Behaviorism
This is very different from saying that these things reinforce be- cause they taste or feel good. About Behaviorism
One reason is that the conditions we report when we say that a taste, odor, sound, picture, or piece of music is delicious, pleasant, or beautiful are part of the immediate situation, whereas the effect they may have in changing our be- havior is much less salient—and much less likely to be “seen,” because the verbal environment cannot estab- lish good contingencies. About Behaviorism
In the mazes in which purposive behavior was once studied, organisms moved toward the place where rein- forcement was to occur. About Behaviorism
People can usually say what they are looking for and why they are looking in a given place, but like other species they also may not be able to do so. About Behaviorism
The so-called ratio schedules supply many good ex- amples. About Behaviorism
For the master, the setting is an occasion upon which many different moves have been made with good or bad results in games with which he is familiar. About Behaviorism
I believe, on the contrary, that it offers the only way in which the subject of imaging or imagining can be put in good order. About Behaviorism
In the eighteenth century in France the leaders of the Enlightenment borrowed a good deal from Eng- lish writers—in particular, Bacon, Locke, and Newton. About Behaviorism
I have devoted a good deal of space to rule-governed and contingency-shaped behavior for several reasons. About Behaviorism
the subject of a good deal of controversy. About Behaviorism
We are often aware of a strong tendency to do or say something although an occasion is lacking; we may be “bursting with good news” but have no one to tell it to. About Behaviorism
To take one other example, the position of the black ABouT B~a~vIoRISM 180 • likely to do so when they have previously not been well speak of his good qualities in contradicting what others have said of him.” About Behaviorism
The first step is to strike out such expressions as “sense of,” “experience a need,” “self-affirmation,” “self-glorification,” and “belittlement.” About Behaviorism
it is nevertheless important to examine the reasons for one’s own behavior as carefully as possible because they are essential, as I have said, to good self-manage- ment. About Behaviorism
It was a practical interest in the be- havior of “the other one” which led to this new kind of self-knowledge. About Behaviorism
If it is true that only those who have been psychoanalyzed can know I ABOUT BEHAVIORISM 192 what it feels like, then presumably there is nothing else that feels like it. About Behaviorism
If we “do good” with- out respecting any contingent relation, we may satiate a person and in doing so reduce both the probability that he will engage in behavior reinforced by that good and his susceptibility, to further reinforcement by it. About Behaviorism
We may also create an emotional disposition to do good to us. About Behaviorism
Contrariwise, by withholding the good, we may extinguish any behavior which has been reinforced by it, but if we withhold without respect to what is be- ing done, we create a state of deprivation in which be- havior reinforced by that good is strong and in which the good is highly reinforcing, and we create an emo- tional disposition to harm us. About Behaviorism
So- called humanistic psychologists control people if they have any effect at all, but they do not allow themselves to analyze their practices. About Behaviorism
People do begin to call behavior good or bad or right or wrong and to reinforce or punish accordingly, and rules are eventually stated which help a person conform to the practices of his community and help the com- munity maintain the practices. About Behaviorism
It suggests a kind of relativism in which what is good is whatever is called good. About Behaviorism
We also tend to object when what another group calls good differs widely from what we call good, if our practices con- ifict. About Behaviorism
Another appeal to persuasion led to the following com- ment in the London Times: Now it is the majority that never had it so good, and it is democratically determined to maintain that situation. About Behaviorism
Control is concealed when it is represented as chang- ing minds rather than behavior. About Behaviorism
But in the long run any effective countercontrol leading to the “liberation” of the individual can be achieved only by explicit design, and this must be based upon a scien- tific analysis of human behavior. About Behaviorism
We object to much of this, but the interests of insti- tutions sometimes coincide with the interests of indi- viduals: governments and religions sometimes induce people to behave well with respect to each other and to act together for protection and support. About Behaviorism
Darwin was speaking of the survival value of a culture. About Behaviorism
tion, operant conditioning, and the evolution of social environments. About Behaviorism
Not only do all three dispense with a 225 The Question of Control The society will be “cured” it it can be changed in In a weli-known passage in The Descent of Man, Obscure as is the problem of the advance of civilization, There are remarkable similarities in natural selec- prior creative design and a prior purpose, they invoke the notion of survival as a value. About Behaviorism
What is good for the species is what makes for its survival. About Behaviorism
But it is hard to find any sign of this in tl~e ~l~tory of the experimental analysis of behavior. About Behaviorism
Among those who have the power needed to control others in this way are govern- mental and religious authorities and men possessing a good deal of money. About Behaviorism
verbal behavior, we can identify the referent of abstract terms but terms like “morality” and “justice” raise an additional problem. About Behaviorism
How the poet feels upon bearing it is doubly irrelevant to why it sings, but there is no reason why the poet cannot tell us bow he feels or, if be is a good poet, induce in us a condition felt in the same way. About Behaviorism
A good deal of what is called behavioral science is not behavioristic in the present sense. About Behaviorism
In the behavioristic view, man can now control his own destiny because be knows 277 Summing Up should be in the best possible position to solve its major problems. About Behaviorism
Shaykh Al-Bahrani (phonetic) gave a good sermon in his class after the sunset prayers. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
We hit her the first hit and the next one will hit her with the hands of the believers, the good believers, the strong believers. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Second segment of Bin Laden’s visit, shows up at the front of the tape UBL: Abdallah Azzam, Allah bless his soul, told me not to record anything (...inaudible...) so I thought that was a good omen, and Allah will bless us (...inaudible...). Abu-Al-Hasan Al-((Masri)), who appeared on Al-Jazeera TV a couple of days ago and addressed the Americans saying: “If you are true men, come down here and face us.” (...inaudible...) He told me a year ago: “I saw in a dream, we were playing a soccer game against the Americans. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
That was a good omen for us. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
One of the good religious people has left everything and come here. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
The “Pope” is a good example of what Freud would call a condensation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher as godfather is extremely ambiguous. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The class consisted of girls be- tween the ages of twelve and thirteen, who were therefore in the midst of the prodromata of puberty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Similar figures prob- ably hold good for most psychoanalysts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With her interesting illness, she has obviously offered the analyst a great deal, and has received from him a good deal of interest and pa- tience in return. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The latter defence offends against good taste, and is unworthy of anyone dedicated to the service of science. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Would anybody of intelligence lay the blame for the faults and imperfections in the execution of a method designed for the good of mankind on the method itself? Where would surgery be if one blamed its methods for every lethal outcome? Surgery is very dangerous indeed, especially in the hands of a fool. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The cabman cracked his whip and swore; it was no good, she ran down the whole length of the road, which led across a bridge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This last point is understandable enough, since it is not everyone’s business to think theoretically. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At that farewell party, which pre- sented a good opportunity for her to be alone with her host, the patient shrank from the idea of turning this opportunity to her advantage, but let herself be overpowered by desires which hitherto she had never admitted. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This statement deserves considerably more emphasis than it received there. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As medical men, we should naturally never dream of preferring a difficult and complicated method, assailed by all the authorities, to a simple~ clear, and easy one unless for a very good reason. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Naturally they wonder what good it will do when the treatment leads them back to the very place from which they consistently tried to escape. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A good many of them postpone the fulfilment of their life-tasks indefinitely, perhaps for ever, and prefer their idle neurotic dreaming. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are patients who even have a special “test” for this, a special question which the analyst has to go into; if he cannot or will not do this, or if he overlooks it, then he is no good. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient, understandably enough, puts up the most obstinate resistance when the analyst tries to break the trans- ference relationship. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But that would tell us nothing about its pro- spective function, that is, about the tasks it has to accomplish now and in the future. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud’s work laid the foundation for an im- mense increase in our knowledge in regard to the determination of the manifest dream content by historical material and wish- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 200 453 The same is true of dreams, whose prospective function 454 The future tendencies of the patient are elaborated with the ful tendencies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
9. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As a result, she got into a very unsatisfactory position with her teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6 It is the cause of all that smutty talk among children, and of mutual attempts at enlightenment which naturally turn out to be very nasty and often ruin the child’s imagination for good. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be far better for children to learn the facts of life cleanly and in good time, so that they would not need to be enlightened in ugly ways by their playmates. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nothing of the kind had ever happened, the other hand we learn that at school the little girls lie crosswise over each other’s bodies and trample with 218 5°3 THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS These and other indications showed that the moment had come for a certain amount of sexual enlightenment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this situation it was not surprising that the first and most important symptoms in the manifest neurosis were those of nausea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Faced with the constant demand of the neurotic for suggestions and advice, the analyst just as constantly endeavours to get him and powers of criticism in order to equip him for an inde- pendent life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In psychoanalysis we are en- tirely dependent on the patient and on his powers of judgment, for the reason that the very nature of analysis consists in lead- ing him to a knowledge of himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I therefore did not “translate” the dream but really ana- lysed it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But whereas the neurosis and the troubles that attend it are never followed by the pleasant feel- ing of good work well done, of duty fearlessly performed, the suffering that comes from useful work and from victory over real difficulties brings with it those moments of peace and satis- faction which give the human being the priceless feeling that he has really lived his life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
578 With regard to your question concerning the applicability of the cathartic procedure, I can say that I adopt the following standpoint: every procedure is good if it helps. Freud and Psychoanalysis
581 The third case gave my joy in suggestion therapy its death- blow. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After half an hour I had the greatest difficulty in waking her; when at last she was awake she jumped up: “I am well, I am all right, you have cured me!” Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is good if it helps. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I had the good fortune to collaborate with Freud for a long time, and to work with him on the problem of sexuality in neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That is perfectly clear to me. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Not for ever shall it be said: 604 I frankly confess that if I were doing your work I should often be in difficulties if I relied on psychoanalysis alone. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The goal is to educate the patient in such a way that he will get well for his own sake and by reason of his own de- termination, and not in order to procure his analyst some kind of advantage—though of course it would be absurd from the therapeutic standpoint not to allow the patient to get well be- cause he simply wants to do his analyst a good turn. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This attitude is no good in psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus the not infrequent dream of inces- tuous cohabitation is by no means an “undisguised” content, but a dream as freshly symbolic and capable of analysis as all others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He was a good, pa- tient fellow with only one failing: he did not obey her father enough. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As he approached manhood a series of ulcers developed on his neck, some of which opened and continually discharged pus, giving this dirty, ugly creature a truly horrible appearance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
744 (The potentialities of the archetype, for good and evil alike, transcend our human capacities many times, and a man can appropriate its power only by identifying with the daemon, by letting himself be possessed by it, thus forfeiting his own hu- manity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I did not reduce them to personal factors, as Freud does, but—and this seemed indicated by their very na- ture—I compared them with the symbols from mythology and the history of religion, in order to discover the meaning they were trying to express. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE STRUCTURE AND DYNAMICS OF THE PSYCHE (ig6o; On Psychic Energy (1928) The Transcendent Function ([igi6] 1957) A Review of the Complex Theory (1934) The Significance of Constitution and Heredity in Psychology (1929) Psychological Factors Determining Human Behavior (i 937) Instinct and the Unconscious (1919) The Structure of the Psyche (1927/193 1) On the Nature of the Psyche (1947/1954) General Aspects of Dream Psychology (1916/1948) On the Nature of Dreams (1945/1948) The Psychological Foundations of Belief in Spirits (1920/1948) Spirit and Life (1926) Basic Postulates of Analytical Psychology (1931) Analytical Psychology and Weltanschauung (1928/1931) The Real and the Surreal (ig~) The Stages of Life (1930—1931) The Soul and Death (ig~) Synchronicity: Appendix: On Synchronicity (1951) 9. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The graveyard was testament to the difficul- ties of life on the frontier. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Like most informants, he looked as though he hadn’t had a good night’s sleep in years. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As she drew nearer I saw a pair of bright red shoes pok- ing out below the hem of her garments. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No pity for anything on earth, including themselves, and death enlisted for good and all in the service of humanity —Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent which had the same destination. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Indeed, al-Qaeda functions as an interesting analogue of the Saudi Binladin Group, the giant construction company founded by bin Laden’s deeply religious father, which operates in countries across the Middle East and Asia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Further clouding our understanding of bin Laden is the fact that a vast amount has been written about him, a good deal of it rubbish. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
good life. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“This technology is a good thing,” Muntazir explained with a wave of his hand, “but we reject the civilization of the West.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Osama was also exposed to a good deal of Is- lamic teaching as a child: during the Hajj, Mohammed would host hundreds of pilgrims, some of whom were leaders of Muslim move- ments or senior ulema, clergy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And for good reason. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The “Let’s blame everything bad that happens on the CIA” school of thought vastly overestimates the Agency’s powers, both for good and ill. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He began by noting that a number of his followers had been arrested in Saudi Arabia in January in possession of an American Stinger missile and a number of SA-7 surface-to-air missiles, a further indication that al-Qaeda had 100 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A source close to the family says that From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The Declaration of War / 1 0 1 iBn Laden’s finances have long been a topic of great speculation. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It also means that attempts by the U.S. government to go after bin Laden’s assets have been largely feel-good measures, with little impact on his finances. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An indication of how seriously al-Qaeda treated the Kenya opera- tion was the dispatch to Kenya of Abu Ubaidah al-Banshiri, a former Egyptian policeman who in the early nineties functioned both as bin Laden’s number two and the military commander of the group. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He attended the May 26 press conference in Afghanistan, at which bin Laden spoke of “good news” in coming weeks. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That lucky break would become a key component of the largest overseas investigation to that date undertaken by the U.S. government, and would lead U.S. investigators quickly to the conclusion that al-Qaeda was behind the embassy bombings. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
