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About Behaviorism
Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Freud and Psychoanalysis
Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just and Unjust Wars
Newsweek October 1, 2001
Newsweek September 24, 2001
The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Time October 10, 2001
Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
by Karl E. Meyer and Sharon Blair Brysac, published by Counterpoint.

It might be said that nonviolence abolishes aggressive war
simply by virtue of th~ refusal to engage the aggressor militarily.
	Just and Unjust Wars

Fire and falling Slevin. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The list of candidates and winners points to the persisting qualities of the Pakistani state as a magnet determining both the shape and the scope of the political field. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Beck, Lois, and Nikki R. Keddie. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Weapons makers weren’t the only winners on Wall Street last week. Time October 10, 2001
In real life, however, the Game yielded few winners. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
This current of ideas flowed together from many obscure sources, gaining rapidly in strength in the nineteenth century and winning many adherents, amongst whom Freud is not an isolated figure. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These ranged from Hekmatyar’s ultra-Islamist organization to moderate parties that favored the return of the Afghan monarchy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
stan’s Islamist parties and its powerful spy agency, Inter-Services Intel- ligence (ISI), were instrumental in the Taliban’s rise to power.8 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just and unjust wars. Just and Unjust Wars
The tensions are summed up in the dilemma of winning and fighting well. Just and Unjust Wars
The second, third, and fourth revisions of the paradigm have this form: states can be invaded and wars justly begun to assist secessionist movements (once they have demonstrated their repre- sentative character), to balance the prior interventions of other powers, and to rescue peoples threatened with massacre. Just and Unjust Wars
But if it is sometimes urgent to win, it is not always clear what winning is. Just and Unjust Wars
For all his idealism, Wilson fought a limited war; his ideals set the limits. Just and Unjust Wars
But suppose the German people had risen against Nazism, as they rose against the Kaiser in 1918, and themselves created a new regime. Just and Unjust Wars
Stability among states, as among aristocratic factions and fami- lies, rests upon certain patterns of accommodation and restraint, which statesmen and soldiers would do well not to disrupt. Just and Unjust Wars
If it is, we would have done well to settle for something less. Just and Unjust Wars
It holds his estimate and dignity As well wherein ‘tis precious of itself As in the prizer. Just and Unjust Wars
In a just war, its goals properly limited, there is indeed nothing like winning. Just and Unjust Wars
In the heated debates over Americá’s Korean war, those political and military figures favoring the expansion of the conflict frequently cited the maxim: in war there is no substitute for victory. Just and Unjust Wars
Any act of force that contributes in a significant way to winning the war is likely to be called permissible; any officer who asserts the “conduciveness” of the attack he is planning is likely to have his way. Just and Unjust Wars
That means that they can do what they must to win; they can do their utmost, so long as what they do is actually related to winning. Just and Unjust Wars
He keeps his soldiers in check, keyed for battle, so that they don’t run amuck among civilians; he sends them to fight only after having thought through a battle plan, and his plan is aimed at winning as quickly and as cheaply as pos- sible. Just and Unjust Wars
The alternative strategies I have briefly outlined were conceivably a way of winning (as the British won in Malaya) until” the guerrillas consolidated their political base in the villages. Just and Unjust Wars
Winning and Fighting Well 225 This is the code of a feudal warrior, an obscure warrior in this case until Mao Tse-tung drew his story out of the chronicles in order to make a modern point. Just and Unjust Wars
It is an argument common among prac- tical men, like Hsiang’s minister, to whom winning is always mere important than aristocratic honor. Just and Unjust Wars
But it enters significantly into the theory of war only when winning is seen to be morally im- portant, that is, only when the outcome of the struggle is conceived in terms of justice. Just and Unjust Wars
They set up the tension between winning and fighting well in similar fashion, and for Mo Tzú and Chairman Mao they point to the same resolution: the feudal rules for fighting well are simply cast aside. Just and Unjust Wars
Mo Tzu believed in the doctrine of Righteous War. Just and Unjust Wars
On this view, the rules have no standing in any war that is worth fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
And ÿet the case for breaking the rules and violating those rights is made sufficiently often, and by soldiers and statesmen who can- not always be called wicked, so that we have to assume that it isn’t pointless. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not so much a resolution of the tension between winning and fighting well as a denial of its moral significance. Just and Unjust Wars
The only alternative to the sliding scale, it is often said, is a position of moral absolutism. Just and Unjust Wars
We can see clearly in the chancellor’s speech the two levels at which the concept works. Just and Unjust Wars
The second level of the argument is moral: not only is the at- tack necessary to win, but winning itself is necessary, since Ger- many is fighting for its “highest possession.” Just and Unjust Wars
pie and coerce them,” they were not thinking of avoiding defeal but (like the Germans in 1914) of winning a quick victory. Just and Unjust Wars
I want to stress again, however, that the mere recognition of 254 DILEMMAS OF WAR Supreme Emergency such a threat is not itself coercive; it neither compels nor permits attacks on the innocent, so long as other means of fighting and winning are available. Just and Unjust Wars
They are relevant only to the conflict between winning and fighting well, not to the internal problems of combat itself. Just and Unjust Wars
By holding out the promise of a limited nuclear war, they made it possible to imagine actually fighting such a war —they made it possible to imagine winning it—and so they strengthened the intention that lay behind the deterrent threat. Just and Unjust Wars
342 7 War’s Ends, and the Importance of Winning - Notes Notes i6. Just and Unjust Wars
For accounts and evaluations of the raid, see Richard Falk, “The Beirut Raid See the general condemnation voted by the Security Council on April 9, The Chinese Classics, trans. Just and Unjust Wars
He treated Sen. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Resistance to the PDPA’s radical re- forms came from nearly every segment of the Afghan society, including the vast majority of peasants in whose name the government’s rural program had been introduced. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Middle-level in- dustrialists, commercial farmers, and bazaaris were engaged in a life- or-death struggle for economic survival. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A number of concessions were made to appease the religious parties, thus giving more significance to STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 167 168 AYESHA JALAL the Islamic umbrella than the discordant and materially based interests accommodated under it warranted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With a tenuous majority and facing a severe resource crunch, she was acutely vulnerable to the blackmailing tactics of her own support- ers in parliament, many of whom sought to extort government monies on threat of defection. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The rural counterinsurgency strategy concentrated on winning traditional no- tables, usually landlords, to the side of the government, a strategy in direct contradiction to the government’s redistributive program. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The free distribution of flour, wheat and edible oil to state workers and employees, disabled veterans of revolution and work as well as the families of martyrs against coupons has been generalized. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When the gov- ernment attacked Islam and visibly allied itself with the Soviet Union, it lost any possibility of winning the confidence of the people (Shahrani 1984). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the six crises identified, only one—the growing income disparity between East and West Pakistan—was resolved by East Pakistan’s winning independence and becoming Bangladesh. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“A St range book, but full of hidden meaning,” I try to explain; “the eternal feminine, the immortality of our emotions—” Here she inter• rupts me: “I know that book already. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Bergson believes that everything gives a comic impression which manifests itself in the shape of a machine-like inanimate movement in the human being. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He succeeded in winning over a number of Swiss pedagogues as sympathizers in this work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At Niti, he and Hearsey were the first Britons to encounter a remarkable people with a special history; the Rawats of the Johar Valley; by befriending them and winning their services as guides to Tibet, they initiated a partnership that literally remade the maps of Asia. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The political system of Russia could not stand twenty years’ free communication with the West of Europe.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Along with his older brother Henry, his colleague on the Punjab Board of Ad- ministration, Lawrence inspired affection, fear, and respect, winning assent (writes Mason) through “a kind manner, a fundamental good- will and a controlled ferocity.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Hume even- tually broke with Blavatsky, and took up the national cause. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
At Oxford too he seemed to waltz to the sunimit, becoming president of the debating society, the Ox- ford Union; dominating the Conservative society, the Canning Club; turning out prize-winning essays on recondite themes. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He compensated by winning the most coveted Oxford fellowship, to All Souls. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a familiar rite of passage, young Francis returned to England for schooling at Clifton and Sandhurst, winning a Guards commission. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Situated thirty miles north of Boston, Groton was meant to reproduce the Tom Brown tone of British public schools, with its mix of robust piety, fiercely I am inclined to think that it would be better not to send a message to the Dalai Lama for the following reasons: The The Cousins Discover Tibet .~ Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But for Mao himself the “Eight Points” apparently reflect only the utilitarian requirements of guerrilla war, and they cannot stand against the higher utility of winning—which he is likely to describe in extravagant terms, a combination of Wilsonian ideal- ism and Marxist apocalypse: “The aim of war is to eliminate war Mankind’s era of wars will be brought to an end by our own 226 DILEMMAS 0F WAR Winning and Fighting Well efforts, and beyond doubt the war we wage is part of the final battle.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
Do you know when there is a soccer game and your team wins, it was the same expression of joy. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
And why not? The public is not much more advanced either and continues to expect miraculous cures from the doctor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The Islamist Islah~party, which wins around 20 percent of the seats in parliament, includes elements of ‘Ihe Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, which a decade ago would not have participated in elec- tions.’6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Troilus quickly switches the argument from Helen herself to the honor of the Trojan warriors, and so wins the debate, for the value of honor seems indeed to dwell in particular wills. Just and Unjust Wars
For if we are (at least formally) indifferent as to which side wins, we must assume that these activities will in fact be resumed and with the same or similar actors. Just and Unjust Wars
Few of them be- longed to big landowning families, which either did not care to send their sons to school or, if they did, provided them with a foreign-based education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ulama are not expansionist in terms of territory Even if they give up the khan’s perception of prestige, they still identify success as a patron-client relation turned into a teacher- disciple relation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
We have applied the same agnos- tic principle to the insoluble matter of spelling proper and place names. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The so-called proprioceptive system carries stimulation from the muscles, joints, and tendons of the skeletal frame and from other organs in- volved in the maintenance of posture and the execution of movement. About Behaviorism
Even those who insist upon the reality of mental life will usually agree that little or no progress has been made since Plato’s day. About Behaviorism
Was it delayed because it opposed revealed truth, because it was an entirely new subject in the history of science, because it was charac- teristic only of living things, or because it dealt with purpose and final causes without postulating an act of creation? I think not. About Behaviorism
It is then easy to believe that the will is free and that the person is free to choose. About Behaviorism
Not only is verbal behavior said to show the operation of innate rules of grammar, but “innate ideas such as size, shape, motion, position, number, and duration” are said to “give form and meaning to the confused fragmentary data that we experience every day in our lives.” About Behaviorism
They have pre- vailed long enough and behavior with respect to them has been crucial enough to make the evolution of ap- propriate behavior possible, but contingencies of rein- forcement are at work every day in the life of the indi- vidual to generate supplementary behavior under the control of the same features. About Behaviorism
Nevertheless, finding, offering, or inventing reasons loosely defines a field which may be profitably analyzed. About Behaviorism
Bruckner reported the occasion of a creative musical act in the following way: “One day I came home and felt very sad. About Behaviorism
“Liberality among the rich,” said Nietzsche, “is often only a kind of timidity.” About Behaviorism
Other pre-I cursors of behavior seemed located in the heart, which beat fast in emotion and also stopped beating when a person died. About Behaviorism
UBL: The day of the events? Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
We had notification since the previous Thursday that the event would take place that day. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
We had finished our work that day and had the radio on. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
We didn't...we were not thinking about anything, and all of a sudden, Allah willing, we were talking about how come we didn't have anything, and all of a sudden the news came and everyone was overjoyed and everyone until the next day, in the morning, was talking about what was happening and we stayed until four o'clock, listening to the news every time a little bit different, everyone was very joyous and saying “Allah is great,” “Allah is great,” “We are thankful to Allah,” “Praise Allah.” And I was happy for the happiness of my brothers. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
That day the congratulations were coming on the phone non-stop. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
And the day will come when the symbols of Islam will rise up and it will be similar to the early days of Al-Mujahedeen and Al-Ansar (similar to the early years of Islam). Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Anyone familiar with Jung’s work will be aware that references to Freud’s observations and theories oc- cur frequently throughout his writings; indeed, the discussion of them has engaged his interest from the beginning of the cen- tury to the present day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here, where the trauma and the highly affective prospect of money coincide, an emotional situation arises which makes the outbreak of a specific form of hysteria appear at least very plausible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Her doubt about Faust’s faithfulness is repressed and kept down. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The censor is nothing but the resistance which also prevents us, in the day- time, from following a line of reasoning right to the end. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On investigation, it was found that Marie had one day related a dream to three girl-friends which ran somewhat as follows: the boys because there was no more room.—Then Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our case certainly makes it appear worth while to fathom the psychology of rumour from the psychoanalytic side. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Their birthdays fell on the same day.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
8 In order to give the reader some idea of the experience the psychoanalyst pos- sesses of dream analysis I would mention that, on average, I analyse eight dreams per working day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He succeeded in curing the patient of her dis- sociation for eighteen months, but now things seem to be going badly again, for she remained anxiously dependent on the analyst, and he found this so tiresome that he twice wanted to send her to a colleague. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It says very plainly: “If I were this poor Jewess, whom I saw on the previous day, I would not resist temptation (just as mother and father don’t—a typical infantile comparison!), Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have engagements all the day and into the evening. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In such cases we must always try to find where a new element has been added to the situation of the previous day; at this point we may penetrate into the real mean- ing of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This fulfils a wish which is far too shocking to be recog- nized in the decent light of day, although it is a very natural and simple thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If criticism confines it- self to the method, it may easily come one day to deny the existence of facts merely because the method of finding them betrays certain theoretical defects—a standpoint that would car- ry us happily back to the depths of the Middle Ages. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All we know is that it is simply the quickest way to find facts which are of importance for our psychology, but which, as the history of psychoanalysis shows, can also be discovered in other more tedious and com- plicated ways. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I can only express my sincere distress that, through a misunderstanding which confuses day with night, many people are preventing themselves from employing the extraordinary insights afforded by psychoanalysis for the benefit of their own ethical development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am not thinking so much of the fact that this whole field of research raises—I am fully convinced—some of the most difficult problems facing present-day science. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After that he experienced a dislike of all women, and one day he dis- covered that he had become homosexual again, for young men once more had a peculiarly irritating effect upon him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The real reason is the infantile state of the man’s character.)) Freud and Psychoanalysis
We ask ourselves: Where have I seen or heard that? And then, by the ordinary process of association, comes the memory that certain parts of the dream have been con- sciously experienced, some the day before, some earlier. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To excuse herself in her own eyes she tried all the more energetically to get herself engaged to Mr. B, telling herself every day that it was Mr. B whom she really loved. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The quarrel had made the girl pro- foundly doubtful whether she really loved him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient, assisted by the analyst, immerses himself in his fantasies, not in order to lose himself in them, but to salvage them, piece by piece, and bring them into the light of day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
464 Not long afterwards, the child had a violent attack of cough- ing and missed school for one day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After that she went back to school for one day and felt perfectly well. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the third day a renewed attack of coughing came on, with pains on the left side, fever and vomiting. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the next day everything had disappeared again. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even the most care- ful protection cannot prevent them from one day discovering the great secret, and then probably in the dirtiest way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Her actual words were: “I think of water—my uncle was drowned in the water—it must be awful to be stuck in the water like that, in the dark—but wouldn’t the baby drown in the water, too? Does it drink the water that is in the stomach? Queer, when I was ill Mama sent my water to the doctor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The medical exorcist betrays by his whole demeanour his full appreciation of CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) From Dr. Jung 255 28 January 1913 that psychic component when he gives the patient the opportuni- ty of fixing his faith firmly on the mysterious personality of the doctor. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At once I thought of the old woman and her wisdom. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The old woman was right, I thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She passed into somnambulism and showed every form of hypnosis you could possibly desire. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Next day she brought me a dream in which she and I appeared in a manifestly lascivious situation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence it would be a kind of “mimicry,” by which the patient seeks to escape the analyst who is driving him into a corner and for the mo- ment seems to him an enemy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