His supervisor, Norvell De Atkine, remembers Mohamed as “a good soldier, quite in- telligent. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We were good friends. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Sure, there had been arrests—of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and some of his ministers—but this was a far cry from the eighties military regime of General Zia ul-Haq, a man whose resplendent uniform, slicked- back hair, luxuriant mustache, and heavily lidded eyes ringed with dark circles made him look like the caudillo of a 1930s banana repub- lic.’4 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An Afghan journalist working for the Associated Press told me he witnessed a “kind of divi- sion” of bin Laden’s troops—perhaps as many as three hundred men—fighting alongside the Taliban on the front line north of Kabul in the winter of 1997. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By 1999 four hundred Arabs under bin Laden’s lead- ership-the 055 Brigade—were fighting against the anti-Taliban forces, the Northern Alliance.50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
cort: a Toyota pickup with a heavy machine gun bolted to its floor and half a dozen Yemeni soldiers in orange and brown desert fatigues. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There he met bin Laden, with whom he had “good relations.”9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While a student, he met Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, the spiritual leader of Egypt’s jthad movement. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From there try to find a good Muslim Arab who should help you get you to Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The symbolism surely pleased him. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was about as good an arrangement as could be expected, but results were at best spotty. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
To see the region is to understand the conservative religious culture that cousin who owns a cramped food shop on Bin Laden Street. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Very intelligent, very quiet,” Ibrahim said. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I was fond of Ilyas, which was good as we were about to bond pretty heavily. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Will bin Laden’s group, and those holy warriors who continue to arrive in Afghanistan for jihad training, follow the Assassins into the history books as a bloody footnote? Or might their holy wars achieve something more? That will, of course, depend on how well the American-led coali- tion deals with bin Laden and with al-Qaeda as a whole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For a good account of the incense trade in south Arabia, see Freya Stark, The Southern Gates of Arabia (London: John Murray, 1936), pp. 1—7. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dr. Abdullah, interview by author, Peshawar, Pakistan, September 8, 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Louis Simpson, “The Ash and the Oak” in Good News of Death and Other Poems. Just and Unjust Wars
These disagreements are in part generated and always compounded by antagonistic interests and mutual fears. Just and Unjust Wars
Whether or not people speak in good faith, they cannot say just anything they please. Just and Unjust Wars
Suddenly, a French attack aimed at the supply tents far in the rear seemed to threaten a renewal of the fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
We have made it so, not arbitrarily, but for good reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
“Hitherto soldiers had been costly, now they were cheap; battles had been avoided, now they were sought, and how- ever heavy were the losses, they could rapidly be made good by the muster-roll.”3 Just and Unjust Wars
This is another kind of justification; and whether or not it is made in good faith, it suggests (what is certainly true) that Sherman had some responsibility for the people of Atlanta, even though he did not begin the war of which they were victims. Just and Unjust Wars
“~ Eisenhower, how- ever, refused to allow the visit. Just and Unjust Wars
It is clearly a good rule, then, that arrows not be feathered, and we may fairly condemn the warrior who first arms himself with the superior and forbidden weapon and hits his enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
Nevertheless, these lines establish a habitable world. Just and Unjust Wars
As with individuals, so with sovereign states: there are things that we cannot do to them, even for their own ostensible good. Just and Unjust Wars
So it is with regard to wars between states, but in civil wars there seem to be very good (Millian) reasons for making it obligatory. Just and Unjust Wars
Be- cause of the collective character of states, the domestic conven- tions of capture and punishment do not readily fit the requirements of international society. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be difficult to condemn soldiers for anything they did in the course of a battle or a war that they honestly believed, and had good reason to believe, was necessary, or important, or simply useful in determining the outcome. Just and Unjust Wars
On Sidgwick’s view, a good general is a moral man. Just and Unjust Wars
I have taken the first’ case from a letter written by the poet In his autobiography Good-bye to All That, Robert Graves 139 While sniping from a knoll in the support line, where we had a con- cealed loop-hole, I saw a German, about seven hundred yards away, through my telescopic sights. Just and Unjust Wars
Here, as in the Orwell passage, the crucial feature is the discovery of a man “similar to yourself,” doing “as we had been doing.” Just and Unjust Wars
But this argument, by itself, is not a very good one. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not a question of going out of their way or of being, or not being, good samaritans. Just and Unjust Wars
The “good” and evil effects that come together, the killing of soldiers and nearby civilians, are to be defended only insofar as they are the product of a single intention, directed at the first and not the second. Just and Unjust Wars
Would Frank The act is good in itself or at least indifferent, which means, The direct effect is morally acceptable—the destruction of The intention of the actor is good, that is, he aims only The good effect is sufficiently good to compensate for allowing 153 Richards have been blameless if he had thrown his bombs without warning? The principle of double effect wouia have permitted him to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
He was engaged in a legitimate military activity, for many cellars were in fact being used by enemy soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
What we look for in such cases is some sign The intention of the actor is good, that is, he aims narrowly ~) 155 of a positive commitment to save civilian lives. Just and Unjust Wars
In considering these rules, the first thing to note is that they were radically ineffective. Just and Unjust Wars
They do not want the revolution, as one of Camus’ characters says, “to be loathed by the whole human race.” Just and Unjust Wars
Its members can still be held hostage, though only at a distance, for the good behavior of their government and army. Just and Unjust Wars
And if there are good reasons for doing that, there would seem to be no good reasons for drawing the line as it has currently been drawn.* Just and Unjust Wars
This last would simply be a plea for scrupu- lousness, which is always a good thing. Just and Unjust Wars
But people are entitled to their good fortune in such matters, as states are, or are presumed to be, entitled to their geographic locations. Just and Unjust Wars
In- deed, we are likely to recognize good men fighting for important ends by their reluctance to invade neutral states and force theii citizens to fight. Just and Unjust Wars
The wrong— I speak openly—the wrong we thereby commit we will try to make good as soon as our military aims have been attained. Just and Unjust Wars
He grants that a wrong has been done, and he promises to make it good after the fighting is over. Just and Unjust Wars
Their neutrality having been violated and their borders crossed, they had no reason to expect anything good from the invaders; nor did they believe that their independence would be respected. Just and Unjust Wars
They chose to resist the invasion, and once their soldiers were fighting and dying, it is hard to see how the wrong the Germans had done could ever be made good. Just and Unjust Wars
He obviously believes that the Norwegians ought to be involved in the struggle against Germany, not only because their involvement would be good for Britain, but also be- Hugo Grotius, who generally favors the sliding scale, is particularly clear on the* question of neutrality: “From what has been said we can understand how it is permissible for one who is waging a just war to take possession of a place situated in a country free from hostilities.” Just and Unjust Wars
Thus British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, writing in 1932 about the dangers of terror bombing:’ Will any form of prohibition of bombing, whether by convention, treaty, agreement, or anything you like, be effective in war? Frankly, I doubt it, and in doubting it, I make no reflection on the good faith of either ourselves or any other country. Just and Unjust Wars
He takes a lively and well-informed interest in the strategic debates and has at various times defended the use of tactical nuclear weap- ons against invading armies and of strategic weapons against nuclear installations, conventional military bases, and isolated economic objectives. Just and Unjust Wars
They are, as Townsend Hoopes wrote of America’s leaders during the Vietnam war, “struggling in good conscience . Just and Unjust Wars
Political power is a good that people seek. Just and Unjust Wars
They aspire to office, connive at control and leadership, compete for positions from which they can do evil as well as good. Just and Unjust Wars
If they hope to be praised for the good they do, they cannot escape blame for the evil. Just and Unjust Wars
Moral criticism goes very deep; it calls into question a leader’s good faith and his per- 290 THE QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILII’Y The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens sonal rectitude. Just and Unjust Wars
To apply any other standard of conduct is to set up a test that has never yet been suggested as proper and which, assuredly, we are not prepared to accept as either wise or good. Just and Unjust Wars
‘And surely we would think it both wise and good, indeed heroic, had some Ger- man opponent of Hitler warned the Danes or the Belgians or the Russians of the coming attacks. Just and Unjust Wars
But if men and women must accept this destiny, they can sometimes do so with a good conscience, for the acceptance says nothing about their individual responsibility. Just and Unjust Wars
Such reflections are endless and endlessly dispiriting; they lead Gray to argue that behind collective responsibility there lies “meta- physical guilt,” which derives from “our failure as human beings to live in accordance with our potentialities and our vision of the good.” Just and Unjust Wars
These last two examples resemble the good samaritan cases in domestic society, where we commonly say that if it is possible to do good, without risk or great cost, one ought to do good. Just and Unjust Wars
Just as we got into their line, an officer came out of a dugout. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, the state of the positive law is not very good, especially where it relates to the exigencies of combat. Just and Unjust Wars
in there every night,” one soldier asked, “how can the people in there be worth so much?”~ In effect, soldiers were taught that civilian lives were not worth much, and there seems to have been little effort to counteract that teaching except by the most formal and perfunctory instruction in the rules of war. Just and Unjust Wars
But the first statement is probably the more realistic one. Just and Unjust Wars
Invasion is not morally coercive in the ways I described in Chapter 4, men and women cannot be forced to fight, if they have come to believe that they can defend their country in some other way, without killing and being killed. Just and Unjust Wars
Louis Simpson, “The Ash and the Oak,” Good News of Death and Otheri. Just and Unjust Wars
Harold Owen and John Bell (Lon- Good-byeto All That (rev, ed., Just and Unjust Wars
For a discussion of the Vietnam cases, see Edward Weisband and Thomas Kurt Gerstein: The Ambiguity of Good, trans. Just and Unjust Wars
LEBANON S RUSSIA . Newsweek October 1, 2001
In December 1994, the Armed Islamic Group(GIA), an Algerian-based terrorist band thatwouldgoontoplayaprominentroleinbin Laden’s global army, hijacked an Air France Airbus with 171 passengers aboard. Newsweek October 1, 2001
O NE WORLD TRADE CENTER PLOTTER WHO DID when bin Laden became Public Enemy No. 1. Newsweek October 1, 2001
To escape a terrifying memory, people with PTSD typically a void activities that trigger it, andthatresponsecanturnthem into prison- ers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
All good. Newsweek October 1, 2001
NewYorkCity Firefighters 9-11 Disaster Relief Fund: Mailchecksto Firehouse.com, Newsweek September 24, 2001
moneywill be used for families ofdeceased firefighters. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Go to uwnyc.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
A good example is Iran. Newsweek September 24, 2001
to bomb, you may wind up very good friends," says retired liam Odom, former head ofthe curityAgency. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Acting like awkward tourists, living like good neighbors, some waited for the mo- ment when they could pull offthe most fe- rocious attack on America in history. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Cantor’s presi- condition with kidney damage late last dent, Howard Lutnick, was interviewed week, but whose prognosis was good. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Flight 93 in taking on the hijack- ers who had diverted their S.F- bound plane. Newsweek September 24, 2001
men who sent those planes like fiery torpedoes into public buildings to see themselves, as well as their passengers, as merely incidental cargo in the service ofsome heinous greater good. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Good does not. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It becomes possi- _____________________ ble to bomb a black church and kill the four The end of the world as we know it provides executeadoctorwhoperfbrms abortions, little girls inside. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(Five delegates, it was explained, were “absent for good reason,” a possible reflection of news accounts that five delegates from Kabul University’s staff had been killed in intraparty shoot-outs at just this time.) The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In July 1986 the number of full and candidate members of the Central Committee rose to 147, and in November to 172. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(Given the Khalqis’ own repu- tation for devotion to the most extreme forms of Marxism-Leninism, the union of the two apparent opposites was reminiscent of the 1939 Hitler-Stalin pact.) The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The number of old hands fighting inside is declining; thus, Hekmatyar now tends to send new appointees from Peshawar, with good party records, instead of the local deputy commanders promoted from the rank and ifie; this move makes local Hekmatyar’s Hizb-i Islami tends to carve relatively small pockets Hekmatyar’s influence is decreasing inside Afghanistan and in- Two Case Studies: Hizb-i Islami of Hekmatyar and Masud’s Council of the North THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 89 90 OLIVIER ROY Hizb-i mujahidin resentful of the Peshawar headquarters. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The second phase was a ruthless struggle to eliminate all other constitu- ents of the original revolutionary coalition and to consolidate the central power of the state under their own ironfisted control. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were formed by coalitions and countercoalitions of loosely orga- nized individuals, subfactions, political groups, and revolutionary or- ganizations that are in constant intra- and interfactional competition and rivalry The main social basis of the conservative and traditionalist camp is the old bazaar-mosque alliance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Let’s see whether we did a good job during the war or rather the enemies who imposed the war on us emerged victorious. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zia himself was a migrant from the eastern Punjab and so a beneficiary of the close biraderi ties that are a distinguishing feature of these groups; thus, he was well placed to lay claims on this ready-made constituency. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Anderson (1983, 137) found that “in a sense that is quite real to Ghilzai, a khan is a self-financed public servant, expending his own wealth for the aggregate good of a community,” and he noted that “khans emerge as social creditors and not as lords.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The anthropologists confirm that Elphinstone ([1815] 1972, 1:217) had it right, at least for the Pashtun tribes, when he wrote, “In their notion of their Khaun, the idea of a magistrate set up for the public good is certainly mixed with that of a patriarchal and natural superior, yet the former im- pression will always be found to be strongest.”8 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The incident illustrates that vifiagers use the standards of reciprocity and hospitality to distinguish good and bad landowners, not to oppose them as a class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But what looked good on paper was not necessarily realistic and effective in practice. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps the reforms have benefited more those businessmen who produce and market efficiently. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the run of good luck that helped Pakistan join the ranks of middle-income nations should not continue, the country may no longer be able to postpone the resolution of the main distributive problems that continue to affect its political and economic development. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Up until then Pakistan was a part of the customs union the British had left in place after they had departed from the subcontinent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It caused Pakistan to depart from what was then the orthodoxy of devel- opment: the belief that carefully planned and insulated economies are good for developing countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This situation was corrected in the 1975—85 period, when billions of dollars worth of remittances flowed into Pakistan from the Middle East. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The British administration in India distinguished between good and bad landlords; it benefited the former through state attention and penalized the latter by constraining their activities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This notion of good and bad landlords was developed fur- ther by the socialist leaders of the Indian National Congress. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Priority [would] be given to campaigns against illiteracy among women, forced marriages Afghan Enrollment from Primary School to University 1967—1970 For comparison, the total number enrolled from primary school to university in AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 341 TABLE 8.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
it is also significant that between the two early Islamic female “role models” that had been projected frequently over the previous years, Fatimah (the good daugh- ter of the Prophet, the faithful wife and companion of Au, and the exemplary mother of Hossein and Zeynab) and Zeynab (the coura- geous sister of Hossein, who is said to have stood up against Yazid and who, after the Karbala massacre, delivered an eloquent speech of con- demnation), Fatimah’s birthday was given preference over Zeynab’s.15 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That women’s legal status and social position are worse in Muslim countries than anywhere else is a common view. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One of the guests thought this observation very good, which in turn emboldened me to remark—probably to ensure myself of the good opinion of the well-disposed critic—that some time ago, I thought of something still better. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Somewhat later he added: “The name for Enna was also only a substi- tutive name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Within a week or so, the patient recovered and was entirely normal, thus corroborating my diagnosis in every respect. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They assert that such examinations show wide individual vari- ations, inasmuch as some trace their first reminiscences to the sixth month of life, while others can recall nothing of their lives before the end of the sixth or even the eighth year. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In a small essay destined for the general reader,1 Meringer advanced a theory of very practical significance for certain cases of interchanging of words, especially for such cases where one word is substituted by an- other of opposite meaning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This example affords us a good insight into the intimate mechanisms of a mistake in speech by means of condensation and contamination. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this fusion surely would not have succeeded if it had not expressed good sense in the form resulting from the mistake; if it had not expressed a cynical truth which, naturally, could not be uttered unconcealed, coming as it did from a woman. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a matter of fact, I found some strange-sounding names still in need of correction; but, oddly enough, the compositor had corrected one single name in my manuscript, and with very good reason. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(f) “Some time ago, the following embarrassing misprint appeared in the Detroit Educational Bulletin, a high-quality journal devoted to parents and teachers: “Our immorality is the good that lives after us.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Besides, this incident is a good example of how the restraint relation to one’s ego, which breaks forth triumphantly in paranoia, disturbs and entangles us in the objective grasp of things. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I hurried to a consultation to see a patient who, according to the anamnesis which I received by letter, had fallen from a At a certain time twice a day for six years, I was accustomed to For many years, a reflex hammer and a tuning-fork lay side by ERRONEOUSLY CARRIED-OUT ACTIONS * 83 84 balcony some months before, and since then, had been unable to walk. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Is that, too, a symptomatic action?” After closer investi- gation, the matter of the hundred-dollar note elicited the following asso- ciations: She dedicated a part of her time and her fortune to charitable work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But other material was added to this beginning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It was bread-crumbs kneaded into a mass. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, however, the teacher wrote his brother a letter in which he said: “Pretty, the lass is not at all, but she is very amiable, and so far so good. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After this con- versation, I seated myself at the table to write to you. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Those who wish to get a good impression of the way the material of numbers becomes elaborated in the unconscious’ thinking, I refer to twoS papers by Jung’ and Jones.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
~ Which naturally has nothing of the character of perception. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Whoever has had the opportunity of studying the concealed feel- ings of persons by means of psychoanalysis can also tell something new concerning the quality of unconscious motives, which express themselves in superstition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have observed in myself a simple and easily explained example, which Is probably a good model for similar occurrences of those familiar “re- inarkable coincidences” wherein we meet a person of whom we were just Thinking . The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I can only urge a$ainst considering the demonstrated connections as rare, for as often as~I have made the test in myself and with my patients, it was always definitely demonstrated exactly as in the examples reported, or there were at least good reasons to assume this. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This book, with the new contribution to psychology which surprised the world when it was published (1900), re- mains essentially unaltered. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I remember the discussion about diphtheritis and diphtheria at the time of my daughter’s illness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
is very much in love with her hus- band, and teases him a good deal. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She also asked my patient: “When are you going to invite us again? You always bave such good food.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps the most immediate explanation of the factthat I dream of the indifferent impression of the day, while the impression which has with good reason excited me causes me to dream, is that here again we are dealing with the phenomenon of dream-distortion, which we have re- ferred to as a psychic force playing the part of a censorship. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The range of wit is unlimited. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Chap. VU on Trausferesice. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2An unsolicited biographer, Dr. F. Wittels, reproaches me fòr having omitted the name of Jehovah from the above motto. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
By means of the glaucoma I remind my father of cocaine, which stood him in good stead during his operation, as though I had thereby fulfilled my promise. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In Ander’ sen’s fairy-tale we are told of two impostors who weave a costly garment for the Emperor, which shall, however, be visible only to the good and true. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And this is as it should be; for we may ex- pect that within the very period of life which we reckon as childhood, altruistic impulses and morality will awake in the little egoist, and that, in the words of Meynert, a secondary ego wili overlay and inhibit the primary ego. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I do not know why we presuppose that it must be a loving one, since examples of enmity among adult brothers and sisters are frequent in everyone’s experience, and since we are so often able to verify the fact that this estrangement originated during childhood, or has always existed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At night I dream of him, and my dream attributes to him certain of the symptoms of Basedow’s disease. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In some boys a hysterical attack will consist simply in the reproduction of such performances, which they accomplish with great dexterity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But I am unable to say what other meanings might, in the course of the ~reamer’s life, have become attached to the memory of these sensations—different, perhaps, in each individual, despite the typical appearance of these dreams—and I should very much like to be in a position to fill this gap with careful analyses of good examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
would in reality be the consolation offered by the dream, and should, therefore, be worded as follows: “Do not be afraid of the morrow; think of the anxiety which you felt before your matriculation; yet nothing happened to justify it, for now you are a doctor,” etc. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Further associations showed that the general physiog- nomy of the man corresponded with her own clergyman (pope), and the shape of the fair beard recalled her doctor (myself), while the stature of the man in the dream recalled her father. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This path led to Breslau; a lady who was a very good friend of ours had married and gone to live there. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It may be imagined that a good part of the intermediate work in dream-formation, which seeks to reduce the sep- arate dream-thoughts to the tersest and most unified expression in the D. THE DREAM-WORK REGARD FOR REPRESENTABILITY * 329 330THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS dream, is effected in this manner, by fitting paraphrases of the various thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Although in other respects the dream gives a good picture of the situa- tion, it is, of course, nonsensical enough: the tower in the middle of the stalls, from which the conductor leads the orchestra, and above all the coal which her sister hands up to her. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The contrasts between secret and open love, between the dreamer’s fire and the coldness of the young wife, dominate the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good part of this symbolism, however, is common to the psychoneuroses, legends, and popular usages as well as to dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have therefore good reason for rejecting the explanation that it is the condition of our cutaneous sensations during sleep, the sensation of the movements of the lungs, etc., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This feature is an undisguised allusion to a little incident which had given her husband a good excuse for teasing her. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE DREAM-WORK * 37’ THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS 372 ~. Another example displays the arithmetical powers of dreams, which have brought them into such disrepute. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
know that, I don’t take that, precisely fulfils the task of rendering the dream innocent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Analysis shows that by exercising a certain license she gave the text of these songs a false application. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
While nursing him, the son had often wished that his father was dead; that is, he had had the really compassionate thought that it would be a good thing if death would at last put an end to his sufferings. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
y). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This part of the dream ‘This dream furnishes a good example In support of the universally valid doctrine that dreams of the same night, even though they are separated in the memory, spring from the same thought-material. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The train was overcrowded; in my compart- ment I had come upon a lady and gentleman who seemed very fine people, and had not the good breeding, or did not think it worth while, to conceal their displeasure at my intrusion. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The old gentleman, who suffers from arterio- sclerosis, had good reason to think of death on the day before the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Obviously all sorts of misgivings are preventing the dreamer from surrendering himself with pleasure to the phantasy of marriage. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Owing to my somnolence I do not succeed in holding on to both trains of thought, which would have been necessary for the purposes of comparison. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
V) Eduard von Hartmann clearly enunciated the law of asso- ciation of ideas which is directed by unconscious directing ideas, without however realizing the. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“It is the unconscious that selects, and appropriately, in accord- ance with the aims of the interest: and this holds true for the associations in ab- stract thinking (as sensible representations and artistic combinations as well as for flashes of wit).” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Why this definition if it does not teach us anything new? Well, I believe that the word regression is of service to us, inasmuch as it connects a fact familiar to us with the scheme of the psychic apparatus endowed with direction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I very much doubt whether a wish unfulfilled in the day- time would suffice to create a dream in an adult. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good fairy promised a poor man and his wife to fulfill their first three wishes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For good reasons I refrain from citing any of the examples so abun- dantly placed at my disposal by neurotic patients, and prefer to give some anxiety-dreams of children. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES 491 and could not move from the spot. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES Now among these wish-impulses originating in the infantile life, inde- structible and incapable of inhibition, there are some the fulfilments of which have come to be in contradiction with the purposive ideas of our secondary thinking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
So far, it has not occurred to us that this amnesia should surprise us, though we have good reasons for it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Its relation ~ CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THEORY OF SEX STUDY OP INFANTILE SEXUAL INVESTIGATION assertions here mentioned concerning infantile sexuality were justified in x9oS, mainly through psychoanalytic investigations in adults. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have therefore called it the phallic stage of organiza- tion (“Die infantile Genitalorganisation,” Inter. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good part of the symptomatology of the neuroses which I trace to disturbance of sexual processes manifests itself in disturbances of the other non-sexual bodily functions, and thir hitherto incomprehensible action becomes less mysterious if it only rep~ resents the counterpart of the influences controlling the production of the sexual excitement. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Simultaneously the inner genitals develop to such an extent as to be able to furnish sexual products or to receive them for the purpose of forming a new living being. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is not without good reason that the sudding of the child at the mother’s breast has become a model for every love relation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The production of sexual excitation by no means ceases at this period but continues to furnish a stock of energy, the greater part of which is utilized for aims other than sexual. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In that part of the Reisebilder entitled “Die Bäder von Lucca,” Heine introduces the precious character, Hirsch-Hyacinth, the Hamburg lot- tery agent and curer of corns, who, boasting to the poet of his relationship with the rich Baron Rothschild, ends thus: “And as true as I pray that the Lord may grant me all good things, I sat next to Solomon Rothschild, who treated me just as if I were his equal, quite famihionaire.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good illustration of condensation with slight modification is fur- nished by a well-known witty jest of Mr. N., who remarked about a char- acter in public life that he had a “great future behind him.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With an unwonted readiness, he explained the cause of his good humor. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A contradiction is here announced which does not appear. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good example to illustrate this is the story told of a wealthy but elderly gentleman who showed his devotion to a young actress by many lavish gifts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the joke about “innocence” one meaning of the word is just as good for our understanding of it as the other. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What is new in it will direct us into various paths. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Never to be born would be best for mortal man.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When he re- turned some months later, he found that she was pregnant. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A. sued by B. because it had a large hole which rendered it unserviceable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Janu- ary,” he says, “is the month in which one extends goõd wishes to his friends, and the rest are months in which the good wishes are not ful- filled.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In Lichtenberg’s joke, January and the months contrasted with it are characterized again by a modified relationship to a third factor: these are good wishes which one receives in the first month, but are not fulfilled during the other months. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A good example of unification-wit needing no explanation is the fol- lowing: J. B. Rousseau, the French poet, wrote an ode to posterity (â la pos~ térité). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