668 So it comes about that there are many neurotics whose inner decency prevents them from being at one with present-day morality and who cannot adapt themselves so long as the moral code has gaps in it which it is the crying need of our age to fill. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~); “A Contribution to the Study of Psycho- logical Types” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It cannot be disputed that, psychologically speaking, we are living and working day by day according to the principle of directed aim or purpose as well as that of causality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
711 One day his brother asked him to make over to him his in- heritance, 6,ooo francs. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She came to the clinic for the following reasons: for some weeks she had been ter- ribly wretched and anxious, slept badly, had terrifying dreams, and also suffered by day from anxiety and depression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Some day we shall be able to 2 [Freuds tragischer Komplex: Eine Analyse der Psychoanalyse (1929).—Enrroas.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
My consciousness is like an eye that penetrates to the most distant spaces, yet it is the psychic non.ego Freud and Psychoanalysis
“On Psychic Energy,” p.ars. 14ff. Freud and Psychoanalysis
98, 114, ii8; and latency period, 164f; and libido concept, iii; “Lucy R.” case, g~ misunderstandings of, 167; and number symbolism, 48; and paren- tal complex, i~~ and regression, 163, i68; on relationship to father, 303, 315; and repression, gif; and Schreber case, 1 ig; theory of hys- teria/neurosis, 3ff, ioff, 22, 9of, 243ff, 259; and transference, 283; and unconscious, 140, 141; see also sexuality; woRKs: “Analysis of a INDEX Phobia in a Five-year-old Boy,” 317n; “Bruchstück einer Hysterie. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Al-Fagth told me that he had performed surgery on the day he left Saudi Arabia for exile in England in 1994. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Peshawar had been critical to the “Great Game” played by Britain and Russia as they wrestled for control of Central Asia during the nineteenth century. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
16 I Prologue Bin Laden’s men left nothing to chance: we were not even to bring oui watches. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden angrily continued. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
details the lives of holy warriors mar- tyred in conflicts around the world, sells videotapes of those wars, carries interviews with jihadist leaders, and sells books by the leading ideologues of jihad.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bin Laden family is generally devout, so it must have been a source of pride to be asked in the late 1960s to help rebuild the aI-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem—the site to which the Prophet was 44 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the Vietnam war, by contrast, a re- porter could go to the front lines in a U.S. helicopter and be back at the hotel swimming pool later the same day, sipping a cold one. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Afghan Jihad: The Making of a HoLy Warrior / 57 I met Deraz in Cairo in December 2000 to talk about bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I met with the former prime minister at a well-kept suburban New Jersey home just across the George Washington Bridge from Manhat- tan, on a dank, freezing day in March 2000. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
76 “They began issuing statements amongst theraselves in the Sudan, calling the Americans infidels.. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I myself slept on the floor dur- ing my three-day visit.”9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We do not differentiate between those dressed in military uniforms and civilians: they are all targets,” he said, predicting a “black day for America.”2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
—Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent And ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
day, August 7, 1998, looked like any one of the thousands of arrivals from the Gulf who land there every day. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed Odeh had taken a flight out of Nairobi the day before, changing planes in Dubai and fly- ing on to Karachi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Ahmed’s warning was ignored, probably because of the sheer volume of credible threats against U.S. overseas installations that come in every day. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The journalists expected nothing more than a quiet day, during which the Duffer-in-Chief might hit the links and later hang out with some of his celebrity friends—his usual vacation routine. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Presi- dent Clinton’s advisers told him that they had cracked the case and that he had a few alternatives—to continue pursuing a legal case against the Saudi militant, to retaliate militarily, or to proceed down both tracks. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Afghan camps were indeed being used by al-Qaeda for train- ing, and had been for years.6’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moreover, Mohamed Odeh told an FBI agent that on August 6, 1998, a day before the bombings of the embassies in Africa, news came from Afghanistan that: “All [bin Laden’s] people have been evacuated [because] we’re expecting retali- ation from the U.S. Navy.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
An Afghan reporter working for a Western news agency arrived at the camp complex a day after the strikes and said it was a scene of utter destruction; all the buildings, including the camp mosque, had collapsed. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Nothing, no compromises.”6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The murder remains unsolved. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Not surprisingly, some in Brooklyn’s Muslim community and in Shalabi’s family believe he was murdered by a member of Sheikh Rahman’s circle. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One muggy fall day in 1999,1 walked over to Pakistan’s chancery on Washington’s Embassy Row to apply for a visa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(A harrowing two-day wait for a visa at the Indian con- sulate in Paris, along with about a hundred other people packed into a tiny, sweltering room, all too readily springs to mind.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Both countries had been founded on re- Your Man More Pleasure,” My television featured Asian MTV, which played a heavy rotation of a simpering Indian V.J. who read letters from her teen fans about how much they adored her, as well as cable channels showing films starring Pamela Anderson and her decolletage. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1997, in Punjab province alone, there were more than 200,000 students at the madrassas, which have supplied tens of thousands of recruits to the Taliban—men who are alat- ter day version of Christianity’s medieval monk-warriors, the Knights Templar.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Your publisher needs to send us a letter specifically requesting your visa to Afghanistan,” he ex- plained. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a country where millions were going cold and hungry, the faithful were fasting. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I arrived, he bustled about finding pillows to make me comfortable. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I asked what he planned to do for the holy day. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A day after the Cole attack, a bomb went off at the British embassy, knocking down an exterior wall and blowing out windows. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For example, you’ll often see a formal Western business jacket worn over a skirtlike undergarment held together by a belt with ajambiya— a massive curving dagger that must surely present its wearer with lo- gistical problems in sitting down. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Inside the car were three of the eight men, who tried to speed away but were quickly arrested.57 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Their arrests led the Yemeni government to a house in which they found a trove of items not normally associated with a quiet vacation: mines, rocket launchers, computers, encrypted communica- tion equipment, and a variety of audiocassettes and videos from Abu Hamza’s SoS organization.58 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We were supposed to drive about three hundred kilometers that day,” she told me. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I thought, ‘This is not going to be a normal day’ We didn’t understand what was happening. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Quin recalled, among them a Monty Python—esque discussion with one of the kidnappers about the The Holy Warriors of Yemen / 181 difference between “sauce” and “gravy.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The first attempt to sink an American warship came on January 3, 2000—the holiest day of Ramadan, “the night of power” when Muhammad received the first verses of the Koran.87 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The religious sig- nificance would hardly have escaped the bombers: dying on this day is said to be a sign of Allah’s grace. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moldering back issues of Commando magazine featuring Nazis shout- ing “Surrender or die, English pig dog” jostle with books on etiquette asking: “For day parties—bridge or whist for example—is it just one table of friends, or is it to be a grander affair with two or more tables?” The shock wave from the Cole explosion blew out the windows in Hakim’s solid stone Victorian building. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For its part, the Yemeni government Earlier, I described my visit to Hadramawt in some detail. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is unusual to find Palestinians and Yemenis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Since 1990, more than fifty thousand people have died in the conflict, which every day brings fresh news of a bombing attack by mil- itants or reprisals by Indian soldiers.69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A patrician Dutchman, he was there to advise the Taliban; he told reporters that they were handling the negotiations in a mature and sensible manner. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Every day columns pour in.. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The latter is now the father-in-law of bin Laden’s son, Mohammed, who himself might one day lead al-Qaeda. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Also at SAIS, Marty Tiliman put me in touch with my two very ca- pable research assistants, first Kyle Stelma, who provided invaluable help, and later Em Patrick, who brought a keen editorial eye and amazing research skills to the process, and then worked literally around the clock helping finish up the manuscript, while still working at her busy day job. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahimullah Yusufzai in The News on Friday, Islarnabad, Pakistan, March 5, 1995.17. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
p. 116. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Abdullah Azzam, Jihad, News and Views, no date; Mkhifa incorporation papers filed with New York State, September 1997; Leslie Cockburn and John Hock- enbeny, “Day One,” ABC News, July 12, 1993. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
82. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
December 31, 1998; Combined News Services, “Hostages Tell of Yemen Killings: Two Survivors Say Soldiers Fired First, Triggering Gun Battle,” News- day (Long Island), December 31, 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In those years of angry controversy, I promised myself that one day I would try to set out the moral argument about war in a quiet and reflective way. Just and Unjust Wars
Wilfred Owen, “Anthem for Doomed Youth,” line i, and “A Terre,” line 6, in The Collected Poems of Wilfred Owen, edited by C. Day Lewis. Just and Unjust Wars
But the following day the citizens “felt a kind of repentance . Just and Unjust Wars
They are simultaneously the historical product of and the neces- sary condition for the critical judgments that we make every day; they fix the nature of war as a moral (and an immoral) enterprise. Just and Unjust Wars
The military code is reconstructed under the conditions of modern warfare so that it comes to rest not on aristo- cratic freedom but on military servitude. Just and Unjust Wars
Auchinleck himself in his office. Just and Unjust Wars
What is involved at that point is something very different from Webster’s reflex; it is still possible to make choices, to begin the fighting or to arm oneself and wait. Just and Unjust Wars
We can study it in the three weeks that preceded the Six Day War of 1967. Just and Unjust Wars
Here is a case as crucial for an understanding of anticipation in the twentieth century as the War of the Spanish Succession was for the eighteenth, and one suggesting that the shift from 8i dynastic to national politics, the costs of which have so often been stressed, has also brought some moral gains. Just and Unjust Wars
The Israelis struck on the day after the Iraqi annoucement. Just and Unjust Wars
Day by day, diplomatic efforts seemed only to intensify Israel’s isolation. Just and Unjust Wars
In the case of the Six Day War, the “asymmetry in the structure of forces” set a time limit on diplomatic efforts that would have no relevance to conflicts involving other sorts of states and armies. Just and Unjust Wars
He even hoped that Britain would one day be powerful enough, and have the necessary “spirit and courage,” to insist “that not a gun [should] be fired in Europe by the soldiers of one Power against the revolted subjects of an- other,” and to put itself “at the head of an alliance of free peo- ples . Just and Unjust Wars
Interventions designed to rescue citizens threatened with death in a foreign country have conventionally been called humanitarian, and there is no reason to deny them that name when life and death are really at issue. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t know if it was made out of any deep concern for human life; perhaps Roberts was thinking only of his honor as a general (who does not send his men to be slaughtered), or perhaps he was worried about the capacity of the troops to renew the fighting on the following day. Just and Unjust Wars
In this case, conven- tional forces won the day. Just and Unjust Wars
First, their day-to-day existence is much more closely connected with the day-to-day existence of the people around them than is ever the case with conventional armies. Just and Unjust Wars
They planned to blow him up in his carriage, and on the appointed day one of their number was in place along the Grand Duke’s usual route. Just and Unjust Wars
the next day it might be every 3oth, and so on; but that this hardened the hearts of the people against the rebels because so many people died needlessly.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
General Sherman’s view is upheld, for example, by the Italian leftist Franco Solinas, who wrote the screenplay for Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers and defended the terrorism of the Algerian FLN: “For centuries they’ve tried to prove that war is fair play, like duels, but war isn’t and therefore any method used to fight it is good - . Just and Unjust Wars
On the day after the Allied landings, for example, fifteen partisans captured at Caen were immediately shot.3 Just and Unjust Wars
Their day-to-day activities were very much like those of their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor was it thought plausible at the time. Just and Unjust Wars
The next day, the Germans invaded Norway. Just and Unjust Wars
The problem is often misdescribed—as in the following analogy for nuclear deterrence first suggested by Paul Ramsey and fre- quently repeated since:5 Suppose that one Labor Day weekend no one was killed or maimed on the highways; and that the reason for the remarkable restraint placed on the recklessness of automobile drivers was that suddenly everyone of them discovered he was driving with a baby tied to his front bumper! Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is easy in a double sense: not only don’t we do anything to other people, we also don’t believe that we will ever have to do anything. Just and Unjust Wars
The day of the crucial decision was a day off from work; they spent it in their gardens. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is a hard charge to make, for citizenship plays such a small part in their everyday lives. Just and Unjust Wars
For the dissidents, it was a kind of moral torture—self-torture, as Gray describes it, though they also tortured one another, wastefully, in savage in- ternecine conflicts over what was to be done. Just and Unjust Wars
It is important to stress now that it is a large responsibility;’ for the general policy of the army, expressed through its officers, the cli- mate they create by their day-to-day actions, has far more to do with the incidence of “extra” killing than does the intensity of the actual fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
Here is an account of an Israeli unit entering Nablus during the Six Day War: “The battalion CO got on the field telephone to my company and ‘said, ‘Don’t ‘touch the civilians - - - don’t fire until you’re fired at and don’t touch the civilians. Just and Unjust Wars
The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk About the Six Day War, London, 1970, p. 132. Just and Unjust Wars
C. Day Lewis (New York, 1965), p. 44. Just and Unjust Wars
The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk About the Six Day War (London, 1970), Guy Chapman, A Passionate Prodigality (New York, içó6), pp. ~—ioo. Just and Unjust Wars
Sharp, p. 66; but he believes that the degree and extent of suffering will be “vastly smaller” than in regular warfare (p. Just and Unjust Wars
tion, 91—95 Bacon, Francis, 6n, 77—78 Balance of power, 76—80, 122 Balance of terror, 270, 274, 275 Baldwin, Stanley, 252 Bangladesh, 105—107 Barbarians, 89n Batchelder, Robert, 349 Beatty, Admiral David, 245 Beaufre, André, 277, 281 Beirut raid, z 18-220 i Belgium: 292 Bell, A.C.: quoted, 173 Belligerent rights, 91, 96, i8~n Benevolent quarantine, 46, 177, 185, 201 Bennett, John, 270 Bennett, Jonathan, 344k .~ Just and Unjust Wars
Smith, Marilyn Souders, Jane Spencer, Mark Starr, Susan Szeliga, Jennifer Tanaka, Ruth Tenenbaum, Juliette ThrzieffRich Thomas, Marites Vitug, Lynn Waddell, George Wehrfritz, Pat Wingert WEB EVENTS—SEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I stood looking out the window ofmy Brooklyn Day The World ‘ I apartment, dumbfounded, as the second plane barreled into the South Tower. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thanks for all ofyourhardworkandtime! Newsweek October 1, 2001
SEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It takes a lot to get us mad, but • once you do, we do not rest until we have extracted the last ounce of retribution. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He was asked to write an editorial for his high-school newspaper, and I want- ed to share a 16-year-old’s thoughts with you: “In 1941 the Washington Redskins played the Philadelphia Eagles in Wash- ington, D.C. The date was December 7th, the day of the surprise attack by the Japa- nese on Pearl Harbor. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The kind I make every day. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Former Soviet general Aleksandr Lebed, on his recollection offightinga war in Afghanistan “My second day as chairman, a plane I lease, flying with engines I built, crashed into a building that I insure, and itwas covered with a network I own." Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Pray for patience, pray it will not happen again,” he said. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Unblinkingly resolute before a Britain’s Tony Blair (who flew to Washing- cheering Congress, George Bush defiantly ton for briefings and to sit in the Gallery be- vowed in God’s name to lead an anxious na- side Laura Bush), it wasn’t clear which tion and the civilized world in a decisive countries campaign against the forces of terror. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Tom Ridge to head it. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Josh Bolten, a for- mer investment banker and White House aide known for his policy mastery and meticu- lous sense of organization, would chair the Domestic Con- sequences Group—a blandly worded euphemism for the eco- left the president with one enor- and indispensablejob: to explain the crafted, carefully worded speech. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thereafter, no day would be complete without one—and national-security adviser Condoleezza Rice would always be in them. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Administration sources portray a smooth- O N SEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The secretary of State was sitting down to breakfast in Lima with Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo when an aide handed him a note: the first tower had been struck. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Last Wednes- ed States hopes to sign bilateral accords on day alliance officials told reporters that in the previous 24 hours the United States had asked for information on “possible targets, including airports, weapons depots, mii- tary headquarters, training camps” and on “troop positions and movements.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
CUBA IRAQ NORTH KOREA . Newsweek October 1, 2001
None ofthe intercepted traffic men- murder. Newsweek October 1, 2001
O NE WORLD TRADE CENTER PLOTTER WHO DID when bin Laden became Public Enemy No. 1. Newsweek October 1, 2001
ting a rush at the hijackers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I thought I was going to touched directly by this event will develop lose my wife:’ he recalls. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But in Washing- ton, policymakers are working to devise ways to offset that weakening. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The 29th became the stock the way they do business,” says former Securities and Exchange market’s blackest day. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thousands ofpeople put goingto memorial services and staring at the skywhere friends’ of- in small “patriotic” buy orders when stocks first reopened for trad- fices used to be. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bob Barr of Georgia in alettertoAshcroft: it certain- ly wasn’t because civil liberties require letting people board 767s with knives and box cut- ters. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Inside S ‘ I WANTED TO GO TO THE STATUE OF F O Mike Kiefer was a suburban kid who dreamed offighting fires in the big city He is among the thousands missing in the towns where ground zero’s victims lived. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I was crying a little as I cut his hair and he was telling me what was going on. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thishashadacnp- . every day captures more data than is con- ____________________ For Amenca, mere are oniy two iunas or tained in the Library of Congress. Newsweek October 1, 2001