J. V. Falke’s Lebenserinnerungen an eine Reise nach Irland (page 2 ~i) furnishes an exceptionally good example of “representation through the opposite” in which the use of words of a double meaning plays abso- lutely no part. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This example is dosely allied to another small group which might be called “outdoing-wit.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is an American anecdote and runs as follows: By undertaking a series of risky schemes, two not very scrupulous business men had succeeded in amassing an enormous fortune and were now intent on forcing their way into good society. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But there is a good deal of sense in designating the age of a feminine creature by the changing modes instead of by the changing of moons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The negative particles make very good allusions at the cost of very little changing. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How the pain causes the original nature to break through all the strata of education, and how an important decision is rightly made dependent upon a seemingly inconsequential utterance—both are shown in this good joke by the successive changes in the cries of this child-bearing lady of quality. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That there are some especially good and effective examples of corn- THE TECHNIQUE OF WIT COMPARISON * 649 65o WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS parson, which in no way give the impression of wit, can be easily shown, A beautiful example of this kind which I have not yet tired of admiring and the impression of which still clings to me, I shall not deny myself thc pleasure of citing. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The same explanation will undoubtedly hold good for another witty comparison by the same author. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE TECHNIQUE OF WIT DOUBT IN WITTY COMPARISONS * 65i 652 WIT AND ITS RELATION TO THE UNCONSCIOUS “Every person has also his moral backside which he does not show ex- dept under the stress of necessity and which he covers as long as possible with the pants of good breeding.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Besides, the “pants of good breeding” remind us of a similar confusing verse of Heine: “Until, at last, the buttons tore from the pants of my patience.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is obvious that both of the last comparisons possess a character which one cannot find in all good, i.e., fitting comparisons. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One might say that they are in a large manner “debasing,” for they place a thing of high category, an abstraction (good breeding, patience), side by side with a thing of a very concrete nature of a very low kind (pants). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Considering the inti- mate connection which we had to be prepared to ascribe to the different qualities of wit, it would have been imprudent to expect, that we could fully explain one aspect of the problem before we had cast a glance over the others. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Good examples of abstract or harmless thought-witticisms abound in Lichtenberg’s comparisons with which we have already become ac- quainted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“In order to erect this building well, one must above ail things lay a good foundation, and I know of no firmer than by laying immediately over every pro-layer a contra-layer.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be sure, jusi as watch-makers are wont to enclose very good works in valuable cases, sc it may likewise happen with wit that the best wit-contrivances are used to invest the richest thoughts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Harmless and shallow plays on words present to us the problem of wit in its purest form, because of the good sense therein and because it has no tendency nor underlying philosophy to confuse the judgment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the end of a dinner to which 1 had been invited, a pastry called Roulard was served; it was a culinary accomplishment which presupposed a good deal of skill on the part of the cook. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is also worthy of notice that in this complicated process which shows so many characteristics of tendency-wit, no formal demands, such as characterize wit, are made upon “smutty wit.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Again in another example the agent is clever enough tq refute by good arguments each of the whole series of the suitor’s objec. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Why in the world should I make him a present of a dollar? Is he making me any presents?” This witticism makes use of the technique of absurdity by permitting the shnorrer to declare that the baron gives him nothing at the same moment in which he is preparing to beg him for the donation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To the three kinds of tendency-wit discussed so far—exhibitionistic or obscene wit, aggressive or hostile wit, and cynical wit (critical, blas- phemous)—I desire to add a fourth and the most uncommon of all, whose character can be elucidated by a good example. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Also, in children who are still accustomed to treat the word as an object, we notice the inclination to look for the same mean- ing in words of the same or of similar sounds, which is a source of great amusement to adults. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may add that in this case wit makes use of a means of connec- tion which is rejected by, and carefully avoided in serious thinking.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We can observe that abnormal mental states, in which the possibility of concentrating psychic expenditure on one place is probably restricted, actually allow to come to the foreground word-sound associations of this kind rather than the significance of the words, and that such patients react in their speech with “outer” instead of “inner” associations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Antedating wit there exists something which we may designate as “play” or “jest.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This gives rise to the second stage of wit, the jest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The reply was correct and therefore unimpeachable, but it added nothing to what is contained in the parenthetic expression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As Shakespeare states in Love’s Labor’s Lost (Act V, Scene 2): He whose thoughts run in sober channels is incompetent to declare whether or not the jest is a good one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
this is a very good example of displacement. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, one gets the full impression of the absolute necessity of this third person for the completion of the wit- process. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may be permitted to make a com~ parson between the psychic economy and a business enterprise. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The latter is thereby drawn down into the unconscious, as it were, or to speak more precisely, it is exposed to a treatment which usually takes place at the level of unconscious mental activity, and which is characteristic of this mental level. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They had never gained the conception of the unconscious as something which one does not really know, while cogent proofs force one to supplement this idea by saying that one understands by the unconscious something capable of conscious~ ness, something concerning which one has not thought and which is not in the field of vision of consciousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is very probable that, following the assumption of Gries- inger, we would be in a position to understand the deliria of the insane and to turn them to good account as valuable information, if we would not make the demands of conscious thinking upon them, but instead treat them as we do dreams by means of our art of interpretation.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Under the pressure of the censor any kind of association becomes good enough for substitution by allusion; the displacement from one element to any other is permitted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is simply a question whether we assume that the speakers had the intention of making a witticism or whether we assume that they—the children—wished to draw an earnest conclusion, a condusion held in good faith though based on uncorrected knowledge. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The fisherman has come home rich with a big bag of money and tells his wife, whom he finds waiting in front of the hut, what good luck he has had in the far countries. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It will be shown that in this case an attribute of the idea ac~ tually coincides with an attribute of the object conceived, although psy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The opposite case which furnishes us the comic difference through em- pathy, lies between the great interest which existed before the disturbance occurred and the minimum left for his psychic activity after the disturb- ance made its appearance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This is especially true in the case of unmasking, though in other methods of comic-making the appellation also holds good.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Taught by experience that every living being is different, and demands a definite amount of expenditure from our understanding, we find ourselves disappointed when, as a result of a perfect agreement or deceptive imitation, we need no new expenditure. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us remember that wit pre- sents to the hearer a double face, and forces him to two different views. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The comic effect of Kempner’s poetic productions is furthermore assured by the additional circumstances of the lady author’s unmistakably good intentions, and by the fact that her helpless phrases disarm our feeling of mockery and ~SiXth Ed., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just as special precautions must be taken in wit, in order to guard against making new use of expenditure recognized as superfluous, so also can comic pleasure originate only under relations which fulfill this latter condition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This would also hold good for all the othei avoidances between those related by blood and by marriage. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There is one warning to which we shall have to give heed in making this attempt. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A part of the taboo prohibitions can also be replaced in this way, that is to say, their viola- tion can be made good through such a “ceremonial,” and here too lustra- tion through water is the preferred way. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The position of the “free-holder” in mediæval society really conveys a good idea of the “taboo” of savages.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
8W. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These savage kings are endowed with a wealth of power and an ability, to bestow happiness which only gods possess; certainly in later stages of civilization none but the most servile courtiers would play the hypo- crite to the extent of crediting their sovereigns with the possession of attributes similar to these. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Savages really do not act differently towards their rulers when they ascribe to them power over rain and shine, wind and weather, and then dethrone or kill them because nature has disappointed their expectation of a good hunt or a ripe harvest. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Among some of these races the prohibition and its consequences hold good only for the period of mourning while in others it remains per- same patient whose “impossibilities” I have correlated with taboo (see above, p. 829) acknowledged that she always became indignant when she met anybody on the street who was dressed in mourning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Through this there must have resulted a never ceasing change of vocabulary, which caused a good • deal of difficulty for the missionaries, especially where the interdiction upon a name was permanent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As was to be expected, the compulsion neurotics behave just like savages in regard to names. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Wundt& remarks that “among the influences which myth everywhere ascribes to demons the evil ones preponderate, so that according to the religions of races evil demons are evidently older than good demons.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have adopted the term “Omnipotence of Thought” from a highly intelligent man, a former sufferer from compulsion neurosis, who, after being cured through psychoanalytic treatment, was able to demonstrate his efficiency and good sense.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the chapter on Taboo I mentioned a patient whose compulsive prohibitions corre- spond very neatly to the taboo of the Maori.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The same holds good for the numerous cases of sexual restriction while he is pre- occupied with difficult or responsible tasks.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
second theory, which we will discuss here, originated under the intL nce of an important publication by two investigators of the Inhabitants of Central Australia.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This ignorance must be facilitated by the long interval which is in- tErposed between the fertilizing act and the birth of the child or the sensa- “It is unlikely that a community of savages should deliberately parcel out the realm of nature into provinces, assign each province to a particular band of magi- cians, and bid all the bands to work their magic and weave their spells for the com- mon good.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
IV, p. 7~: “The totemic clan is a totally different social organ- i~m from the exogamous class, and we have good grounds for thinking that it is far older.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They are horses, dogs, cats, more seldom birds, and strikingly often very small animals hie bugs and butterflies. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In case of the murder of one of this kin they therefore donot say: the blood of so andso has been spilt, but our blood has been TOTEM AND TABOO spilt. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They regretted this deed and decided that it should not be repeated and that its execution must bring no gain. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The latter had a deeper reason, but it happened in such a manner that at first, I did not understand it, and only later did I learn from many good indications how to interpret it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In such cases there is nothing that the physician can do but cover up the domestic misfortune with his reputation, and he must bear it if people shrug their shoulders and say, “He is not a good doctor if in all these years he has not been able to cure her.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT 919 * 920 HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTIC MOVEMENT 19X3 by Janet) that everything good in psychoanalysis only repeats, with slight modifications, the views of Janet—everything else in psychoanalysis being bad. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps this attitude of mine has been misunderstood, perhaps I have been considered as good- natured or so intimidated that it was supposed no further consideration need be shown me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The Journal of Abnormal Psychology published by Morton Prince, as a rule, contains many good analytical contributions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Another very palpable inconvenience lies in the fact that I cannot alto- gether avoid going into an analytic elucidation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
vox.com Time October 10, 2001
Bin Laden has denied any involve- ment, and the Taliban squad and elements of al-Qaeda, it con- tinues to finger bin Laden. Time October 10, 2001
They honed thattechnique to perfection fighting us. Time October 10, 2001
As Reagan’s Vice Presi- dent in the 1980s, he headed up a task force on terrorism. Time October 10, 2001
“Maybe one or two peo- agent in Prague several months ago. Time October 10, 2001
Its teachings are good and peaceful.” Time October 10, 2001
They realized that unlike many of their homelands, one could express political or cultural opposi- tion here and still be regarded as a good American. Time October 10, 2001
A mother suddenly realizes that despite the prohibition on premarital dating in most Muslim households, her daughter’s “good friend” is really a boyfriend. Time October 10, 2001
Two cops now stand at the mosque door. Time October 10, 2001
Think about that: the Arabic word for all thosewho affirm Islam is ummah. Time October 10, 2001
“Fashion is emotive, and female consumers in particular shop to make themselves feel good,” says David Wolfe, creative director at the Doneger Group, a market-research firm in New York City. Time October 10, 2001
Still, even in the middle ofthe current economic doldrums, many Americans are trying, as they are wont to do, to look at the bright side. Time October 10, 2001