36 42 New York: Its Longest Day, Its Finest Hours byJ~yAdler . Newsweek September 24, 2001
To use your MasterCard or Visa, call 800- SAL-ARIvIY (800-725-2769). Newsweek September 24, 2001
FAREED ZAKARIA on America’s alliance strategy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Donate online at mercycorps.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
We will not’?’ArizonaSen. Newsweek September 24, 2001
John McCain “Osama bin Laden thanked almightyAllah and bowed before him when he heard this news?’PalestinianjournalistJamal Ismail, quotinga dose aide ofbinLaden~cwho calkdhimfrom a hideout inAfghanistan after the attacks. Newsweek September 24, 2001
She was cowering in the corner ofa nearby hotel when a man said, “Lady, take my hand,” andledher to a local hospital. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or atAntietam, the bloodiest one-day bat- lie ofthe Civil War. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or on D-Day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or at Pearl Harbor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bush’s first challenge: How to finding the enemy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Scott Johnson in Paris AFGHANISTAN The extremist Taiiban government protects bin Laden—and doesn’t seem interested in givIng him up any time soon. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Top Tenants There were 283 busl— nesses, 9 chapels, 2 restaurants, more than 300 computer mainframes, 15 trading floors, and cafés serving more than 30,000 coffees a day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As for their aid request, “I’m with ya,” the president said eagerly—and itwas approved and the Pentagon sliced apart, Americans he flew from Florida to Louisiana to Ne- roused the crowd of rescue workers in the Cathedral, “our George”: the designated stood immediately after Pearl Harbor, and by Congress the next day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
By all accounts, hewas calm and corn- But by day four, his feet were on the dead firemen as they shared their stories. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It’sgoingtobedecisive?’ day one, hounded by security threats and blossoming in the nick oftirne. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The president, relaxed and in con- wield a worldwide coalition in a war of trol, drew Sen. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And now it is the Bush family and its liegemen, wed- president night—the Bush, on Air Force One (top) after the attacks, talks with Cheney and others in the White House Operations Center last day of The World As We Knew It—Bush’s parents came to Washington, though their son had flown offto talk about education in Florida. Newsweek September 24, 2001
After 45 minutes formed officers he saw every day were dead, heroes all. Newsweek September 24, 2001
From the looks of day Rudy Giuliani finally them now, I’m sure glad I wasn’t there broke. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“It looked like some- thingoutofavideogame?’ J ust as baby boomers will never forget the day Presi- dent Kennedy was shot, this generation will always re- member Sept. 11, 2001. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In other class- rooms, students worried aboutparents who were flying that day or relatives in New York. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Sept. 11, 2001, was possibly the biggest news day since the advent of television. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And the very structure of tions, where skyscrapers hold thousands Thus a barely armed band of 19 can slam gon, lawyer Barbara Olson cell- our nation with the force ofmany armies. Newsweek September 24, 2001
. justice and harmony that comes to those who do the will of Sunni Muslims are rather like Protestants in God. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Theycould de- nounce America by day and consume its bounties by night. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Our military, for example, will nowproperly refocus itself around this new threat. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It was a little past 9 a.m. on Thesday; 15 minutes earlier, a 767 had flown into the north face of the neighboring 110-story tower and burst into flames, sending Miller and most of his colleagues straight for the exit signs. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Roberto Hernandez, a window washer, saw the first plane hit from his perch 10 blocks from the towers, but decided that no terrorist would cost him a morning’s pay. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No, but sheand the rest of the world would soon find out how many thousands of men and women did not go home to their loved ones last ihesday. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The only thing he could his son’s first day of kindergarten and he say about his future is that “I’m not going to had delayed leaving for the office to take work in a 100-story building ever again?’ Of him to school. Newsweek September 24, 2001
You could see them from midtown, sparkling in the dis-’ tance on a sunny day. Newsweek September 24, 2001
member a few oflast week’s dead and missing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But at a memorial service last year for most awful day in the New York City the victims ofTWA Flight 800, Father judge “Jack? Jack, pickup the phone. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Every day he awakened his daughter, Jennifer (“He was my alarm clock,” says the 17-year-old), then brought his wife, Jean, a cup ofcoffee so the two could do the crossword puzzle to- gether. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Jean read him the questions and he fed her the answers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Itwasthepeoplejump- ing out of the building holding hands,” a woman whispered at day- break, walking her dog. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It becomes possible to . shoot him through the window ofhis own look at the force of evil and the power of good By Anna Quindlen home while his children are nearby. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Inasmuch as secondary education was divided into day schools catering to local residents and boarding schools that educated out-of-towners, the factional split was main- tained and intensified by concentrating the Parcham and Khalq student constituencies in separate institutions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Originally planned as a party congress, the gathering had to be redesignated a conference because of the dan- gers of Khalqi takeover. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As early as March 1989 (Times [London] 8 Mar. 1990, 9), again in July (AFP [Islamabad], 1 Aug. 1989), yet again in December, and finally on 6 March 1990, Defense Minister Shahnawaz Tanai, who had inherited Gulabzoy’s mantle as undeclared Khalqi chief, undertook anti-Najibullah coup attempts (Staar 1991, 471). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is New Year’s Day, the first day of spring [the national Iranian reli- gious feast and ritual]. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Swing wide the tavern door before me, day and night, For I’ve grown weary of both mosque and madrasa. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini could never forget the devastating blow dealt to the ulama during the reign of Reza Shah (Khomeini 1944, 271—74, 302—3). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He also recollected with pain the mounting hostilities of the regime to- ward the ulama and the students of theology, the repressive measures of the police state against their uniform, and the forced unveiling of women (Khomeini 1981, 333—34; Khomeini 1983, 1:269; 5:153—54). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini began his leadership career in Teheran with no experi- ence in running the day-to-day affairs of a gigantic modern state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The sweeping changes that have rolled the socialist world and the new relations that have developed between the West and the former Eastern bloc have drastically altered the old geopolitical role of Iran as a buffer state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An investigation of the ways in which Zia selec- tively and systematically went about stifling incipient populist urges and co-opting those frightened or alienated by Bhutto’s reforms ex- poses the qualitative changes his eleven years in office wrought on relations between the state and society in Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Owner- operators and sharecroppers alike may employ hired labor by the day during peak seasons. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They ranged from a day’s salary donated by a government employee to multimillion-rial gifts of wealthy guild members. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If in terms of most measures of economic change Pakistan’s economy has performed well in the forty-year period since indepen- dence in 1947,2 and if much of this achievement cannot be attributed to medium- or long-term planning but was instead the outcome of clever and resourceful day-to-day management, then it is useful to look at the credentials of the people or the groups of peole who were these manag- ers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With the signing of a six- year U.S. program of economic aid in 1981, Pakistan became the third largest recipient of American bilateral assistance after Israel and Egypt. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the party’s leaders had, at best, weak support in the religions that now constituted Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan’s smallei provinces—in particular Baluchistan and the North-West Frontier—tc this day believe that they have been discriminated against by the cen- tral authority. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
mil- lion acres of land were handed over to the government, of which 900,000 acres were distributed among 13,000 persons. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the results were modest. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 25 August 1959, the second day of the observance of the inde- pendence celebration (Jeshn), Prime Minister Daoud, encouraged by the queen, succeeded in imposing the “voluntary” removal of the veil and the abolition of the burqa for those attending official ceremonies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the center of Kabul, unveiled women—though with headscarves—dem- onstrated with red banners, especially on 8 March, International Women’s Day. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1971, De Mirmuno Tolanei declared a Mother’s Day and, beginning in 1975, offered an award to the “mother of the year.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The sentences, levied by a Teheran court, were prompted by a letter addressed by Ayatollah Khomeini to the director of Iranian Radio and Television, Mohammad Hashemi, following the broadcast of a radio program on 28 January 1989 (coinciding with Fatimah’s birthday, the official Woman’s Day in Iran).1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Fatimah: The Ideal Muslim Woman Closely related to the veiling campaign has been the choice of Fatimah’s birthday as Woman’s Day and the ongoing ideological cam- paign to establish Fatimah as “the ideal role model” for all Muslim women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Fatimah is Shortly after the overthrow of the old regime, various women’s groups and political organizations initiated a series of activities to com- memorate International Woman’s Day on 8 March 1979. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The slogans of International Woman’s Day were carefully se- lected to emphasize its belonging to the culture of the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One of them insisted that “Woman’s Day is neither Western nor Eastern; it is universal.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This kind of universalism—which in fact meant that Woman’s Day was both Western and Eastern—was not what one of the main mottos of the Islamic revolution—neither Western nor Eastern, May 1979, speaking on the occasion of Fatimah’s birthday—which hap- pened to be Khomeini’s birthday as well—Khomeini repeatedly re- ferred to the day as Woman’s Day. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A year later the Islamic Republican Party (IRP) officially adopted it as Woman’s Day, organizing rallies and demonstrations in several cities, and the day has been commemorated every year since. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The timing and the choice of the day are significant. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Married women are prohibited from attending day schools. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These courses are limited to the following subjects in girls’ high schools: first year, knitting and needlework; second year, sewing; third year, hygiene, safety, and first aid; and fourth year, nutrition and child care (Zan-e Ruz, 17 Dec. 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If women abide by Islamic norms, they can par- ticipate in social activities,.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The overall employment pattern of women since the 1979 revolu- tion is not encouraging. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Western patterns must be eradicated in the Islamic Republic.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
three-day seminar held in Karaj, 4—7 January 1986, on Hejab va barresi-ye hoquq-e zan dar eslam (Hejab and women’s rights in Islam). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nurse’s Day, presumably as a symbolic recognition of her nursing activities during the battle of Karbala, as well as the contemporary role of many women nurses and doctors in the war with Iraq. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Studies are needed to determine who these women are, how long they work per day or per week, what tasks they perform, how the income generated is disposed, who disposes of it, and so on. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The stark reality depicted is often more than most people would like to read: the shat- tered dreams of an industrial worker; the twenty-hour day of a domes- tic worker who returns home to six children, a tired husband, and a kutchi abadi (ramshackle shack) at night; and the plight of the vegetable seller in her fifties who supports her invalid husband. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
To identify what services women can render in eradicating igno- rance, social evils, poverty, and disease in the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One of Benazir Bhutto’s first acts as prime minister was to free all female prisoners from Pakistan’s jails. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
New York: Stein and Day Publishers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Ayub Khan; Bhutto, Zulfikar All; Pakistan; West Pakistan East Wing, 2~2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Russia; USSR Sri Lanka, 274—75 State: in Afghanistan, Amanullah and, 202—3, Communist dominance of, 6,43,45,48,54, 207—11,344, distribution and, 189, 211,218,221, Daoud and, 339, failure of reforms and, 216, Islam and, 76, 80,84—85, the new formation of, 91,94, the new middle class and, 7, periphery and, 79, qawm and, 72—73, reforms and, 188, 205—8, 210, revolutionar- ies and, 8, structure of, 191, traditional leaders and, 6, 8, weakness of, 209,215, women and, 352, see also Afghanistan, Demo- cratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA); in iran, economy and, 239, 243,245, 247, 279, expansion of the, 103—6,255— 56, Islam and, 4—5, 13, 19, 232, 371, 374,378, Khomeini and, 102, 110, Pahlavis and, 3, 107,371, post- Khomeini era and, 5, 13, 117—20, 129, 132, 136, 143—44, 147—49, redistribution policies of, 20,257, rural areas and, 254, ulama and, 110—11, 113, the war and, 242, see also Iran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Khomeini, Ayatollah Ruhollah, Revolution, Shah, The; in Pakistan, 9, 270, economic role of, 281, 296, 323, expansion of the, 282, 326, formation of, 152, 154—71, 182—83, Islamization of, 172—75, martial law and, 436, political apparatus of, 282, women and, 412—17,423,432, 437—38, Zia ul-Haq and, 176-77, 179—81, see also Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali, Military, Pakistan, Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Sufi orders, 82, 85. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Initial mental health services were provided by both hospital staffand by a team oftwo clinical psychologists (the first and second authors) and 12 doc- toral clinical students working under their supervision. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The CISD leaders were supportive of the idea, and incident com- mand agreed to the plan. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Recovery workers would walk past a DMHS worker and offer a brief greeting. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
DMHS personnel were instructed to be active listeners and not to probe for emotions. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The re- covery work was extremely taxing, and most of the workers had to return day after day for their shift. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
But as the operation wound down, one of the incident managers approached the DMHS officer to notif~i him that the number of people at the recovery site would be strongly reduced beginning the fol- lowing day. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
All 230 on board were killed. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Licensure Issues. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The GNY team continued as supervisory personnel and invaluable staff in the response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The family room was equipped with numerous tel- ephones, and many cellular phones were distributed to the families. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
A fax and copy center were established in a nearby room. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Team members agree to remove themselves from active participation if they experience traumatic events that might interfere with their effectiveness in a mass-casualty incident. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Staff Processing Center is designed to effectively screen, prepare identifi- cation for, train, and generally manage all those interested in participating in the disaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
He published two groundbreaking works—The Interpretation of Dreams (I9oo) and Psychopathology of Everyday Life (19o4)—and started meeting with other physicians, including Alfred Adler, every Wednes- day night in his apartment at Berggasse i~ to ponder psychoanalytic questions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
London,. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Brifi reports the following example: “While conversing one day with a very brilliant young woman, she had occasion to quote from Keats. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Have you perhaps memorized this poem when you were in such a state?’ She became thoughtful for a while and soon recalled the following facts: Twelve years before, when she was eighteen years old, she fell in love. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This name was taken away by my “family complex.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am concerned only with empha- sizing the sameness between the forgetting of proper names with faulty recollection and the formation of concealing memories. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, I found it impossible to recall the name of the small country whose capital is Monte Carlo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The day be- fore she had asked for a new set of furs, which her husband denied her, claiming that he could not afford to spend so much money. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The following day she said: “I am really ashamed of myself for having given you such a stupid answer yesterday. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We did not know at the time where she got the incorrectly used foreign words, but during the same session, she reproduced a reminiscence as a continuation of the theme from the previous day, in which being caught in fiagranti played the principal part. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mistake of the previous day had therefore antici~ pated the recollection, which, at that time, had not yet become conscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He gladly promised to call and asked: “How about Labor Day (September 1st), will it be convenient for you?” When I answered in the affirmative, he said, “Very well, then, put me down for Election Day” (November). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The surprised professor turned to him and asked, “Is your name also Virchow?” I do ~ot know how the ambitious young man justified his speech-blunder, whether he thought of the charming excuse that he imagined himself so jnsignificant next to this big man that his own name slipped from him, or whether he had the courage to admit that he hoped that he, too, would some day be as great a man as Virchow, and that the professor should therefore not treat him in too disparaging a manner. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She was quite willing to do so, but on the following day, she told me that her friends, with whom she had leased an apartment, objected to her go- ing to a hospital, as it would interfere with their plans, and so on. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I meant to say ‘competent.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“He stoutly denied my interpretation, but his emotional agitation, fol- lowed by loud laughter, only strengthened my suspicions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(c) One day, I received a letter which contained very disturbing news. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Marhold, 1906. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
ought to be here already; what a pity about that whole month!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(1) prospective patient, who had corresponded with me relative to treatment, finally wrote for an appointment for a certain day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What appears to others as disorder has become for me perfect order. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He was to depart the next day, which was the last day of treatment and the date when the doctor’s fee was due. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the chapter on day-dreams, I thought of the distinguished figure of the poor book-keeper in Alphonse Dauçlet’s Nabab, through whom the author probably described his own day-dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Whence, therefore, came this falsely remembered phantasy which I had attributed to Daudet? It could only be a product of my own, a day-dream which I myself had spun, and which did not become conscious, or which was once conscious and had since been abso- lutely forgotten. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And it had to happen that I should be reminded of such a, to be sure, never fulfilled day-dream! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We are naturally not in the habit of explaining the forgetting of inten- tions which we daily experience in every possible situation as being due to a recent change in the adjustment of motives. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, he was reproaching himself for having committed a tech- their lapses in the same manner as we excuse those who are short-sighted when they do not greet us on the street.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mortification caused by this discovery led me to the habit of noting every morning the calls of the day in a form of resolution. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He therefore justly maintains that distractedness is a state which depends on unconscious complexes, and is curable by nical error in the psychoanalysis of a patient, and on this day all his former distrac. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this slight neglect, the attempt to contract a debt, was surely not unconnected with reflections concerning the budget with which I had occupied myself throughout the preceding day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the same way, I forgot the proofs that evening and the following morning, and until the afternoon of the second day, when I quickly took them to a letter-box, wondering what might be the basis of this procrastination. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I decided to undertake a statistical examination; as I was daily in about the same emotional state when I stood before both doors, I thought that the interchanging of the two keys must show a regular tendency, if they were differently determined psychically. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the first of these occasions, I was in an ambitious day-dream, which allowed me to “mount always higher and higher.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I hurried to a consultation to see a patient who, according to the anamnesis which I received by letter, had fallen from a At a certain time twice a day for six years, I was accustomed to For many years, a reflex hammer and a tuning-fork lay side by ERRONEOUSLY CARRIED-OUT ACTIONS * 83 84 balcony some months before, and since then, had been unable to walk. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mistake in grasping the tuning-fork instead of the hammer could therefore be translated into the following words: “You fool, you ass, get yourself together this time, and be careful not to diagnose again a case of hysteria where there is an incurable disease, as you did in this place years ago in the case of that poor man!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I can recall no object in my home which I have ever broken. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, one morning while in my bath-robe ~and straw slippers, I followed a sudden impulse as I passed a room, and hurled a slipper from my foot against the wall so that it brought down a beautiful little marble Venus from its bracket. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The physician who invited me wrote that he was still unable to say whether he was dealing with a spinal injury or traumatic neurosis—hys- teria. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A large number of the patient’s symptoms were hysterical, and they promptly disappeared in the course of treatment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A cirde of bronze statuettes with small terra- cotta figures is set behind this inkstand. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This could therefore be a reminder to be particularly careful in this delicate differential diagnosis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I actually believe that we must accept this explanation for a whole se- ries of seemingly accidental awkward movements. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It happened, moreover, on her wedding-day, which thus gives to the injury of the delicate skin a very definite and easily guessed meaning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Incidentally, a left-handed marriage has a definite meaning. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
~ Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Another time, I called on a woman as rich as she was miserly and foolish, who was in the habit of giving the physician the task of working his way through a heap of her complaints before he could reach the simple cause of her condition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And she has not sent for me since. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I cannot maintain that one always makes friends of those to whom he tells the meaning of their symptomatic actions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He who observes his fellow-men while at table will be able to verify in them the nicest and most instructive symptomatic actions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The lady had stomach trouble and was forced to follow a strict diet. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, a patient reminded me to give him the two books on Venice which I had promised him, as he wished to use them in planning his Easter tour. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, however, the teacher wrote his brother a letter in which he said: “Pretty, the lass is not at all, but she is very amiable, and so far so good. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I begged for a day’s sojourn in Holland, but he thought that I could stop there on my return trip. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Accordingly, I journeyed from Munich through Cologne to Rotterdam—Hook of Holland—where I was to take the steamer at midnight to Harwich. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I can show the same union stifi more dearly in certain other examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A woman travelled to Rome with her brother-in-law, a renowned art- ist. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The visitor was highly honored by the German residents of Rome, and among other things, received a gold medal of antique origin. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He ultimately posted it, but it was returned to him from the Dead-letter Office because he forgot to address it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
While I was serving as military medical student, he, then a colonel, once came into the hospital and said to the physician: ‘You must make me well in eight days, as I have some work to do for which the Emperor is waiting.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, one day, it struck one of my patients that he was particularly fond of saying, “I have already told you this from 17 to 36 times.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It soon occurred to him that he was born on the 2 7th day of the month, and that his younger brother was born on the 26th day of another month, and he had grounds for complaint that Fate had robbed him of so many of the benefits of life only to bestow them on his younger brother. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This came very readily from the condition required for the last digits —if the father had lived longer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To specialize in mental work was a daring undertaking for one without money and social connections. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“It was in this state of mind that I came to Paris, where I hoped to learn enough about the psychoneuroses to enable me to continue my specialty In private practice, with a feeling that I could do something for my pa- tients. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It was a beautiful, bright summer day; every- thing was filled with sun and light. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the day of which I speak, I was in a hurry and took a carriage to her house. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This day, it happened that the driver did not stop in front of her house, but before one of the same number in a nearby and really similar-looking parallel street. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But if he withdrew from an undertaking be- cause he had stumbled on his threshold (un Romain retournerait), he was absolutely superior even to us unbelievers. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There are unconscious phantasies (or day-dreams) just as there are similar conscious creations, which everyone knows from per- sonal experience. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On tak.. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In her later neurosis, she suffered in the most intense manner from the fear of losing her parents, behind which the analysis disclosed, as usual, the unconscious wish of the same content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream which proves refractory when the solution is attempted on the following day can often be robbed of its secret a week or a month later, when the psychic factors combating one another have been reduced as a consequence of a real change that has meanwhile taken place. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mechanism of the faulty and chance actions, as we have learned to know it through the application of analysis, shows in the most essential points an agreement with the mechanism of dream formation, which I have discussed in the chapter “The Dream Work” of my book on the interpretation of dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This book, with the new contribution to psychology which surprised the world when it was published (1900), re- mains essentially unaltered. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day a younger 1 However, I will not omit to mention, in qualification of the above statement, that I have practically never reported a complete intérpretation of a dream of my own. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
J take her to the window and look into her throat. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With a preparation of propyl . The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
propyls . The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, indeed, I have effected a substi- tution: I dreamt of propyl after smelling amyl; but substitutions of this kind are perhaps permissible, especially in organic chemistry. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How on earth did this occur to me? On the evening of the day after I had written the dinical history and dreamed about the case, my wife opened a bottle of liqueur labelled “Ananas,” which was a present from our friend Otto. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here is yet another dream of which the stimulus was active during sleep: One of my women patients, who had been obliged to undergo an unsuccessful operation on the jaw, was instructed by her physicians to wear by day and night a cooling apparatus on the affected cheek; but she was in the habit of throwing it off as soon as she had fallen asleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day I was asked to reprove her for doing so; she had again thrown the apparatus on the floor. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I said to myself, ‘Since I haven’t the pains, I don’t need the apparatus 1The facts relating to dreams of thirst were known also to Weygandt, who speaks of them as follows: “It is just this sensation of thirst which is registered most ac- curately of all; it always causes a representation of quenching the thirst. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS I either’; that’s why I threw it away.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The girl’s brothers, THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE DREAM AS A WISH-FULFILMENT who evidently had not inherited an understanding of dream-interpre- tation, dedared, just as the writers we have quoted would have done: “That dream is nonsense.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
From a friend I have learned of a dream very much like that of my little boy. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Next morning she related the following dream: “Just think, I dreamt that Emil was one of the family, that he said ‘papa’ and ‘mamma’ to you, and slept at our house, in the big room, like one of the boys. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If it can be admitted that the talking of children in their sleep belongs to the sphere of dreams, I can relate the following as one of the earliest dreams in my collection: My youngest daughter, at that time nineteen months old, vomited one morning, and was therefore kept without food all day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the day after the sacrifice on my birthday 1The dream afterwards accomplished the same purpose in the case of the child’s grandmother, who is older than the child by about seventy years. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After she had been forced to go hungry for a day on account of the restlessness of her floating kidney, she dreamed, being apparently translated into the happy years of her girthood, that she had been “asked out,” invited to lunch and dinner, and had at each meal been served with the most delicious titbits. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But I could not get it out of my mind, and I was pursued by it all day, until at last, in the evening, I reproached myself in these words: “If in the course of a dream-interpre-. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The politeness which I practise every day is largely a disguise of this kind; if I interpret my dreams for the benefit of my readers, I am forced to make misrepresentations of this kind. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“But what occurrence gave rise to this dream?” I ask. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
patient’s husband, an honest and capable meat sales- man, had told her the day before that he was growing too fat, and that he meant to undergo treatment for obesity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After a short pause, which corresponds to the overcoming of a resistance, she reports that the day before she had paid a visit to a friend of whom she is really jealous because her husband is always praising this lady so highly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the path itself and the psychic act which follows this path are two different DISTORTION IN DREAMS * ‘95 196 matters. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The hysterical woman identifies herself by her symp- toms most readily—though not exclusively—with persons with whom she has had sexual relations, or who have had sexual intercourse with the same persons as herself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Language takes cognizance of this tendency: two lovers are said to be “one.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I remembered that on the previous day she had told me that the Professor was going to a certain concert, and that she too was going, in order to enjoy the sight of him. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This was on the day before the dream; and the concert was to be given on the day on which she told me the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
You would spend the day with your sister; the Professor would certainly come to offer his condolences, and you would see him once more under the same circumstances as before. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I know that you have the ticket for to-day’s concert in your bag. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Your dream is a dream of impatience; it has anticipated by several hours the meeting which is to take place to-day.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the pre- vious day he had furnished a statement of his income; a quite straight- forward statement, because he had little to state. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If I now consult my own experience with regard to the origin of the ele- ments appearing in the dream-content, I must in the first place express the opinion that in every dream we may find some reference to the experiences of the preceding day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Knowing this, I may per- haps begin the work of interpretation by looking for the experience of the preceding day which has stimulated the dream; in many cases this is indeed the quickest way. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE MATERIAL AND SOURCES OF DREAMS A. A conversation during the evening with a female relative to In the morning I had seen in a bookseller’s window a mono’ A female patient who is under treatment had told me in the During the day my wife has reminded me that I still owe her RECENT AND INDIFFERENT IMPRESSIONS * IN THE DREAM 207 208 Source: I have received simultaneous communications from the Liberal Committee on Elections and from the president of the Humanitarian Society, of which latter I am actually a member. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The question might be raised, whether a dream invariably refers to the events of the preceding day only, or whether the reference may be ex- tended to include impressions from a longer period of time in the imme~ diate past. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This question is probably not of the first importance, but I am inclined to decide in favour of the exclusive priority of the day before the dream (the dream-day). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Whenever I thought I had found a case where an impression two or three days old was the source of the dream, I was able to convince myself after careful investigation that this impres- sion had been remembered the day before; that is, that a demonstrable reproduction on the day before had been interpolated between the day of the event and the time of the dream; and further, I was able to point to the recent occasion which might have given rise to the recollection of the older impression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus the impressions of the immediate past (with the exception of the day before the night of the dream) stands in the same relation to the dream-content as those of periods indefinitely remote. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream may select its material from any period of life, provided only that a chain of thought leads back from the experiences of the day of the dream (the “recent” impressions) of that earlier period. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The husband comes in, and cannot understand why she is crying until she tells him: “To-day Is my birthday.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It occurs to me, too, that on the morning of the day following the dream (for the interpreta- tion of which I did not find time until the evening) I had thought of cocaine in a kind of day-dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Only after recalling this day~ Dream of the Botanical Monograph Analysis: * 209 210 dream do I realize that there is concealed behind it the memory of a definite event. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I know to this day that there were crucifers on them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
How I envied him this power of vision! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If only I could see it lying before me, already completed! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I see that the puzzling theory that the dream deals only with the worthless odds and ends of the day’s ex- periences has no justification; I am also compelled to contradict the as- sertion that the psychic life of the waking state is not continued in the dream, and that hence, the dream wastes our psychic energy on trivial material. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the manifest dream-content I find merely an illusion to the indif- ferent impression, and I am thus able to reaffirm that the dream prefers to take up into its content experiences of a non-essential character. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps the most immediate explanation of the factthat I dream of the indifferent impression of the day, while the impression which has with good reason excited me causes me to dream, is that here again we are dealing with the phenomenon of dream-distortion, which we have re- ferred to as a psychic force playing the part of a censorship. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In our new example we are dealing with two entirely separate impressions, which at first glance seem to have nothing in common, except indeed that they occur on the same day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It must have happened that by means of these intermediate links from the sphere of botanical ideas the association was effected between the two events of the day, the indifferent one and the stimulating one. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What would have happened if Professor Gärtner and his bloom- ing wife had not appeared, and if the patient who was under discussion had been called, not Flora, but Anna? And yet the answer is not hard to find. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That the lonely spinster transfers her affection to animals, that the bachelor be- comes a passionate collector, that the soldier defends a scrap of coloured cloth—his flag—with his life-blood, that in a love-affair a dasp of the bands a moment longer than usual evokes a sensation of bliss, or that in Othello a lost handkerchief causes an outburst of rage—all these are ex- amples of psychic displacements which to us seem incontestable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus we interpret the fact that the dream-content takes up remnants of trivial experiences as a manifestation of dream-distortion (by dis- placement), and we thereupon remember that we have recognized this dream-distortion as the work of a censorship operating between the two psychic instances. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may therefore expect that dream-analysis will constantly show us the real and psychically significant source of the dream in the events of the day, the memory of which has transferred its accentuation to some indifferent memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