Ribbons along the West Side Highway; at St. Vincent’s Hospital, a wall of the missing AHOLEINTHESKY From across the East River on the Promenade in Brooklyn Heights, the Twin Towers once defined this skyline PhotoQraDhs for TIME by James Nachtwev—VH TENDING LIFE RESUMES THE WOUNDS The initial shock ofthe World Trade Center attack has passed. Time October 10, 2001
“You’ve got a nation mourning, but people are feeling good about being together and going to work,” Stephenson says. Time October 10, 2001
He’s out ofcontrol.” Time October 10, 2001
Having confirmed that players with New Two weeks ago, there would have been York City roots had accounted for all their loud music and laughter echoing off the relatives, he decided to sit back and let the concrete walls. Time October 10, 2001
“Usually after a game, Sports- On Monday, before the first game with Center is on the clubhouse TV,” says the Braves, Bowa gave a brief speech. Time October 10, 2001
Then, sometimes, they go off to the privacy of their apartments and ... In good times New York is not actually a Sex and the City episode. Time October 10, 2001
Some have predicted a re- turn to light escapism. Time October 10, 2001
The system had its British critics from the beginning, and their dissent, together with the rise of a dedicated civil service, helped mitigate its evils. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He becomes a roi fainéant, a sen- sualist, an extortionist miser or a careless and lax ruler... Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He kept his treasury solvent, curbed the rapacity of landowners, and if faulted by some as penurious, this was only by comparison with his predecessors. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Dalai Lama, Tibet’s secular and spiritual leader, was chosen as an infant by divination as the reincarnation of the de- ceased incumbent. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
23 24 .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She keeps the servants in order. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The bottom of the valleys glitter with ribands of water:’ Moorcroft remarks in a rare effusive passage. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
These and a hundred other topics filled his discursive letters, prompting Sir Alexander Cunningham, the author of a scholarly his- tory of Ladakh, to observe a generation later that Moorcroft’s ac- counts were “marked by great shrewdness of observation, and by the most scrupulous accuracy.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He hoped to find “moderately good horses” across the Oxus in a region con- trolled by his erstwhile tormentor, the Uzbek warlord Murad Beg. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was a melancholic, for whom being “a good fellow” was a task to be mastered. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His protests were overruled, and Burnes’s spying mission went for- ward. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“This is one of my regi- ments,” said Ranjit Singh, presumably winking his one good eye, “but they tell me it is one I cannot discipline.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In return for this, I promise to recommend to the Government that it use its good offices with its ancient ally, Maharaja Runjeet Singh, to remove present and fu- ture differences between the Sikhs and Afghans at Peshawar.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Burnes presided in his courtyard mansion at dinner parties featuring “champagne, hock, madeira, sherry, port, claret, sauterne, not forgetting a glass of curaçoa and maraschino, and the hermetically sealed salmon and hotchpotch [a thick Scottish soup] all the way frae’ Aberdeen, for deuced good it is, the peas as big as if they had been soaked for bristling.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the horrifying and chaotic circumstances of the final retreat, furthermore,-it seems harsh and unwarranted to accuse anybody of deserting. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But he was the agent, and not the author. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1861, when Palmerston was Prime Minister, his opponents brought up the matter of Burnes to embarrass him. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Russians Are Coming “Go for It.”The Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Seem- ingly everywhere, Europeans or their offspring hurled themselves against their inferiors in technology or resistance to disease. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Doubtless a good deal of cant tainted Russian outrage over slavery Edward Allworth, the doyen of American authorities on Central Asia, has dryly observed that Russian slave markets had long existed in Kiev, Kazan, Astrakhan, and other cities, and that slavery was qui- etly tolerated in Siberia as late as 1 825.What Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Its contents can be surmised from Nasrullah’s words to its Persian bearer: “Well, I will make you a present ofJoseph Wolff. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Along with his older brother Henry, his colleague on the Punjab Board of Ad- ministration, Lawrence inspired affection, fear, and respect, winning assent (writes Mason) through “a kind manner, a fundamental good- will and a controlled ferocity.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Long live Skobelev and his good soldiers! Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
personally believe Yakub Khan will turn out to be a very good ally, and that we shall be able to keep him to his engagements.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On his entering Afghanistan with Russian good wishes, a bagful of money, and several hundred rifles, Abdur Rahman was im- mediately contacted by a British political officer, with favorable re- Bloomsbury’s War :. 197 198 . Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He no longer believed in the confident expertise of braided officers, and after seeing rural India concluded that even the Empire’s good pub- lic works were a “swindle.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Though a good conservative and a member of the Canton Club, I own to be shocked. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Unlike Lambton, who was in his assis- tant’s words “a tranquil and exceedingly good-humoured person, very fond of his joke, a great admirer of the fair sex, partial to singing glees and duets, and everything, in short, that promoted harmony and *Lambdon’s theodolite had an interesting history. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Both reached Shigatse, but neither was allowed to continue on to Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After Tibet sealed its borders at China’s in- sistence in 1792, the sole Briton to reach Lhasa was an eccentric freelancer, Thomas Manning (1770-1840). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Manning was not the only adventurer to cross India’s frontiers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He then arranged for Das to accompany the wife of his nephew, the Dapon Phala, who bore the title of Lhacham, to Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
While Przhevalsky was alive, his exploits filled the popular press just beginning to flourish in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The very qualities of self-punishing ruthlessness and Odyssean cun- fling found in the explorer are not the qualities one prizes in a friend. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The ar- guments only added to the excitement about the still-unmapped Amur, so much so that a young Prince Peter Kropotkin, fresh from the Corps of Pages at the Tsar’s court, grabbed at the chance of ex- ploring the Amur as an aide to Muraviev. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Kozlov had the dashing good looks that Anna Karenina found in her Vronsky (also a frontier officer in the Tsar’s army), and Przheval- sky all but adopted him. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Tibet was its focus, and the War Ministry showed keener interest, since the British, having absorbed Sikkim, were making overtures to Lhasa. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She warns that he must set his per- sonal comfort aside—”you will do this, won’t you, my dear Nicky?” Above all, he must “dance more and smoke less in the garden with of- ficers just because it is more amusing.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Victoria was as good as her word. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Lord Dufferin was polite but unyielding. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Katkov liked what he learned, and cared not a whit what the Foreign Ministry thought. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As if to confirm Dorzhiev’s prescience, in 1890 a French expedition led by the Central Asian explorer Gabriel Bonvalot and the Duc de Chartres’s eldest son, Prince Henry of Or- leans, appeared on Tibet’s borders. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In 1898, wearing the thumb-ring of the Nechung Oracle for good luck, Dorzhiev and two companions set out for St. Petersburg via India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Therefore, so long as we have no agreements with the enemies [the British] nearby, we will certainly be con- quered. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But why are you a traitor to your country?” (Subsequently Curzon won the club’s laureate award, with a poem in praise of sin.) Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As with Plato, Jowett’s focus was on good government rather than self-government. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Raj was a paternalist autocracy imposed by an alien race, and while its admirers made much of its good works—schools, courts, hospi- tals, roads, irrigation—little was said about consent of the governed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
291 292 .‘. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Sensing a good story, Fleet Street editors vied for the right to ac- company the mission. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Curzon had on his side prece- dent, good sense, and the support of a flotilla of imperial grandees. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I think a good deal of what Dr. Sven Hedin has said tonight rather shows the decision was a right one as far as it went. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His friend, Colonel Harold Deane, Chief Commissioner of the North-West Frontier Province, had “diplomatically closed an eye to a certain gap between them [his dominions] and the Chinese frontier,” and also obtained permission for Stein’s route from Habibullah, the Afghan Emir, conveyed in an “imposing Firman of the ‘God-created gov- ernment.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
While exploring the rock-temples in 1900, he came upon a bricked—in cache of manuscripts, scrolls, and banners, the so-called Cave 17.Wang Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Pelliot’s one and only campaign lasted until 1909, and his journey, as he casually reported to a Sorbonne audience, “passed peacefully, without a single shot being fired; and we even had the almost em- barrassing good fortune, as explorers, to return in perfect health.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It proved a good but not an easy match. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
While this was under discussion, they supplied him with every delicacy of the Tibetan cuisine—sour milk, clotted cream, tsamba, mutton, and buttered tea—and then presented him with valuable presents, including a good saddle pony. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
She was forty- two. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The country ought to have him, and yet the country is so blind that it does not see the good that he could do.”Within Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Lhaten took in the situation at once and came to my assistance in a very effective way. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The mission remained in Lhasa for three months, but its purposes were frustrated by the coincidental arrival of Colonel Bailey. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Another new travel companion was a Ti- betan named Chimpa, who appears to have been abandoned by a caravan of Buriat lamas sent by Agvan Dorzhiev. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS When Roerich arrived in New York a few months later for the opening of his new museum, he found himself, thanks to the efforts of Horch and others, momentarily famous. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Dalai Lama is, theoretically at least, subject to Chinese sovereignty and it is not impossible that your action might be misrepresented and misunderstood in China; the British have a special position in Tibetan affairs; the Soviet Government is full of suspicion in anything going on in Tibet and as for the Japanese, they might claim that such direct communication with a func- tionary over whom the Chinese claim sovereignty is some- what inconsistent with the non-recognition of Pu-yi as sovereign of Manchukuo. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He possessed a good eye for floral detail—gigantic hy- drangeas, masses of azaleas, orchids and irises, tiny begonias, large-leafed rhubarbs, a fine welter of pink daphnies, dark asters with brown centers, tall yellow primulas, a pink myosotis, clumps of monkshood, and dazzling white everlastings, “a ravishing mule fleur.s Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The same guilty doubts attended the Tolstoy-Dolan mission in 1942—43. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“He promised us the necessary passports and then, as if getting down to the real business of the day, trotted out a rather startling selection of sporting weapons for our inspection. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Avoiding the main road, becoming lost in the snow—covered grasslands for nine days, and sick with prostrate pain, he subsisted on raw bang (wild ass), gazelles, and bears that he shot while eluding Golok brigands. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was the end of Tolstoy’s “good war.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
influence can be sensed in Nehru’s sharp and sardonic prose. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
II, 71. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“a tranquil and exceedingly good-humoured person”: DNB, Lambton. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
lat- est entry, David Gilmour’s Curzon (London, 1994), is a reconsideration, espe- cially good on matters unmentioned in the authorized life (e.g., Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“a rather strange man”: Stein to Rudolf von Roth, November 13, 1884, in Roth papers in the Tübingen University Library, detailed in an unpublished paper by Dr. Gabriele Zeller delivered at ICANAS, 1997, Budapest. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
368 “This concession may be a good omen”: Stein to Keltie, April 24, 1906, (RGS). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“apparently in good health and spirits”: Engert to Secretary of State, November 2, 1943, Box 8, Folder 54 (Georgetown). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Chapter Nineteen 475—476 “1 have been thinking of you holding the casket”: Pegler, March 10 476 476 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 480 481—482 482 483 483 483 483 483 483 484 485 485 485 485 486 486 486 1948. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His father, Robert Fulton Cutting, has a good entry in the DAB, and one can consult a curiosity, the verbatim record of a Banquet to R. Fulton Cutting and Elgin R. L. Gould: Given by Their Friends (New York, 1902), complete with a menu and seating chart of the Waldorf-Astoria fête. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
None of these good deeds appear in the captured files of the Ahnenerbe on microfilm in NARA (RG 242T 81 Roll 128). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In his final diary entry, April 13, Ludlow writes: “Called on Foreign and found Caroe very peeved because I had agreed (quite privately and unof- ficial) with Tolstoy that it would be a good thing if Tibet were rep- resented at the coming Peace Conference. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Events since 1968 may seem to have borne out that claim, and if it is right, the Israeli attack would be difficult to defend. Just and Unjust Wars
But only Muslims can shed Islamist ex- tremism through self-policing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
She was cowering in the corner ofa nearby hotel when a man said, “Lady, take my hand,” andledher to a local hospital. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The combination of scientific with less technical essays illus- trates another aspect of editorial policy in this and other volumes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
During one of our chats he said, “You realize that the U.S. foreign policy is run by three Jews? Albright, Berger, and Cohen.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I resisted the impulse to tell Ali that it was the two most powerful men in Washington—Bill Clinton and Al Gore—who drove Washington’s un- doubtedly pro-Israel policy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Subordinate to it are other committees responsi- ble for military affairs and the business interests of the group, as well as afatwa committee, which issues rulings on Islamic law, and a media group. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Vince Cannistraro was the staff director of the interagency group at the National Security Coun- cil that coordinated Afghan policy during the mid-1980s. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It was, however, a cardinal rule of Pakistan’s policy that no Americans ever become involved with the distribution of funds or arms once they arrived in the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a 1993 interview, Robert Gates defended the Agency’s Afghan policy in the confident tone of a high school debating champion: “Their approach [the Pakistanis] was that the assistance would be fun- neled to those groups that were fighting most effectively against the Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This shows a certain naïveté about American foreign policy The United States had no compelling strategic interest in Lebanon, The Koran and the Kalashnjkov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 85 while Saudi Arabia sits on a quarter of the world’s known oil re- sources—the very blood of the American economy57 Al-Qaeda made several other important contacts with overseas groups while it was based in Sudan.58 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This call to arms against the continued American military presence in Arabia featured an analysis of Ameri- can policy in the Middle East since Franklin Roosevelt, attacks on the Saudi regime for its corruption and anti-Islamic policies, and a discus- From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The Declaration of War / 93 When bin Laden arrived in Afghanistan in May 1996, accompa- nied by his three wives and many of his children, he was in a sion of the views of Muslim scholars about the proper relations to non- Muslims across the centuries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Nothing, no compromises.”6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although its expression of support was hardly effusive, the United States said publicly that there was “nothing objectionable” in the Taliban’s version of Islamic law.2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