as we read in Hamlet. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To go a step farther: if no sufficiently fertile associations between the two impressions of the day could have been established, the dream would simply have followed a different course; another of the indifferent impressions of the day, such as come to us in multitudes and are forgotten, would have taken the place of the monograph in the dream, would have formed an association with the content of the conversation, and would have represented this in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I shall now consider the question whether the dream-exciting source to which our analysis leads us must always be a recent (and significant) event, or whether a subjective experience-that is to say, the recollection of a psychologically significant event, a train of thought—may assume the rôle of a dream-stimulus. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As may be seen, in dream-interpretation the condition is always ful~ filled that one component of the dream-content repeats a recent impres- sion of the day of the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we now consider that these same indifferent impressions, which are utilized for the dream as long as they are recent, lose this qualification as soon as they are a day (or at most several days) older, we are obliged to assume that the very freshness of an impression gives it a certain psychological value for dream-formation, ‘The dream of Irma’s injection; the dream of the friend who is my uncle. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Since this is another point on which I may expect contradiction, and since I am glad of an opportunity to show dream-distortion at work, I shall here subject to analysis a number of “guileless dreams” from my collection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream never concerns itself with trifles; we do not allow sleep to be disturbed by trivialities.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Again we have the reproduction of an actual event of the preceding day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Here, too, there is an actual occasion for the dream; the day before she had actually put a candle into a candlestick; but this one was not broken. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Her husband was asked to give her the required explanation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All this is obviously not innocent. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In yet another case it may be definitely established, without the aid of dreanl-interpretation, that the dream contains elements from child- hood—namely, if the dream is a so-called perennial dream, one which, being first dreamt in childhood, recurs again and again in adult years. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I may add a few examples of this sort to those already known, although I have no personal knowledge of perennial dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the night before his departure he dreams that he is in a totally unfamiliar locality, and that he there meets a strange man with whom he holds a conversation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Is it possible that my thirst for greatness has originated from this source? But here I recollect an impression from the later years òf my childhood, which might serve even better as an explanation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The view that ap- peared in the dream was modelled after a well-known engraving which I had casually noticed the day before in the drawing-room of one of my patients. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In a third dream I am at last in Rome. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is obvious that I am trying in vain to see in my dream a city which I have never seen in my waking life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And now, for the first time, I happened upon the youthful experience which even to-day still expresses its power in all these emotions and dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Her waiting for me to say “If is not true” was derived as follows: A little tailor’s apprentice had brought her a dress, and she had given him the money for it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To tease her, her husband an- swered “Yes” (the teasing in the dream), and she asked again and again, 1 [In the original this paragraph contains many plays on the word “Hetz” (hurry, chase, scurry, game, etc.) The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am in the habit of using the anecdote to elucidate the factor of retrospective tendencies in the mechanism of the psychoneuroses.—One The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It fell to me to carry out the coup d’état, and a discus- sion of the importance of the Danube (German, Donau) to Austria (Wachau!) was the occasion of an open revolt. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream, according to Schemer, in the free activity of the phantasy, which has been released from the shackles im- posed upon it during the day, strives to represent symbolically the nature of the organ from which the stimulus proceeds. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If by a procedure which has not been followed by other writers in their investigation of dreams we can prove that the dream possesses intrinsic value as psychic action, that a wish supplies the mo- tive of its formation, and that the experiences of the previous day furnish the most obvious material of its content, any other theory of dreams which neglects such an important method of investigation—and accordingly makes the dream appear a useless and enigmatical psychic reaction to somatic stimuli—may be dismissed without special criticism. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have seen that when two or more experiences capable of making an impression on the mind have been left over from the previous day, the wishes that result from them are united into one dream; similarly, that the impressions possessing psychic value and the indifferent experiences THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE MATERIAL AND SOURCES OF DREAMS of the previous day unite in the dream-material, provided that connecting ideas between the two can be established. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have already taken the first step in this direction in advancing the thesis that the dream-work is under a compulsion to elaborate into a uni- fied whole all the dream-stimuli which are simultaneously present (p. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The day be- fore, however, I had suffered from boils, which made every movement a torture, and at last a boil had grown to the size of an apple at the root of the scrotum, and had caused me the most intolerable pains at every step; a feverish lassitude, lack of appetite, and the hard work which I had nevertheless done during the day, had conspired with the pain to upset me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
You have no boil, for you are riding on horseback, and with a boil just THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE MATERIAL AND SOURCES OF DREAMS there no one could ride!” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in other anxiety- dreams the feeling of anxiety comes from somatic sources (as in the case of persons suffering from pulmonary or cardiac trouble, with occasional difficulty in breathing), and then it is used to help such strongly sup- pressed wishes to attain fulfilment in a dream, the dreaming of which from psychic motives would have resulted in the same release of anxiety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When two psychic formations, an affective inclination and a conceptual content, are intimately connected, either one being actually present will evoke the other, even in a dream; now the anxiety of somatic origin evokes the suppressed conceptual content, now it is the released conceptual con- tent, accompanied by sexual excitement, which causes the release of anxiety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And, in order to condude this argument: If sensations of a disagreeable character which originate from somatic sources are present during sleep, this constellation is utilized by the dream-activity to pro- cure the fulfilment—with more or less maintenance of the censorship— of an otherwise suppressed wish. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This woman is the maid of an old lady whom I visit twice daily in order to give her hypodermic injections; the stairs, too, are precisely similar to those which I have to climb twice a day in this old lady’s house. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the day before the dream the housekeeper’s attitude was reinforced by that of the maid. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I had just finished my usual hurried visit to the patient when the servant confronted me in the ante-room, observing: “You might as well have wiped your shoes to-day, doctor, before you came into the room. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, many adults who to-day are devoted to their brothers and sis- ters, and support them in adversity, lived with them in almost continu- ous enmity during their childhood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Where the primary character is already overlaid by the later development it may be at least partially un- covered again by an attack of hysteria. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The obscure Tegends which have been handed down to us from the primeval ages of human society in mythology and folklore give a deplorable idea of the despotic power of the father, and the ruthlessness with which it was exercised. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Jocasta comforts Oedipus—who is not yet enlightened, but is troubled by the recollection of the oracle-by an allusion to a dream which is often dreamed, though it cannot, in her opinion, mean any- thing:— The dream of having sexual intercourse with one’s mother was as com- mon then as it is to-day with many people, who tell it with indignation and astonishment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Secondly, the repressed and unsuspected wish is, in this special case, frequently met half-way by a residue from the day’s experience, in the form of some concern for the life of the beloved per- son. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This anxiety cannot enter into the dream otherwise than by taking advantage of the corresponding wish; but the wish is able to mask itself behind the concern which has been aroused during the day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If one is in- dined to think that all this is really a very much simpler process, and to imagine that one merely continues during the night, and in one’s dream, what was begun during the day, one removes the dreams of the death of those dear to us out of all connection with the general explanation of dreams, and a problem that may very well be solved remains a problem needlessly. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Who can he be, this strange person, of whose luxurious repast the little fellow dreams? The experience of the day must supply the answer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For some days past the boy, in accordance with the doctor’s orders, had been living on a milk diet; but on the evening of the “dream-day” he had been naughty, and, as a punishment, had been deprived of his supper. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The fact is that a few days ago I under- took the psychological treatment of some new patients, and am now forced to talk for ten to twelve hours a day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He paid us a visit on the day of the dream, and my wife no- ticed that he looked tired and exhausted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The “examination-anxiety” of neu- rotics is likewise intensified by this childish fear. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have had increasing confirma- tion of the fact that the anxiety-dream of examination occurs when the dreamer is anticipating a responsible task on the following day, with the possibility of disgrace; recourse will then be had to an occasion in the past on which a great anxiety proved to have been without real justifica- tion, having, indeed, been refuted by the outcome. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a rule, the extent of the compression which has been accomplished is under-estimated, owing to the fact that the dream-thoughts which have been brought to light are believed to be the whole of the material, whereas a continuation of the work of inter- pretation would reveal st?ll further thoughts hidden in the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This is derived from the impressions of the dream-day; I had actually seen a monograph on the genus Cyclamen in a bookseller’s window. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The mention of this genus is lacking in the dream-content; only the mono- graph and its relation to botany have remained. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In one of the recently cited dreams, whose introductory portion we have already interpreted (“because my origin is so and so”), the dreamer climbs down over a trellis, and holds a blossoming bough in her hands. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This last is a wish-fulfilment, which immediately suggests Prague; the wish itself probably originated at a period of my youth when I was imbued with a German nationalistic spirit which to-day is quite subdued. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A doser examination, however, proved that this unusual dream suffered from the same structural flaws and breaches as exist in all other dreams; so I abandoned the idea of a category of “dream- phantasies.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The fact that I cannot find my hat is añ experience of the day which has been ex- ploited in various senses. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS Y civilization—paths to whose thinly veiled existence our idiomatic ex- pressions, proverbs, superstitions, and customs testify to this day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
1 Cf. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She feared, as may be imagined, that the landlady suspected her, and had proposed, on the day before the dream, that they should meet in one of the unoccupied rooms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The occasion of the present of flowers during the day is employed to express the thought of a sexual present and a return present. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She makes herself beautiful for him; she admits physical defects, of which she is ashamed and which she wishes to correct. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS Dream of a Chemist. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Feeling himself and becoming aware of his knees refers to masturbation, and corresponds to his fatigue of the previous day . The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She was very short of stature, and she shunned every sort of contamina- tion involved by intercourse with human beings. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, inquiry shows that on the previous day a young girl ‘W. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
two little girls; there is a difference of fifteen months in their ages. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I shall therefore give a few examples of this kind from my collection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What is the origin of the i florin 50 kreuzer? A really indifferent inci- dent of the previous day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the previous day the dreamer, replying to some unreasonable demand on the part of her cook, had waved her aside with the words: I don’t know that, behave yourself properly, and she afterwards took into the dream the first, in- different-sounding part of the speech in order to allude to the latter part, which fitted well into the phantasy underlying the dream, but which might also have betrayed it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the very day before the dream the son had sent an old family servant to the studio in order to see whether he, too, would pass the same judgment upon the marble bust—namely, that it was too narrow between the temples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He could not help feeling a superstitious foreboding, for on the day before his mother’š death the negative of her portrait had been cracked. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
one’s children great and undefiled: who would not wish that? What now has become of the absurdity of this dream? The appearance of speech, in which we are accustomed to ‘ignore any absurdity that may exist as between its components, has been faithfully represented in the lI have forgotten in what author I found a reference to a dream which was over- run with unusually small figures, the source of which proved to be one of the engrav- ings of Jacques Calot, which the dreamer had examined during the day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
By the awakening of the earliest infantile feelings against his father, it became possible to express this reproach as a dream; and it was pre- cisely because of the extreme antithesis between the dream-instigator and the day-thoughts that this dream had to assume so absurd a form.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This indifference, of course, is not real, but wished; its purpose is to help the dreamer to deny his very intense and often contradictory emotional atti- tudes, and so it becomes the dream-representation of his ambivalence. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
is a protest against this identifica- tion, and rejects the meaning that the dreamer is dead. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As a general thing, the dreams of a deceased person of whom the dreamer has been fond confront the interpreter with difficult problems, the solution of which is not always satisfying. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps, however, it is the other way about?” Now, “the other way about” is abundantly represented in my dream, inasmuch as Goethe has attacked the young man, which is absurd, while it is perfectly possible even to-day for a young fellow to attack the immortal Goethe THE DREAM-WORK * 387 J 388 and inasmuch as I reckon from the year of Goethe’s death, while I made the paretic reckon from the year of his birth. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In their flight or exodus from Egypt the children of Israel had not time to allow their dough to become leavened, and in commemoration of this event they eat unleavened bread at Passover to this day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This relation holds good in the case of caviare; the unsalted kind’ is more highly prized than the salted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the previous day I had read in the newspaper the obituary notice of a certain Frau Dona A—y (which I turn into Doni), who had died in childbirth; I was told by my wife that the dead woman had been nursed by the same midwife whom she herself had employed at the birth 1 [This German expression is equivalent to our saying: “I am not responsible fo! The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Owing to the impossibility of accomplishing this task, he gave up going for walks, and spent his life imprisoned within his four walls. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An acquaintance of hers had sent her the ballads of Loewe (Loewe = lion). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In one place an affect that would be expected is lacking: it is expressly emphasized that the death of the governor makes no impression upon me; at another point, when I see the warships, I am frightened, and experience all the sensations of fright in my sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Inversely, the analysis shows that the region of the dream-thoughts from which the warship comes is laden with most cheerful reminiscences. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In this way, too, Gargantua, the superman of Master Rabelais, takes vengeance upon the Parisians, straddling Notre-Dame and training his stream of urine upon the city. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He told me how much he had learned from me, that he now saw everything through dif- ferent eyes, that I had cleansed the Augean stables of error and prejudice, which encumbered the theory of the neuroses—in short, that I was a very great man. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The following day the man was extremely depressed, and suffered from headache: ‘From too much laughter, which shook me up,’ he thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the latent dream-thoughts the ‘gentleman known’ to him who came into the room is the image of death as the ‘great unknown,’ which was awakened in his mind on the previous day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The old gentleman, who suffers from arterio- sclerosis, had good reason to think of death on the day before the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“It is not true that I have occupied myself very often or very intensely with thoughts of my past during the day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One must remember that there are masochistic tendencies in mental life to which such an inversion might be attributed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Childish affection undoubtedly helps to reinforce the rational affection of to-day; but childish hatred also has found its way into the representation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I insisted that the names should not be chosen according to the fashion of the day, but should be determined by regard for the memory of those dear to us. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This mood may be the result of the experiences and thoughts of the day, or it may be of somatic origin; in either case it will be accompanied by the corre- sponding trains of thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am accustomed to describe the element of the dream-thoughts which I have in mind as “phantasy”; I shall perhaps avoid misunderstanding if I at once point to the day-dream as an analogy in waking life.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Yet the significance of the day-dream has not escaped the unerring insight of ~the poets; we are all familiar with the description of the day-dreams of one of his subordinate characters which Alphonse Daudet has given us in his Nabab. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The study of the psycho- neuroses discloses the astonishing fact that these phantasies or day- dreams are the immediate predecessors of symptoms of hysteria—at least, of a great many of them; for hysterical symptoms are dependent not upon actual memories, but upon the phantasies built up on a basis of memories. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The frequent occurrence of conscious day-phantasies brings these formations to our ken; but while some of these phantasies are con- scious, there is a superabundance of unconscious phantasies, which must perforce remain unconscious on account of their content and their origin in repressed material. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A more thorough examination of the character of these day-phantasies shows with what good reason the same name has been given to these formations as to the products of nocturnal thought— dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They have essential features in common with nocturnal dreams; indeed, the investigation of day-dreams might really have afforded the shortest and best approach to the understanding of nocturnal dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They bear very much the same relation to the’ 1RSve, petit roman = day-dream, story. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the “secondary elaboration” of the dream-content which we have ascribed to our fourth dream-forming factor, we find once more the very same activity which is allowed to manifest itself, uninhibited by other influences, in the creation of day-dreams. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We may say, without further preliminaries, that this fourth factor of ours seeks to construct something like a day-dream from the material which offers itself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But where such a day-dream has already been constructed in the context of the dream- thoughts, this factor of the dream-work will prefer to take possession of it, and contrive that it gets into the dream-content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There are dreams that consist merely of the repetition of a day-phantasy, which has perhaps re- mained unconscious—as, for instance, the boy’s dream that he is riding in a war-chariot with the heroes of the Trojan war. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In my “Autodidasker” dream the second part of the dream at least is the faithful repetition of a day-phantasy—harmless in itself—of my dealings with Professor N. The fact that the exciting phantasy forms only a part of the dream, or that only a part of it finds its way into the dream-content, is due to the complexity of the conditions which the dream must satisfy at its genesis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I undervalued the significance of such phan- tasies for dream-formation as long as I was working principally on my own dreams, which were rarely based upon day-dreams but most frequently upon discussions and mental conflicts. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
With other persons it is often much easier to prove the complete analogy between the nocturnal dream and the day-dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In hysterical patients an attack may often be replaced by a dream; it is then obvious that the day-dream phantasy is the first step for both these psychic formations. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What is superficial is the phantasy of being arrested; this seems to be newly created by the dream-work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have related the dream of Maury, who is struck on the back of the neck by a small board, and wakes after a long dream—a complete romance of the period of the French Revolution. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The preliminary conditions of this typical dream were as follows: A father had been watching day and night beside the sick-bed of his child. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Even if the disturbing event is real and independent of the patient, the extent of the disturbing influence does often depend only on him, and the resistance reveals itself unmistakably in the ready and immoderate exploitation of such an opportunity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It lies on the shortest path to the solution of the dream, and for that very reason it was most exposed to the resistance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Do I think that this asso- dation has anything to do with the dream? I certainly do; it really furnishes the solution of this enigmatical dream-element. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The same resistance which that day disturbed him in the work of interpretation caused him also to forget the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES * 443 444THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS lated by “the book is from,” but by “the book is by.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The interpretation of a dream cannot always be ac- complished in one session; after following up a chain of associations you will often feel that your working capacity is exhausted; the dream will not tell you anything more that day; it is then best to break off, and to resume the work the following day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When our waking life shows an unmistakable intention to forget the dream which has been formed during the night, either as a whole, immediately after waking, or little by little in the course of the day, and when we recognize as the chief factor in this process of forgetting the psychic resistance against the dream which has already done its best to oppose the dream at night, the question then arises: What actually has made the dream- formation possible against this resistance? Let us consider the most striking case, in which the waking life has thrust the dream aside as though it had never happened. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we take into consideration the play of the psychic forces, we are compelled to assert that the dream would never have come into existence had the resistance prevailed at night as it did by day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the contrary, it appears that during the day, by means of new thought-connections, we sink shafts that strike the intermediary thoughts and the dream-thoughts now in this place, now in that. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We can see how the recent thought-material of the day forces its way into the interpretation-series, and how the additional re- sistance which has appeared since the night probably compels it to make new and further detours. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the number and form of the collaterals which we thus contrive during the day are, psychologically speaking, indif- ferent, so long as they point the way to the dream-thoughts which we are seeking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The dream suppresses the conditional, and replaces it by a simple present tense: “Yes, Otto is to blame for Irma’s illness.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But we will not linger over this first peculiarity of the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
When Daudet’s M. Joyeuse wanders unemployed through the streets of Paris while his daughter is led to believe that he has a post and is sitting in his office, he dreams, in the present tense, of circumstances that might help him to obtain a recommendation and employment. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The second quality peculiar to the dream alone, as distinguished from the day-dream, is that the conceptual content is not thought, but is trans- formed into visual images, to which we give credence, and which we be- lieve that we experience. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This dream-excitation, like ail the other thought- structures, will now strive to continue itself in the Pcs., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
According to our scheme, these thought-relations are contained not in the first mem-sys- tems, but in those lying farther to the front, and in the regression to the perceptual images they must forfeit expression. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There must evidently be changes in the cathexis of the individual systems, causing the latter to become more accessible or inaccessible to the discharge of the excitation; but in any such apparatus the same effect upon the course of the excitation might be produced by more than one kind of change. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
and on account of this factor we shall assume the unconscious system as the starting-point br dream-formation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The regression in dreams is perhaps facili- tated by the cessation of the progressive stream flowing from the sense- organs during the day; for which auxiliary factor there must be some compensation, in the other forms of regression, by the strengthening of the other regressive motives. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We must, however, con- sole ourselves with the thought that we are, after all, compelled to build out into the dark. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Firstly, it may have been excited during the day, and owing to ex- ternal circumstances may have remained unsatisfied; there is thus left for the night an acknowledged and unsatisfied wish. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Secondly, it may have emerged during the day, only to be rejected; there is thus left for the night an unsatisfied but suppressed wish. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If we turn to our scheme of the psychic apparatus, we can localize a wish of the first order in the system Pcs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
system, where alone, if anywhere, can it maintain itself; as for the wish-impulse of the third order, we believe that it is wholly incapable of leaving the Ucs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It then seems to us probable that the source of the dream-wish does not affect its capacity to incite a dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That wishes suppressed during the dày assert themselves in dreams is shown by a great many examples. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She replies with unqualified praise, imposing silence on her own judgment, although she would have liked to tell the truth, namely, that he is a commonplace fellow—one meets such by the dozen (Dutzendmensch). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That source is the unconscious. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am aware that this conception cannot be generally demonstrated, but I maintain that it can often be demonstrated even where one would not have suspected it, and that it cannot be gen- erally refuted. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
r cathexis of our waking thoughts by deciding to go to sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Those which have been turned back and suppressed during the day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
during the day by the workings of the Pcs.; The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
and finally we may add a fifth, consisting of:— The indifferent impressions of the day, which have therefore been left unsettled. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This is reinforced by a powerful fourth group:— Those which have been excited in our Ucs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Otto’s appearance gave me some concern during the day, and this worry, like everything else relating to him, greatly affected me. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But I began to search for the source of this incongruous expression of the solicitude felt during the day, and analysis revealed a connection. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I identified my friend Otto with a certain Baron L. and myself with a Professor R. There was only one explanation of my being impelled to select just this substi- tute for the day-thought. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Repulsive ideas respecting my friend, ideas that would certainly have been repudi- áted in a waking state, took advantage of the opportunity to creep into the dream; but the worry of the day had likewise found some sort of ex- pression by means of a substitute in the dream-content. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The day-thought, which was in itself not a wish, but on the contrary a worry, had in some way to find a connection with some infantile wish, now unconscious and suppressed, which then allowed it—duly dressed up—to “arise” for con- sciousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(b) The painful ideas find their way into the manifest dream-content, more or less modified, but nevertheless quite recognizable. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Such dreams with a painful content may either be indifferent in feeling, or they may convey the whole painful affect, which the ideas contained in them seem to justify, or they may even lead to the development of anxiety to the point of waking. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The many possible results may be classified as follows: (a) The dream-work succeeds in replacing all painful ideas by contrary ideas, and suppressing the painful affect be- longing to them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This, then, results in a pure and simple satisfaction- dream, a palpable “wish-fulfilment,” concerning which there is nothing more to be said. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An unconscious and repressed wish, whose fulfilment could only be felt as painful by the dreamer’s ego, has seized the opportunity offered by the continued cathexis of painful day-residues, has lent them its sup- port, and has thus made them capable of being dreamed. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Of these thoughts nothing then finds its way into the manifest dream except their contrary, just as was the case in the dreams of group (a). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this effort fails. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An unconscious wish is excited by the day’s work, and this now creates the dream. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We thus, see that the day-residues, among which we may now include the indifferent impressions, not only borrow something from the Ucs. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Just one further remark as to the day-residues. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
and have analysed its relation to the day-residues, which, in their turn, may be either wishes, or psychic impulses of any other kind, or simply recent impressions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It might even prove possible to explain, on the basis of our train of thought, those extreme cases in which the dream, continuing the work of the day, brings to a happy issue an unsolved problem of waking life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The unconscious wish-impulses evidently strive to assert themselves even during the day, and the fact of transference, as well as the psychoses, tells us that they endeavour to force their way through the preconscious system to consciousness and the command of motility. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have seen that day-residues are left over from the waking activity of the mind, residues from which it has not been possible to with- draw all cathexis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Either one of the unconscious wishes has been aroused through the waking activity during the day or itso happens that the two coincide; we have already discussed the multifarious possibilities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Either already during the day or only on the establishment of the state of sleep the unconscious wish has made its way to the day-residues, and has ef- fected a transference to them. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
of the later systems. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The first part threads its way progressively from the unconscious scenes or phantasies to the preconscious, while the second part struggles back from the boundary of the censorship to the tract of the perceptions. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I must assume that the sensory surface of consciousness which is turned to the preconscious is rendered far more unexcitable by sleep than the surface turned toward the P-system. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They thus behave like preparatory practice for waking activities. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This immediately reminded him of his relations with his younger brother, whom he used to maltreat and knock down. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
At the age of fifteen he confessed one day: “Je n’osais pas l’avouer, mais j’éprouvais continuellement de: picotements et des surexcitations aux parties; ‘ à la fin, cela m’énervait tant que plusieurs fois j’ai pensé me jeter par la fenêtre du dortoir.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the course of our treatment of the problems of the dream, room has been found for most of these contradictory views. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
As for the riddle of the superabundant dream-content compressed into the briefest moment of time, we have been able to contribute the explanation that the dream seizes upon ready-made formations of the psychic life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We have found that it is true that dreams are distorted and mutilated by the memory, THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES but that this fact presents no difficulties, as it is only the last manifest portion of a process of distortion which has been going on from the very beginning of the dream-work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
That the dream relieves the mind, like a safety- valve, and that, as Robert has put it, all kinds of harmful material are rendered harmless by representation in the dream, not only coincides exactly with our own theory of the twofold wish-fulfilment in the dream, but in its very wording becomes more intelligible for us than it is for Robert himself. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We re- main indebted to Schemer for directing us to the source of the dream- thoughts, but almost everything that he ascribes to the dream-work is attributable to the activity of the unconscious during the day, which instigates dreams no less than neurotic symptoms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There is, however, no need to assume that this mental work is performed during sleep; such an assumption would badly confuse the conception of the psy- THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE DREAM-PROCESSES chic state of sleep to which we have hitherto adhered. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If this first eventuality occurs, the process has no further significance for dream-formation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But It is just this preliminary question which is answered in the negative by the dream, which shows that the concept of the psyche extends beyond that of consciousness, much as the gravitational force of a star extends beyond its sphere of luminosity” (Philos. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
306). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, many of the achievements which are a matter for wonder in a dream are now no longer to be at- tributed to dreaming, but to unconscious thinking, which is active also during the day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
From the reports of certain writers who have been highlÿ productive, such as Goethe and Helmholtz, we learn, rather, that the most essential and original part of their creations came to them in the form of inspirations, and offered itself to their aware- ness in an almost completed state. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The last impression he had received before coming to me was revived visually in his memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What relation is there between this unpleasant tension and this feeling of pleasure? Everything relating to the problem of pleasure and pain touches one of the weakest spots of present-day psychology. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Infantile Anxiety. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If the transference of the erogenous excitability from the clitoris to the vaginal entrance succeeds, the woman then changes her leading zone for the future sexual activity; the man, on the other hand, retains his from childhood. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Perhaps he will get one some day,” I answered, “but at the moment his success is very limited.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, however, the borrower eluded the servant at the door and cornered his victim. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In his distress, a needy man borrowed twenty-five dollars from a wealthy acquaintance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But this is not at all the correct answer. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“You are wrong,” he says. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Suddenly, he emitted a cry, and in response to his troubled disciples said: “The great Rabbi L. died just now in Lemberg.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“I had beans the day before yesterday.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
sicians are obliged to read and study constantly because remedies and drugs once considered efficacious are later rejected as useless, and that despite the physician’s best efforts, the patient often refuses to pay for the treatment, one of the doctors present remarked: “Yes, every drug has ithc day,” to which another added, “But not every Doc gets his pay.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These two witty remarks are both modifications with allusion of the well-known saying, “Every dog has his day.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The stranger turned over the pages of a book, did some calculation, and pondered a moment and sud- denly addressed the Jew: “I beg your pardon, how soon will we have Yom Kippur?” (Day of Atonement). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In Nestroy’s farce “Einen Jux will er sich machen,” the clerk, Weinberl, who resolves in his imagination how he will ponder over his youth when he has some day become a well-established merchant, says: “When in the course of confidential conversation, the ice is chopped up before the warehouse of memory, when the portal of the storehouse of antiquity is unlocked again, and when the tnattings of phantasy are stocked full with wares of yore.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The shnorrer, who was a regu- lar Sunday-dinner guest at a certain house, appeared one day accompanied by a young stranger, who prepared to seat himself at the table. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But the manner in which wit brings about gratifi- cation is connected with special conditions from which we may perhaps gain further information. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The function of the dream-work may be described in the following manner: A structure of thoughts, mostly very complicated, which has been built up during the day and not brought to settlement—a day rem- nant—clings firmly even during night to the energy which it had assumed —the underlying center of interest—and thus threatens to disturb sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This day remnant is transformed into a dream by the dream-work and in this way rendered harmless to sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But in order to make possible its employment by the dream-work, this day remnant must be capable of being cast into the form of a wish, a condition that is not difficult to fulfill. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The material of the dream-thoughts experiences an extraordinary compression or con- densation during the dream-work. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The forces participating in the dream-formation may be recognized as the following: the wish to sleep; the sum of cathexis which still clings to the day remnants after the depression brought about by the state of sleep; the psychic energy of the unconscious wish forming the dream; and the opposing force of the “censorship,” which exercises its authority in our waking state, and is not entirely abolished during sleep. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