r lim scholar Mufti Mizam-ud-din Shamzai, who decreed a boycott of Western goods, adding: “Because America is in a war with Muslims, under Islamic sharia [law], the shedding of American blood is permis- sible.”22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The military had also tried to recruit prominent Pakistanis to assist their government; Rahimullah had been approached about sitting on an important policy panel. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban were reluctant to acknowledge these changes officially; no individual wanted to weaken his Islamist credentials by appearing too “liberal.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The hardest line I heard was from Maulvi Hafeezullah of the For- eign Ministry, who, unprompted, embarked on a fifteen-minute dia- tribe against the U.S. policy on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These sanctions have turned Afghans who were not necessarily pro-Taliban and have brought them closer to the government. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is not just Palestine and its stand on 188 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Richard Mackenzie, “When Policy Tolls in a Fool’s Paradise,” Insight magazine, September 11, 1989. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just and unjust wars. Just and Unjust Wars
The second approach to the law is oriented in terms of policy goals. Just and Unjust Wars
Policy-oriented lawyers are in fact moral and political philosophers, and it would be best if they presented themselves that way. Just and Unjust Wars
And if we place our- selves, not in the council room at Melos where a cruel policy was being expounded, but in the assembly at Athens where that policy was first adopted, the argument of the generals has a very different ring. Just and Unjust Wars
We reiterate the decision-making 8 THE MoRAl. Just and Unjust Wars
He is not the member of a robber band, a willful wrongdoer, but a loyal and obedient subject and citizen, acting sometimes at great per- sonal risk in a way he thinks is right. Just and Unjust Wars
Some six weeks later, the war of defense was over, Germany was triumphant at Sedan, Bonaparte a prisoner, his empire overthrown. Just and Unjust Wars
In the “Second Address” of the International, Marx accurately described the war after Sedan as an act of aggres- sion against the people of the two provinces and against the terri- torial integrity of France. Just and Unjust Wars
What is striking here is that Marx has enlisted history not in the service of the proletarian revolution but in the service of conventional morality. Just and Unjust Wars
I will skip the Polish war, for the Poles were confronted again by Nazi aggression and had, no doubt, learned from the Czech experience. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor can its value be measured even now; it involves national pride and self-respect as much as freedom in policy-making (which no state possesses absolutely and Finland, since 1940, to a lesser degree than many). Just and Unjust Wars
That standard does not exist, as it were, on the ground; it has nothing to do with the immediate security of boun- daries. Just and Unjust Wars
His foreign policy was openly expansionist and aggressive (which is not to say that justifications’ were not offered, ancient claims and titles uncovered, for every intended territorial acquisition). Just and Unjust Wars
But we also need an objective standard, as Bacon’s phrase “just fear” suggests. Just and Unjust Wars
“Have not these two Realms,” asked Jonathan Swift in a pamphlet oppos- ing the British war, “their separate maxims of Policy. Just and Unjust Wars
Like Clausewitz’s description of war as the continua- tion of policy by other means, they radically underestimate the importance of the shift from diplomacy to force. Just and Unjust Wars
•“17 Though this view was reiterated by later American leaders, it is not, unhappily, a definitive exposition of American policy. Just and Unjust Wars
The lives of foreigners 101 don’t weigh that heavily in the scales of domestic decision-making. Just and Unjust Wars
But they each have a further significance because of the atrocities committed by the Spanish and the Pakistani governments. Just and Unjust Wars
The brutal work of the Spaniards is easier to talk about, for it fell short of systematic massacre. Just and Unjust Wars
But they would have been able to do that had the U.S. entered the war on the side of the Spaniards and, together with them, de- cisively defeated the Cuban insurgents. Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt, strategic as well as moral interests underlay this policy: Pakistan, India’s old enemy, was significantly weakened, while India itself avoided becoming responsible for a desperately poor nation whose internal politics was likely to be unstable and volatile for a long time to come. Just and Unjust Wars
But many wars end without any such dramatic ending, and many war aims can be achieved well short of destruction and overthrow. Just and Unjust Wars
By the time Wilson brought the United States into World War I, the fighting had already been carried well beyond the limits of justice and reason. Just and Unjust Wars
(Whether these were the right limits or not is anothei question.) Just and Unjust Wars
Unconditional surrender is rightly regarded as a punitive policy. Just and Unjust Wars
The policy would have penalized the German people only insofar as it de- clared their political liberty temporàrily forfeit and subjected them to a military occupation. Just and Unjust Wars
They depend upon mutual understandings; they are comprehensible only within a world of shared values. Just and Unjust Wars
We aimed only “to round up the people that were putting on the aggression.” Just and Unjust Wars
Hence their policy was to “sink on sight,” though they did accept some responsibility to assist survivors after the ship was down. Just and Unjust Wars
“Sink on sight” was espe- cially the policy of the German government. Just and Unjust Wars
The issue clearly was rescue and nothing else; despite the “bind- ing rule” of international law, the policy of “sink on sight” was not challenged by the court. Just and Unjust Wars
On October i, ~ the Admiralt~ announced [that] British merchant ships had been ordered to ram U-boats if possible. Just and Unjust Wars
British policy had been similar. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, Doenitz and his allied counterparts had reasons for the policy they adopted, and these reasons fit roughly into the f rame- work of the war convention. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, this became American policy quite early in the war: villages from which hostile fire might reasonably be expected were shelled and bombed before soldiers moved in and even if no movement was planned. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the only protection the rules provide is in advising or en- forcing the departure not of guerrillas from peaceful villages but of civilians from what is likely to become a battlefield. Just and Unjust Wars
I should add that this sort of thing doesn’t always happen, even in anti-guerrilla war—though the policy of forced resettlement or “concentration,” from its origins in the Cuban Insurgency and the Boer War, has rarely been carried out in a humane manner or with adequate resources.21 Just and Unjust Wars
Even had all this worked, in the limited sense that civilian deaths had been avoided, the rules of engagement and the policy they embodied could hardly be defended. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely the equation does not work and the policy cannot be approved, at least in the context of the Vietnamese struggle itself. Just and Unjust Wars
That is a small victory for the champions of order, among whom the uses of terror are by no means unknown. Just and Unjust Wars
The German invasion was almost universally condemned (by many Germans, too). Just and Unjust Wars
With this purpose in mind, the government adopted a strict policy of “neutrality in deed.” Just and Unjust Wars
On balance, this policy favored the 242 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality Germans, even though most of Norway’s normal trade was with the Allied powers, especially Britain. Just and Unjust Wars
As a direct result of the adoption of a policy of terror bombing by the leaders of Britain, some 300,000 Ger- mans, most of them civilians, were killed and another 780,000 seriously injured. Just and Unjust Wars
And the British policy had further consequences: it was the crucial precedent for the fire-bombing of Tokyo and other Japanese cities and then for Harry Truman’s decision to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor was it Churchill’s purpose, once the blitz began, to deter the German attacks or to establish a policy of mutual restraint.8 Just and Unjust Wars
We ask no favor of the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
Suppose such a policy had been pro- posed. Just and Unjust Wars
In 1945, American policy was fixed on the demand for the unconditional surrender of Japan. Just and Unjust Wars
For the Americans had adopted in Japan the British policy of terrorism: a massive incendiary raid on Tokyo early in March 1945 had set off a fire- storm and killed an estimated ioo,ooo people. Just and Unjust Wars
The capture of Okinawa in a battle lasting from April to June of 1945 had cost almost 8o,ooo American casualties, while virtually the entire Japanese garrison of 120,000 men had been killed (only io,6oo prisoners were taken) .~ Just and Unjust Wars
In international as in domestic society, deterrence works by calling up dramatic images of human pain. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps we are only bluffing our- selves, refusing to acknowledge the real terrors of a precarious and temporary balance. Just and Unjust Wars
But no account of our experience is accurate which fails to recognize that, for all its ghastly potential, deterrence has so far been a bloodless strategy. Just and Unjust Wars
The immorality lies in the threat itself, not in its present or even its likely consequences. Just and Unjust Wars
And they would be responsible foi both attacks, we might say, since in the interval between the two, no political de cision, no act of the will, would be possible on our side. Just and Unjust Wars
They were treated on analogy with poison gas, though 275 the prohibition on their use was never legally established. Just and Unjust Wars
But at the same time, the reason for our hesi- tancy and self-doubt is the monstrous immorality that our policy contemplates, an immorality we can never hope to square with our understanding of justice in war. Just and Unjust Wars
But in fact the courts restricted the range of accountability so that convictions were obtained only against those officials who were part of “Hitler’s inner circle of advisors” or who played such a major role in the making or execution of policy that their protests and refusals would have had a significant im- pact.6 Just and Unjust Wars
At Nuremberg, the crime of aggression (“crime against peace”) was said to involve “the planning, preparation, initiation, and waging of [aggressive] war.” Just and Unjust Wars
The SS had formally requested the Foreign Ministry’s opinions in regard to its policy on the Jewish question. Just and Unjust Wars
And von Weizsaecker, though he knew what that policy was, had voiced no objections. Just and Unjust Wars
In the United States during the Vietnam years, only a very small number of foreign policy officials resigned, most of them holding low-level positions, but those ‘resignations were morally heartening (to those of us, at least, who knew their reasons) in a way which suggests that they should have been imitated.9 Just and Unjust Wars
Sometimes the best way for an advisor to say no is simply to give an accurate name to the policy he is being asked to approve, This point is beautifully made in a speech in Shakespeare’s King and simplest case of collective punishment. Just and Unjust Wars
Even in a perfect democracy, it cannot be said that every citizen is the author of every state policy, though every one of them can rightly be called to account. Just and Unjust Wars
Here, assuming still that the community is a perfect democracy, it looks as if a citizen is blameless only if he takes back his name. Just and Unjust Wars
The officer in charge is responsible, and those among his superiors who determined on the policy of killing hostages. Just and Unjust Wars
In domestic society, and particularly in the context of revolution- ary politics, we say of such people that they have dirty hands. Just and Unjust Wars
But Churchill’s success in dissociating himself from the policy of terror- ism is not of great importance; there is always a remedy for that in retrospective criticism. Just and Unjust Wars
What is important is that his dissociation was part of a national dissociation—a deliberate policy that has moral significance and value. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet, the policy seems cruel. Just and Unjust Wars
Nonviolence has been practiced (in the face of an invasion) only after violence, or the threat of violence, has failed. Just and Unjust Wars
The success of nonviolent resistance requires that soldiers (or their officers or political leaders) refuse at some early point, before civilian endurance is exhausted, to ‘carry out or support a terrorist policy. Just and Unjust Wars
The judges distinguished “aggressive acts” from “aggressive wars,” but then Quoted in Michael Howard, “War as an Instrument of Policy,” in Herbert John Westlake, Collected Papers, ed. Just and Unjust Wars
-The work of Reinhold Niebuhr was the major inspiration of this group, Hans Morganthau its most systematic theorist. Just and Unjust Wars
ent of British bombing policy: Humiliation with Honor (New York, 1943), p. 91. Just and Unjust Wars
Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (New York, 1957), p. i 8o.ii. Just and Unjust Wars
tion, 91—95 Bacon, Francis, 6n, 77—78 Balance of power, 76—80, 122 Balance of terror, 270, 274, 275 Baldwin, Stanley, 252 Bangladesh, 105—107 Barbarians, 89n Batchelder, Robert, 349 Beatty, Admiral David, 245 Beaufre, André, 277, 281 Beirut raid, z 18-220 i Belgium: 292 Bell, A.C.: quoted, 173 Belligerent rights, 91, 96, i8~n Benevolent quarantine, 46, 177, 185, 201 Bennett, John, 270 Bennett, Jonathan, 344k .~ Just and Unjust Wars
Now I’m putting to- gether an informational packet for students on our foreign policy toward the fism is the only answer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
This act is condemned by Islam! Who- of such a policy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
11, it should be that the president’s nals who committed these horrendous acts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I should never talk to me again.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
And aboutwho can sue whom, and with Europeinflames, primarily because of his foreign-policy expe- where, and for how much (the patient’s bill ofrights). Newsweek October 1, 2001
Of course, the Pentagon’s airspace was closed, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In Washington, D.C., Muslim women have had hi- jab scarves snatched from their heads. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Paul Ambrose, a self-described policy wonk, was so excited about the medical conference on public-health issues that he was planning to attend in Cali- fornia that he set two alarm clocks to make sure he wouldn’t miss his early-morning flight I but he doesn’t I told him his bravest mom in the world.5 Newsweek September 24, 2001
Selma Botman The Roots of Separatism in Palestine: British Economic Policy, 1920—1929. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Andrea B. Rugh The Rise of Egyptian Communism, 1939—1970. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Her publications include Vices of Men (editor) (1992), Women’s Autobiographies in Contemporary Iran (edi- tor) (1991), Land Reform and Social Change in Rural Iran (1987), and In the Shadow of Islam: The Women’s Movement in Iran (with Nahid Yeganeh) (1982). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He has taught economics at Yale University and the University of Tehe- ran. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Afghanistan, the Soviet invasion in December of 1979, to help prop up a faltering communist regime that had come to power through a coup one and one-half years earlier (the “Great Saur Revolution,” according to its supporters), tore the social fabric of Afghan society, turned a third of its population into refugees, and ultimately led to one of the costliest blunders in Soviet foreign policy since the Second World Introduction 1 2 MYRON WEINER AND ALl BANUAZIZI War. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