2 WIT AND THE VARIOUS FORMS OF THE COMIC This is excellent humor and if we do not laugh on hearing it, it is because our admiration covers the humoristic pleasure. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On the seventeenth day there took place a public ceremony through which he and his weapons were solemnly puri- fied. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This incident occurred in the afternoon, and on the next day at twelve o’clock she was dead.8 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We surmise that this wall, which orig- inally was constructed out of taboo rules, still exists to-day in the form of court ceremony. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
These races consider it necessary to watch over their kings to see that they use their powers in the right way; they are by no means sure of their good intentions or of their conscientiousness. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The pro- hibitions are very detailed and concern certain activities at specified places and times; in some cities, for instance, the king cannot stay on a certain day of the week, while at some specified hour this or that river may not be crossed, or again there is a plain on which he cannot camp a full nine days, etc.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Sometimes the presumptive successor to the throne finds ways and means to avoid the intended honour; thus It is related of a certain chief that he used to go armed day and night 1Prazer, l.c., p. 13. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
All night long he fought them, and sometimes by day the powers of darkness sent up clouds even into the blue Egyptian sky to obscure his light and weaken his power. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
An example from a neurosis may serve as illustration. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
‘Pikier and Somló, The Origin of TotemIsm. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The objections to this attempted expla- nation crowd upon each other.2 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A holiday is a permitted, or rather a prescribed excess, a solemn violation ef a prohibition. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I have always wondered why the critics of my theory of the sexual etiology of the neuroses have not often opposed it with this assertion of Breuer, and up to this day, I do not know whether in this reticence I am to see a proof of their discretion, or of their lack of observation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But, one day my memories grouped them- selves in such a way as to disturb this satisfaction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But these identical communica- tions, received without my grasping them, had lain dormant within me, until one day they awoke apparently as an original discovery. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day, while I was a young hospital doctor, I was accompanying Breuer on a walk through the town when a man came up to him and ur- gently desired to speak to him. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A few years later at one of Charcot’s evening receptions, I found my- self near the venerated teacher who was just relating to Brouardel a very interesting history from the day’s practice. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day I received a friendly call from Chrobak, who asked me to take a patient to whom he could not give sufficient time in his new capacity as lecturer at the university. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I reached the patient be- fore he did and learned that she suffered from senseless attacks of anxiety, which could only be alleviated by the most exact information as to the whereabouts of her physician at any time of day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
One day a young graduate of the technical school was admitted to our circle through a manuscript which showed very unusual understanding. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Most of my present day followers and co-workers came to me by way of Zürich, even those who might have found, geographically speaking, a shorter road to Vienna than to Switzer- land. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It would not be very giorious for the scientific men of our day. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It originates from well-known reactionary currents of the present day, which are inimi- cal to sdence, and strives to give the appearance of superiority to which we are not entitled. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
NOTE A.A.B. Abel, K., 314 Aberrations (see also Perversions) as inhibited development, 588 sexual, 52 I—547 shown by psychoneurotic, 542—543 with children and animals, 530—53’ Abraham, K., 33711, 363, 566n, 873, 909, 920, 922, 929, 930, 940 Absolute inversion, 522 in exhibitionism, 537 of sadism and masochism, 537—539 Abstract wit, 656 Absurd dreams, 377—402 Absurdity in jokes, 633 Acceleration of thought in dreams, 430 Accidental stimuli, 245—246 Actions accidental, 88 chance, 97—108 symbolic, 96 symptomatic, 8,, 97—108 collection of, ioón examples of, 97—98 groupings of, 99 Activity, muscular, 568—569 Actuality in wit, 683-685 Adhesion, heightened or fixated, 596 Adler, A., 121, 122, 36011,48711, 928—929 his theory criticized by Freud, 933—94’ INDEX 949 ‘0 Affective processes, 569—570 pathogeny of, 569 value of unconscious thought formula, 541 Affects conversion of, ~ displacement of, 214 in dreams, 402—42 2 inhibition of, 408 inversion of, 410—411 of dream-thoughts, 417—418 reinforcement of, 418 sources of, 416, 422 theory of, 489 transference of, to waking state, 4,5 transformation of, 410 Agassiz, L., 624 Aggression, 537, 66,, 666, 670, 704 sadism and masochism, 537—539 Agoraphobia and walking disorders, 489, 56911, 849 Agreement in dreams, 314—315 Aims of impulses, 543—544 Albertus Magnus, 46011 Alexander’s dream, i58n Algolagnia, 537 Allegorising, symbolisms, 447 Alluring-premiums (in wit), 693 Allusions (in wit), 644—646, 704 Alternatives in dreams, 312—313 Altruistic impulses, 267 Ambiguity in dreams, 195 in wit, 62o—621 950 Ambitious impulse in wit, 698 Ambivalence, 566 of emotions, 789—832 Ambivalent behavior, 798 impulses, 802—803 American Psychoanalytic Association, 930 Amnesia, 65, 445, 798 connected with infantile sexual activity, 56on infantile, 32, 549—550 and hysterical—compared, 550 temporary, 16—17 Amphigenous inversion, 522 Anacitic, 555, 58211 Anagogic interpretation, 447 Anal erotic zone, 52911 (see also Anus) erogenous significance of, 557—558 masturbatory irritation of, 557—558 Analyses of dreams, 219-244, 259—283, 343_415 “A Beautiful Dream,” 292—295 “Botanical Monograph,” 209-2 13, 290—292 “Irma’s injection,” 164—172 Analyses of word-forgetting and faulty word-reproduction ‘‘aliquis,” 9, 10 “Castelvetrano,” 24 “Ode to Apollo,” 14 “Signoreffi,” 4—8 “Young,” 21 Anamnesis, 302 Androgyny, 526 Anesthesia causes of, 582 in newly married women, 581—582 of wives, caused by parent complex, 586 INDEX Animal phobia, 873 Animals as sex objects, 53~53, Animism, 845—848 defined, 833, 835 Animistic phase, 844—845 Anticipations, 37 Antithesis in dreams, 313—314 Anus (see also Anal erotic zone) as aim in inverts, 529, 533—534 transgression, 533, 543 Anxiety dreams, 204, 257, 279—280, 284, 358, 487—493 on railway trains, 568 Application of same material in jokes, 621 Arabs, dream interpretation of, i58n Arduin, Dr., 527fl Aristandros, i58n Aristotle, 15711, 465—466, 682 Arithmetic in dreams, 370-372 Artemidorus, ,58n, 32 In, 33911, 50711 Association, similarity and contiguity, 841 Association-experiment, 916—9,7 Associations, 7,494 Astonishment in dreams, 396-398 Atkinson, 872 Attention, as a definite psychic function, 497 Attraction and pleasure, 573—5 74 Attributions (in wit), 652—654 Auditij~s, 33 Autoerotism, 554—555, 843 of erogenous zones, same in boys and girls, 580 of infantile sexuality, 559—561, 565 Automatic process in laughter, 707 part played by erogenous zones in, 545 L Automatisms, 513—514, 637—638, 705—707, 759 Aversion and awe (in taboo), 795 Avoidances, 782 brother-sister, 782—783 father-daughter, 783 mother-in-law, 783—787 Awkwardness, accidental, 94—95 Back, G., 18311 Bacon, Francis, iio, 839 Bain, A., 701, 74511 Banchieri, 18311 Bastian, 810 Baths, therapeutic effects of, 567—5 68 Bayer, 55m Bed-wetting, 70, 359, 559—560 Behavior of paranoics, 130-13 I Bell, S., 54811, 56211 Benedikt, M., 425 Bergson, H., 736n, 751, 761 Bernard, C., 446 Bernheim, 7511, 194 Betiheim and Hartmann, 354 Binet, 535, 546 Binswanger, L., 920 Biographical dreams, 335—336 Birth theories, 563—564 Bisexuality, 343, 359—360, 526 as explanation of inversion, 528 normal in childhood, 580—581 sadism and masochism in, 538—539 Bjerre, P., 920 Bladder-stimulus dreams due to, 245, 249—250 disturbances in children, 55 9—560 Blasphemous witticisms, 675 Bleuler, E., i8, 56, 13011, 337n, 54911, 566, 72511, 79811, 915—917, 925 Bleuler-Freud, 18311, 31411, 33211 Bloch, I., 52111, 52411, 53211 INDEX ‘0 Blood miracle, mm Blunders, speech, 37—54 Boas, F., 866 Bodily stimuli, 245 symbolisation of, 248—250 Boileau, quoted, 54n Bon mot, 6i8 Botanical monograph, dream of, 209—213, 290—292 Brandes, G., 278 Breaking of objects, 84—87 Breaking of taboo, 791—792, 800—80, Breast sucking, 554 symbolism in Faust, 294 woman’s, as erogenous zone, 574 Breuer,J., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
You can find his extraordinary images ofwar at home and how New Yorkers are coping at time.com/nachtwey. Time October 10, 2001
Day of Infamy I imagine the Statue of Liberty looking at the New York City skyline with a tear in one eye and steely resolve in the other." Time October 10, 2001
advice and bargain hunters’ deal of the day at onmagazine.com Time October 10, 2001
the same day 3,695,000 Afghan refugees as of Sept. 10, 2001 V 15,000 Number of Afghans who crossed the border into Pakistan the week after Sept. 11 Secret War (Simon & Schuster), released Sept. 11 100,000 Copies ordered for the second printing after the book topped Amazon’s best-seller list on Sept. 11 L2 million Cubic yards of earth and rock excavated to build the World Trade Center 90,931 Tons of debris removed from the World Trade Center site as of Sept. 22, 2001 2 56 Body parts recovered from the rubble 15 Ladder trucks, fire engines and support vehicles recovered $25 million Reward for Osama bin Laden’s capture $ 800 Per capita GDP of Afghanistan 300,000 Pledges made during the first 15 min. Time October 10, 2001
He told Muslims at home are full of smiling pictures of dead people. Time October 10, 2001
We have seen their kind before. Time October 10, 2001
Eighty- year-old parents, the generation that thought it had won the Last Battle, call their grown children every night and cry. Time October 10, 2001
DID YOU HEAR THAT THERE WAS A 70-YEAR-OLD MAN On a top floor of one of the towers who managed to surf the crumbling building all the way down to the street, surviving with nothing more than two broken legs? We would love to believe what we cannot imagine is true. Time October 10, 2001
The ugly side of fear never sleeps for long, and so Arab Americans and Muslims were attacked at their stores and homes. Time October 10, 2001
IN THE MIDDLE OFTHE NIGHT, WHEN NO ONE FEELS VERY BEAVE, who has not thought about escape? Uncertainty can be even\n harder to live with than bad news. Time October 10, 2001
people attended her husband’s memorial last week, spilling out The American landscape was one long Memorial Day pa- yet returned to school, but her classmates struggle to process all the bad news. Time October 10, 2001
She had turned 29 the day before the attack. Time October 10, 2001
A woman had come by earlier, put a bunch of money in the owner’s hand and told her to pay the bill of any soldier who walked through the door that day. Time October 10, 2001
He is not a young man—lO years older than John F. Kennedy was at the time of the Cuban missile crisis, only four years younger than Franklin D. Roosevelt, on the original day of infamy. Time October 10, 2001
Bush agreed, and that day and the next, he practiced his de- livery three times, marking changes with a black Sharpie pen. Time October 10, 2001
Bush himself, in addition to his reg- ular national security briefings (there’s now an afternoon meeting as well as one in the morning), meets each day with FBI Director Robert Mueller and Attorney General John Ashcroft to hear how the manhunt is going and assess new threats. Time October 10, 2001
And even if it doesn’t come im- mediately, Bush’s careful but ambitious rhetoric on terror suggests it will one day arrive. Time October 10, 2001
As the U.S. moved steadily toward launching an assault on Afghan territory, Taliban soldiers armed with AKs trun- died antiquated rocketlaunchers into po- sition, while citizens fled to the barren countryside or the Pakistani frontier. Time October 10, 2001
To this day, the Tal- CONSTANT WAR The Northern Alliance most inscrutable regimes, fanatically loyal iban rules only 90% of Afghan territory continued fighting the Taliban last week to one ofthe world’s most mysterious lead- and is still engaged in fierce fighting to blandishments to kick him out. Time October 10, 2001
Bin Laden fancies himself a modern-day Saladin, the Muslim commander who liberated Jerusalem from the Crusaders. Time October 10, 2001
gation into the Sept. 11 terror attacks should adopt it, simply for accuracy. Time October 10, 2001
They led unassuming lives in low- rent neighborhoods. Time October 10, 2001
On Sept. 16 the government tem- Rumors lit on every tongue last week; di national who is being held as a materi- al witness, had made three reservations to fly to San Diego via Denver on that date, people worried that terrorists would hi- jack another aircraft. Time October 10, 2001
If the evil car- emy sues for peace (2: 192-3). Time October 10, 2001
To keep costs down, al-Qaeda foot soldiers make money through jobs or engagingin petty crime. Time October 10, 2001
But Card connected Ridge with Dick Cheney, who offered Ridge a post that the Vice President had just that < day proposed to Bush—a Cabinet-level position charged with protecting “home- land security.” Time October 10, 2001
Suddenly, Bush, Cheney and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice appeared in the room. Time October 10, 2001
That’s beginning to mock commando raids on U.S. plants for change. Time October 10, 2001
The day before that, a Pakistani Muslim store owner was shot and killed. Time October 10, 2001
On that same day, the pilot of a Delta ffight in Texas had a Pakistani American removed before takeoff because he said his crew did not feel com- fortable with the man aboard. Time October 10, 2001
Pray five times a day. Time October 10, 2001
We believe that we are created for a purpose, and we are go- ing to be held responsible for our life on earth on the day of judgment.” Time October 10, 2001
Omar Abdel Rahman, the jailed ringleader of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, used to preach at the Masjid al-Salaam mosque in Jersey City, N.J. The day after the recent terror, two men arrested on a train in Dallas with box cutters, hair dye and more than $5,000 in cash are reported to have wor- shiped there recently. Time October 10, 2001
“ To- day all that has changed. Time October 10, 2001
But here in America, the country where Sunday is the most segregated day of the week, it flour- ishes. Time October 10, 2001
Every airline job, the industry says, helps create another six, from travel agents to food-service and assembly-line workers. Time October 10, 2001
Last week Scott Feder, principal of Dutch Neck Elementary School in Princeton Junction, N.J., installed a three-part “grieving plan” to console a kindergartner whose father never came home from work Sept. 11. Time October 10, 2001
He had been or- dained 28 years ago to the day, but he had never seen so much misery, so much fury in the faces of his congrega- lion, as he had at that morning’s service. Time October 10, 2001
Many of the worshippers that day were not ready to move past anger. Time October 10, 2001
“One individual stayed at home during the day and was exposed all day to the TV,” says Dr. Daniel Blake, a psychologist in Detroit. Time October 10, 2001
But since the sport returned from its six-day mourning period last week, ballplayers have openly declared their own irrelevance, noting that anything they accomplish on manicured grass is meaningless in the current context. Time October 10, 2001
—By Josh Tyrangiel LIFE RESUMES Dating After Doomsday THERE ARE PEOPLE IN NEW YORK CITY— good people, people in pain—who have used the past few weeks as an opportunity to put the passion back in compassion. Time October 10, 2001
Ask the 500 or so demonstrators who convened there a day later before marching north to Times Square. Time October 10, 2001
The most immediate effects will be in TV, and notjustlate-night. Time October 10, 2001
CHANGING SCENE The Fallout in the Fun Industries Title: 24 What: New series in which a CIA agent (Kiefer Sutherland) has one day to foil an assassination The Problem: In the pilot episode, the would-be shooter blows up a passenger plane Future Prospects: Producers are modifying the explosion and editing a few lines but keeping the story line, hoping that the account of a heroic counterterrorism agent will strike a chord Title: Microsoft flight Simulator 2002 What: Update of long- popular program that allows users to fly a virtual plane The Problem: Its New York City scenario includes a World Trade Center that players can fly into Future Pjospects: Microsoft plans to offer soft- ware to remove the towers from old versions; new ver- sion delayed indefinitely Title: The Onion (theonion.com) Time October 10, 2001
The message was plainly directed at Russia, whose continuous south- ward advance into Central Asia lay at the core of British fears. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
West of this core lies Persia and the Caucasus, to the north is Russia, to the east China, and immediately to the southeast Nepal and Tibet, and just below Afghanistan to the south lie present-day Pakistan, Kashmir, and the Indian subcontinent. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
To Hearsey, writing in his journal about that day, the Gurkhas were a “cussed de- ceitful race” and “cowardly shitten rascals.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But day by day conditions improved. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
23 24 .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS Detention gave Moorcroft and Hearsey ample opportunity to learn more about the Gurkhas, Goorkas, or Ghorkas, among a dozen spellings for these hardy mountaineers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Poisonous reptiles might turn up anywhere. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
No campaign by the British CHAPTER TWO A River Too Far P HRASED AT ITS GENTLEST, THE TRAVELER’S LOT IN BRITISH India in the 1820’s was not easy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
even months. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
KASHMIRI shawls were the haute couture rage in France, where the former Empress Josephine was said to possess hundreds. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It bestrides the main trade routes from Persia, China, and Central Asia, and bisects the Grand Trunk Road from Peshawar to Kabul. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In fact Russian faces were by then so familiar in Bokhara that from the day of his arrival, urchins flocked around Moorcroft shouting “Ooroos, Ooroos,” the cry he first heard in Tibet thirteen years before. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
An indifferently edited version of Moorcroft’s and Trebeck’s journals, omitting all the entries about Kabul and Bokhara, was eventually published in Lon- don in 1841, and to this day it remains their sole literary legacy. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Metcalfe and Macaulay carried the day, and freedom was restored at first to the English-language press and soon thereafter to the pro- liferating vernacular papers. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was here that Shah Shuja, the deposed Afghan monarch, maintained his court in exile. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Reticence was thrown aside, and the two Britons exuberantly joked and gossiped in a glow of sponta- neous complicity. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As Macnaghten prepared to leave, he hinted that Sir Alexander Burnes might be his successor, despite the Envoy’s belief that the Resident was too much of a “croaker?’ This was his all-purpose epi- thet for aides who brought ill-tidings, the most persistent croakers being Major Henry Rawlinson at Kandahar and Major Eldred Pot- tinger, erstwhile hero of Herat, now a political officer at Kohistan. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On October 31, Burnes wrote in his journal, “What will this day bring forth? It will make or mar me, “Here Comes the Messenger” .~. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
According to Kaye, who wove together differing accounts, a mysterious Kashmiri appeared on the balcony and offered to lead the brothers to safety in native disguise. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A day later, the commissariat was abandoned, a move (writes Kaye) that “not only threatened the British with instant starvation, but made such a lamentable exposure of our imbecility, that all [Afghans] who had before held aloof.. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The British weapon had not changed since Waterloo: it was the Brown Bess, a muzzle-loader effective to about 150 yards. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The firing commenced on day three, unchecked by the evidently sin- cere appeals of the escort. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The five-day toll of European officers, native troops, their families, and camp followers, lost in battle or to the weather, was now 12,000. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
RUSSIA EXPANDED EASTWARD AND SOUTHWARD IN SUCCESSIVE waves, waves so powerful that in the course of four centuries the Tsarist empire grew at the remarkable average of fifty-five square miles a day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Five-sixths of the Russian population consisted of illiterate peasants, half of whom were seth who could be sold as chattel, beaten with impunity, or conscripted to serve a lifetime in the army. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
That contempt was epitomized in the story of the Rani ofJhansi, little known outside India, where her memory continues to live in ballad and bronze. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Blamed for the slaughter of the captives, she was also condemned for her association with the detested Nana Sahib. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
General Rose and his troopers pressed on to the rebel base at Kalpi, where the British again prevailed, decisively, or so they as- sumed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He is among the outsize public servants celebrated by a latter-day “civil- ian;’ Philip Mason, in The Men Who Ruled India (1954). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a lucky shot on the first day, an eight-inch shell fatally wounded Lawrence, denting the silver locket he always wore con- taining Honoria’s portrait. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Schuyler had also arrived on a mission of inquiry, prompted by alarming reports from American missionaries. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In MacGahan’s case, he started out with a fractured ankle in a cast, yet had to keep moving on horse- back. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was a Hertfordshire neighbor of the Lyttons, knew the family well, and was a little wary of “imagination.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