program of the Khalqis, halted the land reforms, and adopted the rhetoric of Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This third phase of governance, the second period of civffian rule, lasted until 1977, when Bhutto was overthrown in a military coup by General Mohammad Zia ul-Haq. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Pakistan, on the other hand, redistribution and social equity have not been critical policy objectives since Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s gov- ernment (1971—77). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The specific policy questions on which these conflicting points of view fo- cused included land reform, nationalization of foreign trade, and labor legislation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The effects of this “rural bias” can already be seen in the relatively high rate of growth in the •agricultural sector (4.7 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some efforts were made to bring about asset redistribution: the award of abandoned property to some of the estimated six million refugees who entered the country following independence, the allocation of government lands to civil and military officers (a policy that exacerbated existing inequalities), and several land reform efforts that had limited impact. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The main effect of this nationalization policy was to enhance the power and resources of the state, rather than to alleviate poverty and improve income distribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The largest asset redistribution was the nationalization under Zulfikar All Bhutto of thirty-two large-scale industries and a host of small and medium-size firms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Initiated almost invariably from the top and supported by the intelligentsia and other members of the nascent modern middle classes, these measures were often opposed vehemently by the conservative Islamic clerics and their affies among the traditional middle and lower middle classes on the grounds that they were anti-Islamic and would undermine the moral foundation of the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Sometime between September and November of that year, how- ever, a policy watershed was reached. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Reminding the assembled council members that “no important political or organizational problem can be solved by a state organ without the party guidelines,” he went on to inform them that “the state apparatus is there to implement policy” and that there was “need for complete obedience by the state apparatus to party policy” (Radio Kabul, 26 Sept. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 6 Oct. 1985]). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What specific act of Revolutionary Council independence might have sparked the tirade remains a mystery, but only six weeks later, Babrak’s address to the same audience signaled a complete change of policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most radical element in the list was the second, the PDPA’s renunciation of its monopoly of political power in favor of a broader- based Revolutionary Council. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It did not signify any change in policy, for Najibullah did nothing to change the lines that Babrak had been pushing so hard, including the call for broad, nonparty participation in government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
and most of the earlier discernible trends in its makeup remained unchanged. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The DYOA posted no known gains in membership for the first year of Najibuilah’s tenure but then claimed an increase of 11,000 in the first two months of 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the 147 full and alternate Central Com- mittee members in mid-1986, only 46 claimed to live in the provinces, THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 57 TABLE 1.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Selected Front Membership, 1980—1990 (in thousands) Year Party (PDPA/ HP)a National (Fatherland FrontL~ Trade Unions Women (DWOA, AAWC, WCA, etc.)’ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One major area of tension and conflict was the grave human cost and destructive physical effects of the arational charismatic pursuit of a futile war abroad coupled with an oppressive policy at home. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The beneficiaries of recruitment policies adopted by the colonial state for purposes of its own, Punjabis from the middle and upper economic strata not only dominated the military but also had a stranglehold over the most important civil jobs at the center. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state thus recognized the social power of the classes it had tried to dislodge and, in effect, became more “penetrated.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The income produced using the remaining assets, however, appears on the basis of anecdotal evidence to be distributed more equally than before. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The policies were conceived on the basis of an oversimplified, ideological view of the structure of Afghan society and hence did not have the intended reformist effects. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Further- more, Kohli emphasizes the importance of not just organization but disciplined organization, which enables the party to control and limit the reforms, preventing a violent reaction and maintaining a predictable environment for private-sector economic activity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Rather than introduce revolutionary measures to reduce the qawm to a set of nuclear families dependent on the state, the government now offered inducements to khans to bring their cien- teles over to the side of the government, whom they could serve as militias. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It established Soviet-style agricultural mechanization centers (FBIS VIII, 5 Mar. 1985, C2) and also provided subsidies and higher procurement prices to encourage farmers to raise karakul and to plant cotton and sugar beets, which would have to be sold to the state-owned process- ing p1ants.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Again, these payments are better explained as part of a counterinsurgency strategy than as a policy of social transformation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After 1987 the government also announced a series of benefits for those returning to the country under the policy of national reconciliation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
million for fuel and firewood for mosques in 1983—84. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a Soviet journalist (now a leader of Russia’s reactionary Right) who had previously written much egregious nonsense6° on Af- ghanistan put it, a mere week after Gorbachev had made it clear that he would withdraw Soviet troops: ghanistan, the political course of the Kabul government has been changed repeatedly. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
No political force, however, has the power to formulate policy for the transformation of society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The only explicitly redistributive policy of the entire Musahiban period was the land reform measure introduced by President Daoud in 1975, which was relatively mild and was hardly implemented. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Roy (1986, 23) distinguished “two possible options” for the Afghan state in dealing with the village community: “Either the community is made into an abstraction, and the state imposes order upon the patchwork of qawm, assisted by the fact that it alone is able to transcend tribal fragmentation (which has been the policy of the kings and the Soviet Union); or the vifiage community is crushed, and the government deals di- rectly with individuals with no group-consciousness (the policy of Amanullah, the Khalq, and perhaps the radical Islamists).” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The net impact of these policies on the income of various groups can be gleaned from the available statistics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ideological differences, which encompassed both economic and cul- tural issues, were not so divisive while the movement remained in opposition and while there was no need to translate the various under- lying tenets into social and economic programs and specific policy measures. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Part of the explanation lies in the shortcomings of government policy, especially the failure to mobi- lize resources commensurate with needs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Practically every government policy had as its stated purpose the fulfillment of the goals of social justice and economic independence, although in practice these objectives were not always compatible. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Generally, for con- The redistributive consequences of the various measures discussed The government allocation of goods other than the rationed items THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 259 260 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON sumer durables, Teheran got more than its proportionate share, in good part because of the higher rate of urbanization in Teheran Province. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1984 it received 46 percent of color television sets, 32 percent of desert coolers, and 36 percent of water heaters. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Did the government use the extensive regulation of the system of distribution as a mechanism for political control and mobilization? The evidence is mixed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government’s advocacy of the cooperatives had an egalitarian effect on redistribution, but it was not a policy directed toward the poorest segments of the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In fact, public investment in housing was well below its prerevolution level, which is not surprising in light of the general cut- back in development expenditures. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The redistribution of these assets was bound to be an important component of wealth and income distribu- tion program. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The expansion of public services, historically one of the most important policy tools for long-term redistribution of income by states, was not a significant instrument for greater social justice in the Islamic Republic’s first decade. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, government policy had the unintended effect of discouraging “investment” in human capital: the narrowing of the gap between incomes of the well-educated and the poorly educated meant a lower return from education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During Hashemi Rafsanjani’s first term as president of Iran (July 1989—June 1993) there were substantial changes in economic policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To some extent, the boom resulted from improved oil income, thanks to the price bubble during the Iraq-Kuwait crisis and to increasing Iranian oil production. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This decision changed the rate of exchange between the Indian and Pakistani rupees from parity to one hundred Pakistani rupees for 144 Indian rupees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state in Pakistan, therefore, helped both economic growth and poverty alleviation by not interfering with the process of resource gen- eration and deployment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Deepening rural poverty 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, even when the underprivileged groups found a voice, as they did in the elections of 1970 and 1988, the government did not possess the policy instruments with which to induce change. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An income redistribution policy, to be effective, must make use of fiscal and tax levers at the disposal of the state to generate revenues for alleviating poverty. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nontax government revenues (for ex- ample, the profits earned by government-owned enterprises, payments for services provided by the government, interests earned on loans advanced by the government), from the civil servants’ point of view, were even better than taxes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the same time, by banning the participation of the private sector in education, the nationalization policy increased the burden on the government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These redistributive promises were not fulifiled, and when Zia assumed power, he h~d to contend with this legacy of the Bhutto period. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
slogans et mots d’ordre du régime s’étalaient sur un tiers des pages [The Book is no longer the Qur~ an but the class book,.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The policy of Kabul, which seemed relatively moderate and reasonable, was thus fouled at the core by the very nature of those who created it. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Kabul’s policy toward women was following the path opened by Amanullah in the l.920s. But con- trary to Amanullah’s policy, it did not insist on Westernized emblems, which could have been considered anti-Islamic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Western patterns must be eradicated in the Islamic Republic.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1976 to 7 percent in 1982 and although employed women as a proportion of economically active women has declined from 8.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third, high maternal mortality and an inverse sex ratio exist in non-Muslim areas as well; in northern India and rural China, female infanticide has been documented. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The increase of 15 million people over a ten-year period represents a rate of population increase of 3.9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
placing Iran A Review of the 1986 Census Data Population, Sex Ratio, Fertility Iran’s Population, by Gender, 1956—1986 Year Male 1956 9,644,944 1966 13,355,801 1976 17,356,347 1986 25,491,645 Sources: National Census of Population and Housing 1365 (1986), tables A and B; Statistical Yearbook 1366 (1987), table 1; Statistical Yearbook 1367 (1988), table 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This reversal of policy indicates that women are hardly passive in the face of official discrimination and that “Islamic feminists” such as Rahnavard can maneuver on behalf of women’s rights within the con- fines of the existing Islamic system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Papanek (1990), “Gender differences, based on the social construction of biological sex distinctions, are one of the great ‘fault lines’ of societies—those marks of difference among categories of persons that govern the allocation of power, authority, and resources.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Spiraling population growth at a time of straitened fiscal resources and increasing pockets of poverty throughout the country eventually forced the authorities within the Islamic Republic to reverse the policy on family planning. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
6. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, president of the Islamic Republic, once opined, “A man’s brain is larger. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women mature too fast. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
GENDER INEQUALITY IN IRAN 411 The Consequences of State Policies Pakistani state policy toward women has changed dramatically with the changes in governments since independence was achieved in 1947. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Political exigencies and economic realities, as well as changing social norms and ambiguities regarding women’s roles, must also be taken into consideration in as- sessing policy shifts, for ~to ignore these factors is to risk seeing state action as purposeless. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such factors compel consideration in any reflec- tion on why the government headed by Benazir Bhutto (1988—1990), the first female prime minister of a Muslim state, found itself unable or unwilling to modify existing policies toward women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women play important symbolic roles in every society, and it is in the interest of the state to promote a certain image of woman to serve its purposes in a given time. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, the circumstances of elite women’s lives have consistently improved over the years in terms of a wide range of social development indicators, despite the orientation of state policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is instead the fate of poorer women that has been affected most by state policy shifts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is consequently an urgency associated with Pakistani state policy to- ward women, for even a slight shift can have major repercussions on women’s lives. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
416 ANITA M. WEISS The area where state policy has had the most profound effect and hence has had the most far-reaching implications is in the realm of law. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The watershed period from which to begin an analysis of Pakistani legal policy toward women is that of the promulgation of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance in 1961, widely regarded as the first attempt by the state to provide women some form of economic and legal protec- tion from their husbands’ unbridled libidinal capriciousness by regulat- ing divorce and polygamy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The law was passed at a time when state policy was focused on establishing a secure economic base. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A hadd (p1. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
often considered unfavorable to women, has caused opponents of the Shari~at Bill to fear that it would ultimately serve to further diminish women’s power and status in the country vent the implementation of the Ninth Amendment and the Shari~at Bifi The Zia government’s final attempt at legislating social policy The Ninth Amendment gives government organs the power to in- The Sharicat Bifi is perhaps the most controversial legislation of all. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Economic and Social Implications of State Policy Work in many parts of Pakistan—be it making, selling, fixing, or moving something for which there is some kind of economic compen- sation—appears to exist in the public space of the male world. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
UNICEF recently commissioned a national study on women’s economic activity to enable policy planners and donor agencies to cut through the ~existing myths on female labor force participation (Shaheed and Mumtaz, 1992). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Despite the business orientation of the Nawaz Sharif govern- ment and its efforts toward privatization, no actual policy to pursue the integration of women into the economy ever made it to the govern- ment’s agenda. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That females were unable to compete in various athletic events (ostensibly so as not to risk immodest exposure) may have precluded the discovery of a world-class Pakistani athlete, but the more important issue is that the policy symbolically constrained the growth of girls’ athletics and fitness at a time when this was being given worldwide attention. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Community participation finally became a cornerstone of the government’s policy, which hoped to see contraceptive use go from 9.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Besides condemning the deplorable state of women in Pakistan, it makes a number of suggestions for improving their circumstances and advocates that the government prepare a national policy to improve women’s social and cultural status. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although it was the Pakistan gov- ernment that had appointed the commission members, it is no surprise that the Zia government, given the report’s condemnation of previous policies and efforts to affect women’s lives and its divergence from existing official policy, adamantly refused to release the commission’s findings to the public. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
State policy under Zia ul-Haq was pursued within a rather compli- cated ideological framework. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An untoward outcome was that by relying on an Islamically based policy, the state created factionalism between groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Entitled Solidarity: SAARC Women’s Journal, it included chapters on rural development programs for women, contributed by each of the member nations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Only one woman—her mother—was among the twenty-four ministers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“The Scope for Policy Intervention.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“The U.N. Woman’s Devel- opment Decade—Its Relevance to Pakistan.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: An Historical Analysis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Public Policy 19 (Winter). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1968. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Press. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Fiscal Policy and Income Distribution.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Institute of Policy Studies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Strategic Issues in Pakistan’s Economic Policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Current Anthropology 19, no. 2:247—75. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Mojab, Shahzad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Mojtahed, Ahmad, and Hadi S. Esfahani. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Development Statistics of the Punjab, 1978. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Fire in Afghanistan, 1914—1929: Faith, Hope, and the Strategic Issues in Pakistan’s Economic Policy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Perhaps lam somewhat to blame for this by my policy of avoiding wide- spread publicity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But our is the fanatical Islamic fundamentalists best is not rage and retribution. Time October 10, 2001
countries missing or dead the parent company of people killed in the world’s 10 worst terrorist attacks before Sept. 11 7 ,000 FBI agents and support personnel involved in the investigation into the terrorist attacks—the largest FBI investigation ever 5 ,131 Air Force National Guard members and reservists called to active duty $4 billion Estimated benefits the life-insurance industry expects to pay out because of the attacks $ 151,635 Federal money given to each family of a police officer, a fire fighter or an EMT who died in the Trade Center collapse $15,000 Value of the life-insurance policy of a kitchen worker at Windows on the World 44 Age of suspected terrorist ringleader Osama bin Laden FOR THE RECORD United Airlines , Total number of % Rise in value of shares of handgun maker Sturm, Ruger & Co. Time October 10, 2001
Bush demanded that the Taliban hand over all terrorist leaders to U.S. authorities. Time October 10, 2001
British intelli- gence too is convinced that al-Qaeda is responsible: “The evidence is pretty good, better than circumstantial,” says a British source. Time October 10, 2001
The leading advocate within the Administration for a policy of “regime change” in Baghdad, Wolfowitz has been convinced of Iraq’s menace since long before the Gulf War. Time October 10, 2001
A top British diplo- mat acknowledged that London had heard the case to widen the war but said, “What we see in terms of policy is very measured. Time October 10, 2001
The weeks ahead will reveal whether he may have left it too late. Time October 10, 2001
Even the American Council on Education, a lobbying group that represents most of the nation’s colleges, recognizes that student visa policy will have to change. Time October 10, 2001
In- stead, says Michael Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota, we should strengthen the country’s public health system. Time October 10, 2001
At times like these it makes sense to reassess your portfolio. Time October 10, 2001
Portions of this book originally appeared in Archaeology Magazine, The World Policy Journal, and The Quarterly Journal of Military History (MHQ) in slightly different form. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
We have applied the same agnos- tic principle to the insoluble matter of spelling proper and place names. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As Governor- General, he had to walk a narrow line on administrative and do- mestic matters, but foreign policy was something else. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In August 1840, a fresh drama developed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
If we have no higher motives, the common dic- tates of policy should make us refrain from such outrages.. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The smallest English official treats their prejudices with contempt, and thinks he has the right to visit them just as he would call on a gamekeeper in his cottage.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Minister of War de- fended the unauthorized action as necessary to “unify” the frontier and frustrate the British, arguments that were finally accepted by a reluctant Prince Gorchakov, the Foreign Minister. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As described by Eugene Schuyler, a young American diplomat posted to St. Petersburg in the 1870’s, there was no Russian Cabinet, properly speaking, and no united policy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To attempt domination of such a people, Lawrence felt, was to court misfortune and calamity: “The Affghan will bear poverty, insecurity of life; but he will not tolerate foreign rule.The Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the 1870’s, Bulgarian discontent swelled into rebellion. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In an influential 1874 memorandum, Frere faulted British policy as stationary, de- fensive, negative. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“This peculiarity in our policy will at once ex- plain to anyone who knows Orientals, or, in fact, to anyone who knows mankind in general, [the policy’s] inherent weakness. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nor was his foreign policy unaccommodating. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was, concludes Fraser-Tytler, “the high- water mark of the British forward policy, the process of imperial ex- pansion carried to its logical conclusion.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
injurious effect Lytton’s policy, ostentatiously, indiscreetly, but evidently officially announced in the Cal- cutta correspondence of The Times of yesterday may pro- duce, I cannot presume to say. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Edith Colley described the mood to her absent husband, Colonel George Colley, Lytton’s private secretary: “This is a terrible day; it all seems one terrible time since yesterday afternoon when Lady L. told me the dreadful rumours that the Residency at Kabul had been attacked. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The wiser course was to engage Russia in a definite treaty, a policy he outlined in a prescient Minute in 1881, an approach that ultimately prevailed in 1907. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He is a member both of the Im- perial Russian Geographical Society and the Russian Committee for the Study of Central and Eastern Asia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The bonds that unite our part of Europe with Iran and Turan, and through them with India and the Celestial Empire, are so ancient and lasting that, as yet, we ourselves, as a nation and a state, do not fully comprehend their full meaning and the duties they entail on us, both in our home and foreign policy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He had spent most of 1886 studying “the Lamaist question,” reporting on conflicts be- tween the proselytizing Orthodox missionaries and the Buriats.Trav- Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The War Minis- ter, General Kuropatkin, noted with alarm in his diary entry for Sep- tember 22, 1899: “The Emperor is restless on foreign policy matters. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The association connected with the name of Cavagnari,” Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, speaking for the Lib- erals, warned Parliament in May 1904, “does not seem to invite us to undertake a similar policy today.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Al- though this involved a horseback journey of more than 300 miles to Srinagar, and a winter crossing of the Zoji-la pass on foot, Hedin ac- cepted.With Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“Here, before the ink on the Chinese settle- ment [the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1906] is dry,” Morley ad- monished his Viceroy, “before we have even seen the text of it, here is a policy from Simla, of expeditions, explorations, and all the other provocative things. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The old party of Germany still holds to its policy of aggres- sion and their ambition is obvious. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Tuesday, October 26, a month before his eighty-first birthday, Stein died at the U.S. Legation. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A canal in Panama would soon give Atlantic shipping easy access to a vaster ocean that would be to the modern age what the Mediterranean was to the ancient world. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This was the famous Open Door policy, the friend of every editorialist, that Hay inserted into diplomatic parlance by bluff and legerdemain. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
What Hay had implied by the first Open Door circular he now made explicit in the second, and this became bedrock American policy for a half century. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
After all, as Charles Bell said, the “chief advantage of our present Tibetan policy is that it keeps Rus- sia out.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
With his policy of complete noninterference, enshrined in the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement, he deprived himself of the most potent means of en- hancing Tibetan autonomy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The overriding aim of British Ti- betan policy was to keep rival powers from Lhasa, and away from India’s North-East Frontier. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Bailey relates that Tsarong Shape once asked what might happen if the Dalai Lama died and fighting broke out between monks and the new Tibetan Army. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Twice wounded as an Army captain in World War I, and a founder of the American Legion, he nevertheless broke ranks as a Republican state legislator to oppose expulsion of Socialist assemblymen during the postwar Red Scare, Ted disapproved of FDR’s New Deal, but not his interventionist foreign policy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He reported that invi- tation after invitation arrived from members of the Government. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Schafer also returned with maps and charts of military value in the event Tibet became a base for guerrilla operations against British India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He had hoped to strike a deal with Britain before his attack on Russia, and was angered by Churchill’s persistent rebuffs. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
(“There was no role for Tibet in the Kissinger equation,” Knaus adds in a caustic aside.) Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“He dismissed all counter arguments with biting mock- ery,” the German remembered. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Caroe first expressed the “correct” Foreign Office policy, looking toward a united India. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Under Jawaharlal Nehru, a lifelong opponent of British rule, India adopted a “forward policy” as robust as any advocated by his imperial prede- cessors. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
China began challenging Nehru’s “forward policy” as soon as India established advanced checkpoints. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In October 1962, Mao’s troops destroyed India’s “forward policy” outposts on the Aksai Chin and overwhelmed the Indian brigade deployed across the McMahon Line. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Palmerston fretted over the islands, as did Gladstone and Disraeli, but nobody dared risk the political oppro- brium of giving the islands back to Greece until 1864, after the Greeks chose as their king a Danish brother-in-law of the Prince of Wales. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even so, as late as 1900, the legendary Admiral Sir John (“Jackie”) Arbuthnot Fisher lamented the loss of Corfu, “a splendid The Owl of Minerva :. 563 564 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS place for the fleet,” warning that England’s epitaph would be, “What was won by the sword was given up by the pen.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Because the Kremlin decreed that socialist gains were irreversible, and evidenced the “will” (a favorite word among realists) to enforce that belief, the Soviet Union was bound to prevail over the liberal West’s “inaptitude for power.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
We owe thanks to Peter Hopkirk, the ground-breaker in Great Game studies, for advice (and pointing us to the SOAS library); to Helen Wang of the British Museum and her husband Professor Tao Wang of SOAS, for patient counsel on Asia and its Silk Roads; to Geoff Jones, a New York lawyer who knows the whereabouts of all former OSS officers; to two retired CIA officers with great Asian ex- pertise, John Wailer and John Kenneth Knaus; to the late Harry Hodson of London; to Selig Harrison of Washington, D.C., among the best-informed of Asian hands; to Thomas Dolan IV of Philadel- phia for helpful background; to Arnold Dadian, for his recollections of Operation DIXIE; to Carol McGovern Cerf, who allowed us to see the snufibox that the Thirteenth Dalai Lama gave to her father; to Elizabeth Errington of the British Museum, for advice on Mas- son’s coins; to Donald Lopez, who obtained for us the hard-to-get “Mythos Tibet” conference records; to Robert Cowley, founding editor of Military History Quarterly, for advice on editing chapters on the First Afghan War; to Linda Wrigley, for her editorial labors on the Rockhill chapter for World Policy Journal; to Peter Young, editor of Archaeology, for shepherding Aurel Stein into print; to Beth Jackson, for smoothing the wrinkles in German translations, likewise to the late Ann Dunnigan for help with the Russian; to Braham Norwick, for sharing his erudition on Tibet; to Roderick Van Engert, for re- calling his boyhood memories of Kabul in 1943; to Hugh Richard- son, for clarifying important points on the SS expedition; to Previn Patel of Monroe, Connecticut, for Indic illumination; to Madison, Wisconsin’s independent scholar Milan Hauner for his monographs on Axis strategy in Asia; to Barbara and Michael Foster of NewYork, for sharing Tibetan lore; to Thomas L. Hughes ofWashington, D.C., for lending the unpublished translation ofWerner Otto von Hentig’s memoirs; to Gabriel Gorodtetsky of Tel Aviv University; for letting Acknowledgments :. 577 578 Acknowledgments us see his unpublished manuscript of “Grand Delusion”; to Mia Wailer, for archival assistance in Washington, D.C.; to Howard and Sally Wriggins, for Asian knowledge; to Carolle J. Carter, for locating veterans of DIXIE. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“the most splendid fete I had ever beheld”: Kaye, Lives, II, 10, still the primary source on Burnes, to which the modern supplement is Lunt’s biography, cited above. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Russian Imperialism: From Ivan the Great to the Revolution (New Brunswick, 1974), with a preface by Hans Kohn, is a useful introduction to Hugh Seton-Watson, The Russian Empire, 1801—1917 (Oxford, 1967); W. Bruce Lincoln, The Conquest of a Continent: Siberia and the Russians (New York, 1994); Gerald Morgan, Anglo-Russian Ri- valry in Central Asia (London, 1981); Seymour Becker, Russia’s Protectorates in Central Asia, 1865—1924 (Cambridge, MA, 1968); Edward Allworth, ed., Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For works with a strong British bias, see Alexis Krausse, Russia in Asia: A Record and a Study, 1558—1899 (London, 1899); Charles Marvin, The Russian Advance To- wards India (London, 1882); and George N. Curzon, Russia in Central Asia (London, 1889). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Russia’s California adventure, see Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundation of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1956); Thomas A. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People (New York, 1950); and Hector Chevigny, Russian America (Portland, 1965). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His work in turn fits into the background drawn by Dietrich Geyer, Russian Impe- rialism: The Interaction of Domestic and Foreign Policy, 1860—1914 (New Haven, 1987), and in the underappreciated What Is Asia to Us? (Boston, 1990) by Milan Hauner. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Also Premen Addy, Tibet on the Imperial Chessboard: the Mak- ing of British Policy towards Lhasa, 1899—1925 (Calcutta, 1984). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“about your wish to establish regular connections”:Archives of For- eign Policy of Russia, Chin. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“scientific archaeology”: Statement from the National Commission for the Preservation ofAntiquities, Pejing, China regarding Sir Aurel Stein’s Archaeological Expedition in Chinese Turkestan (Fogg). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“immediately stopped and asked me who and what I was”: Mc- Govern, op. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For the first assessment of his influence, see Selig Harrison, “India and Pakistan: Case History of a Mistake,” New Republic, August 10, 24, September 7, 1959; and The Widening Gu~fi Asian Nationalism and Ameri- can Policy (NewYork, 1965). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
For the current views of Neville Maxwell, whose India’s China War (NewYork, 1970) reopened the debate on the “line,” see “China’s ‘Aggression in 1962’ and the ‘Hindu Bomb:” World Policy Journal (Fall 1999). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
williamj@tenbase2.com