They all require to have their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
That objective was the “ultimate expression of the forward policy, to be carried out with little or no regard for Afghan wishes, but with an unswerving determination to place the Indian defensive frontier where it had been in the days of the great Empires, in Asoka’s day and in Akbar’s day—on the northern ridges of the Hindu Kush and the Oxus Valley beyond.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Three times during the day he sent emissaries, including his young son, who appealed vainly with the rioters to disperse. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a telegram to General Roberts,Yakub Khan grasped what the massacre implied for him. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
remember, it is not justice in the ordinary sense, but ret- ribution you have to administer on reaching Kabul. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
I therefore advocate early pub- lic recognition of Abdur Rahman.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He was trapped, as it were, in the paradoxes of his own making: he wished to devour Imperialism and have it too. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Kim was at Allen Dulles’s deathbed, and Tariq Au, the expatriate Pakistani rev- olutionary, declared it the book he loved most as a boy in Lahore. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Those officials who had failed to bar Das’s entry into Her Majesty’s Indian Secret Service :. 221 222 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS Tibet were severely punished and their property was confiscated. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
again, after a time, his supplies were exhausted, the leader himself fell sick, and the caravan had to turn back before reaching its goal. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Bastille Day, huge and boisterous crowds shouted and sang their sup- port for General Boulanger, the Minister ofWar, who many believed was destined to crush Germany and regain Alsace-Lorraine. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
But when Younghusband found himself next to Curzon at a lavish lunch the following day, the Viceroy talked “liter- ally the whole time” about the frontier, the newly formed Central Asian Society, and local problems at Indore. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In the press cliché of the day, the Forbidden City was finally unveiled. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
He had done ft Curzon’s Hour :. 303 304 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS so against the recommendations of “Retiring Mac,” his overcautious escort commander who had strongly opposed advancing to Lhasa and once there, proposed an immediate withdrawal. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Arctic explorer returned to Stockholm on a cold and rainy spring day to enthusiastic cheers, which “roared like thunder from quays, streets, windows and roofs.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His crossing in the ferocious heat of summer won him his first medals from both the Imperial Russian and the Royal Geographical Societies and gained him his lifelong reputation—for ruthlessness. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
However, he refused to turn back, preferring to press ahead to achieve his goal. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In a letter marked “Strictly private,” Hedin tried to reassure John Scott Keltie, for twenty-five years the Society’s Secretary and editor of its Journal: “I do not un- derstand what you mean when writing, ‘Of course one cannot blame you for going to Central Asia in the service of Russia.’ Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The bride was now ravished, and older fantasies quickly gave way to a tristesse that can be felt to this day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On July 15, with impemtent sarcasm, Sven Hedin penned this letter to the president of the Society: Sir: At my return from Lemberg yesterday I found your let- ter of March 23 informing me that the Council of the R.G.S. has removed my name from the list of Honorary Corresponding Members. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
diary kept by Huang Wenbi, a Chinese member of the team, as edited by his son Huang Lie and published in Beijing in 1990, has this entry for July 7, 1927: “The day before yesterday there was a party for foreign members and they sang military songs. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Unlike other European Orientalists who never ventured to the Subcontinent, Stein was able to study the Buddhist art from Gandhara (now in Pakistan), then rarely seen out- side the Punjab, under Kipling’s guidance and pursue his interest in the extraordinary cultural encounter that had occurred along the Silk Road, as the German geographer Ferdinand von Richthofen was the first to call it. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“The day before yesterday I had the opportunity to introduce my- self personally to Lord C,” Stein wrote his brother Ernst. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Survey of India would provide equipment and an experienced pundit, Ram Singh, “to carry on a continuous sys- tem of surveys by plane table, astronomical observations, and trian- gulation” during the whole of their travels. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
359The Spoils of Serindia 360 :. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS TODAY’S TRAVELER APPROACHES THE CARAVAN CITIES OF YARKAND and Khotan by bus or van, threading past the same rows of willows, poplars, mulberry bushes, and tamarisks that cloaked the road and lined irrigation ditches in Stein’s day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even in Stein’s day much had to be imagined. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Even the great northern Silk Road city of Khara Khoto, still a major crossroads in Marco Polo’s day, pales in comparison with Luxor or Nineveh. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
However, his most spectacular results occurred on a twenty-three-day visit (May 21 through June 13, 1907) to the Mogao caves of Dunhuang. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Stein first heard of the caves from a Hungarian geologist in 1902. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
However, it was while mapping a glacier in the Kunlun Range, at 20,000 feet and 16 degrees below freezing, in October 1908 that “the awkward mishap occurred” on the last day of his exploratory work. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
ft Kozlov would never set on eyes on Lhasa, but he did manage two memorable encounters with the Dalai Lama. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And the consciousness never left me by day or night while we were there. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
A canal in Panama would soon give Atlantic shipping easy access to a vaster ocean that would be to the modern age what the Mediterranean was to the ancient world. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Macartney, an experienced diplomat who had spent years at Catherine the Great’s court, re- flected in his journal that the Empire was headed for the reefs and that “much rivalry and disorder” would ensue as trading nations searched “every channel, creek, and cranny of China for a market.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His “boy” was Liu San, who served as “interpreter, cook, table-servant, groom, and carter.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
From Liu San he heard boastful tales of how Younghusband had gullibly paid inflated prices for carts and mules, with his “boy” pocketing the difference (published with a certain relish by the American). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS photographs, collected between 300 and 400 ethnological, botanical and geological specimens. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
With a firm nudge from Peking, the Dalai Lama and his entourage moved first to Kumbum, then to Wu T’ai Shan, a Buddhist sanctuary in Shansi Province When that happened, Rockhill pulled on his walking boots and in June 1908 made his way on foot to Shansi, a five-day journey. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Really, it is difficult to believe it occurred! Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Before First Encounters of an American Kind 421 422 .. TOURNAMENT OF SHADOWS long he became the Dalai Lama’s friend, adviser, and advocate. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
His strength was in appraising with a cool eye how very different cultures see each other. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
How best this might be done was a matter for in- tense internal debate, so private that its substance has only lately be- come known in a cluster of scholarly works based on newly opened archives. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
day after Pereira’s departure, Tibetan authorities requested the services of Laden La, then Police Inspector in Darjeeling and formerly an aide to the Dalai Lama during his Indian exile. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Polls in early 1948 gave Wallace seven percent, which on election day could translate into four million votes, most of them at the ex- pense of Harry Truman. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
And I have thought of the New Country going forth, to meet the seven stars and under the sign of the three stars. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
It was Peabody’s custom to send all Grotonians a hand- written birthday card every year. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The exultant explorers prepared an itinerary that would assure their arrival in Lhasa on an auspicious day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Their progress was smoothed by a “red arrow letter” that preceded their caravan by a day or two, giving villagers time to gather provisions. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In his travel reminiscences, The Fire Ox and Other Years (1940), Cutting engagingly notes the virtues of the yak as an equable provider of wool and its defects as a pack—animal: “He can scarcely cover two miles an hour, and nine miles a day is usually his limit. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The reform-minded Tsarong, no longer a shape on the Kashag but still an official host to Western visitors, prepared a five-day fate for the Cuttings, with picnics, open- air theatricals, mah-jongg tournaments, and lavishly garbed “chung girls” who plied guests with chung, a thickish beverage resembling beer. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Hardly had the call been placed when a senior aide to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara phoned the bureau and ap- pealed to the editor to drop the matter. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“He promised us the necessary passports and then, as if getting down to the real business of the day, trotted out a rather startling selection of sporting weapons for our inspection. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
On Christmas Day, 1942, Ludlow arranged a fate at the Resi- dence for the Americans, along with the unofficial greeter of all Western visitors, Tsarong, his wife and son; and a leading noble, Phunkang Se, his wife Kuku, and his sister Kay. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
As Ludlow relates: “Tolstoy mentioned one day to the Tibetan Foreign Office that he had rec- ommended to his Government that Tibet should be represented at the Peace Conference at the end of the war. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Our talk continued over coffee, and after rising Hodson thanked us for an encounter he found agreeable, a sentiment reinforced by a gracious note the fol- lowing day. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Their tireless horses also enabled Genghis Khan to send messengers at a speed of 200 miles a day, using couri- ers who sounded a horn as they approached a relay station, where they could remount without stopping. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
“It has assumed the mantle once worn by Kim’s masters,” he wrote, “as if it were a seamless garment.” Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
One can look back with qualified approval at aspects of the Pax Britannica—at its devo- tion to free speech, the rule of law, and parliamentary elections, and to its promotion of English. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The Second Afghan War has not wanted for chroniclers, beginning with Howard Hensman, The Afghan War of 1879—80 (London, 1881), by a corre- spondent of The Pioneer (Allahabad) and The Daily News (London), collecting his day-by-day reports. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and the Journey of :. Notes for Chapter Eight “This is a terrible day”: quoted, Luytens, op. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Nayana Goradia, Lord Cur- zon: The Last of the British Moghuls (New Delhi, 1993), is of interest as a sympathetic but critical study written by a present-day Indian scholar.The Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
97. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
We have also drawn on “The Discovery of Khara Khoto” by Kira Fyodorovna Samosyuk in Lost Empire of the Silk Road: Buddhist Art from Khara Khoto, ed. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
In re Theodore and Kermit Roosevelt, see Sylvia Jukes Morris’s biography of their mother, Edith Kermit Roosevelt: Portrait of a First Lady (NewYork, 1980), and the reminiscences of Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., Day Before Yesterday (New York, 1959). Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
The journalist David Wise described the agency’s training camps in Colorado in The Politics oj Lying (New York, 1973), and the peculiar events at Peterson Field on Pearl Harbor Day 1961, but little was made of it. Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia
Vienna, which so frequently end in “irig”: Hietzing, Liesing, Moedling (the old Medelitz, “meæ deliciœ,” “my joy’~ that is, my own name, the German for “joy” being Freude) , and the English hearsay, which points to calumny, and establishes the relation to the indifferent dream-stimulus of the day—a poem in Fliegende Blätter about a slanderous dwarf, “Sagter Haterge- sagt” (Saidhe Hashesaid). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We postpone the consideration of this objection until later and for the present merely contrast it to the interpretation derived from our previous discussion of taboo. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
If some of the inhabitants of a Dayak village had set out on a hunt for wild-boars, those remaining behind were in the meantime not permitted to touch either oil or water with their hands, as such acts would soften the hunters’ fingers and would let the quarry slip through their hands.4 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The origin of a fantastic variety of living things could be explained by the contribution which novel features, possibly of random provenance, made to survival. About Behaviorism
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 113 psychic processes which perceptibly influence the libido econ- omy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It really tells the history of two generations in the life of some American families. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This condition, according to our as- sumption, was present in the aggressive joke of Mr. N. and in the one of Wendell Phillips, in whom a strong inclination to use invectives was stifled by a highly developed æsthetic sense. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The only dif- ference between the cases of outer and inner hindrances consists in the fact that here an already existing inhibition is removed, while there the formation of a new inhibition is avoided. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Whoever used to have a gas lamp in his room, but now uses electric light, will experience for a long time a defi- nite feeling of pleasure when he presses the electric light button; this pleasure continues as long as at that moment he remembers the compli- cated arrangements necessary to light the gas lamp. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Perhaps it would not be considered an unjustified statement if we should refer the pleasure of the witticism heard to the difference between these two forms of presentation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Published in the United States by Random House, Inc., New York, and simultaneously in Can- ada by Random House of Canada Limited, Toronto. About Behaviorism
Much is at stake in the way in which we look at ourselves, and a be- havioristic formulation certainly calls for some disturb- ing changes. About Behaviorism
The study of literature, art, and music is often confined to the forms of these products of human be- havior, and linguists may confine themselves to pho- netics, semantics, and syntax. About Behaviorism
The discovery of org~tni~’ing principles in the structure of behavior— such as “universals” in cultures or languages, arche- typal patterns in literature, or psychological types— may make it possible to predict instances of behavior that have not previously occurred. About Behaviorism
When explanations are demanded, primitive cultural practices are at- tributed to “the mind of the savage,” the acquisition of language to “innate rules of grammar,” the develop- ment of problem-solving strategies to the “growth of mind,” and so on. About Behaviorism
In short, structuralism tells us how people behave but throws very little light on why they behave as they do. About Behaviorism
Logical positivism or operationism holds that since no two observers can agree on what happens in the world of the mind, then from the point of view of physical science mental events are “unobservables”; there can be no truth by agreement, and we must abandon the cx- animation of mental events and turn instead to how they are studied. About Behaviorism
It disposed of many of the problems raised by mentalism and freed itself to work on its own projects without philosophical digressions. About Behaviorism
By directing attention to genetic and environmental an- tecedents, it offset an unwarranted concentration on an inner life. About Behaviorism
The view that a purely physical world could be self-sufficient bad been suggested centuries before, in the doctrine of psy- chophysical parallelism, which held that there were two worlds—one of mind and one of matter—and that neither had any effect on the other. About Behaviorism
Must all this be ignored because it cannot be studied objectively? 17 The Causes of Behavior But problems remained. About Behaviorism
Mao Tse-tung’s thoughts on the same subject are very Chinese. About Behaviorism
I have not presupposed any technical knowledge on the part of the reader. About Behaviorism
Some terms appear many times, but it does not follow that the text is very repetitious. About Behaviorism
I do so while acknowledging that Traduttori traditori—Translators are traitors—and that there are perhaps no exact be- havioral equivalents, certainly none with the overtones and contexts of the originals. About Behaviorism
(though I put a very special interpretation on awareness). About Behaviorism
We use the verb “feel” in describing our contact with these two kinds of stimulation. About Behaviorism
topography (“I am waving my hand”) or may include effects on the en- vironment (“I am drinking a glass of water” or “I am sewing a button on my shirt”). About Behaviorism
When something funny happens on a solemn occasion, we may report, “I felt~ like laughing” or, “I wanted to laugh” or, “I could scarcely keep from laughing.” About Behaviorism
The stimulation thus de- scribed presumably accompanied earlier instances when 29 The World Within the Skin Reporting Behavior Current Behavior. About Behaviorism
It may be a prediction of behavior based on cur- rent conditions with which the behavior is often asso- ciated (‘When things are like this, I generally give up” or “I’m hungry and I sin going to get something to eat”). About Behaviorism
behavior are reported according to the circumstances in which they have been acquired, and this means that an expression may be translated in several ways. About Behaviorism
Behaviorism, on the other hand, has moved forward. About Behaviorism
infant is so constructed that it takes in air and food and puts out wastes. About Behaviorism
“Selection pressure” is an example. About Behaviorism
To say that there is “no obvious selection pressure on mammals that explains the high level of inteffigence reached by primates” is simply to say that it is hard to imagine conditions under which slightly more inteffigent members of a species would be more likely to survive. About Behaviorism
Through the process of operant condi~.icr~ng, About Behaviorism
T~u3, when a hungry organism exhibits behavior that produces food, the behavior is reinforced by that consequence and is therefore more likely to recur. About Behaviorism
A duckling will learn to peck a spot on the wall if pecking brings the object closer. About Behaviorism
selection and operant conditioning are often confused when they produce behaviors having similar topog- raphies. About Behaviorism
Or the behavior may be shaped and maintained because people are susceptible to reinforcement by signs of damage to others. About Behaviorism
Modern warfare is often said to exemplify territoriality and aggression, but it would be hard to find any act of a soldier that could have been selected by contingencies of survival. About Behaviorism
Universal features of language do not imply~a universal innate endowment, because the contingencies of rein- forcement arranged by verbal communities have uni- versal features. About Behaviorism
No special evolutionary process is needed when the facts are considered in their own right. About Behaviorism
Impor- tant consequences of behavior which could not play a role in evolution because they were not sufficiently stable features of the environment are made effective through operant conditioning during the lifetime of the Operant Behavior The process of operant conditioning described in a individual, whose power in dealing with his world is thus vastly increased. About Behaviorism
Salivation is elicited by certain chemical stimuli on the tongue (as other secretions are elicited by other stimuli in later stages of digestion) because the effect has contributed to the survival of the species. About Behaviorism
We are not disposed to do to a per- son we dislike (or especially to a person we hate) the things he likes or loves to have done; on the contrary we are disposed to do the things he dislikes or hates to have done. About Behaviorism
“I miss you” could almost be thought of as a metaphor based on target practice, equivalent to “My behavior with respect to you as a person cannot reach its mark” or “I look for you and fail to find you.” About Behaviorism
These metaphors are based on aver- sive control. About Behaviorism
The simple future, as in “He will go,” takes on an additional mean- ing when we say, “He will go in spite of the danger.” About Behaviorism
Since mutation is a random process and since most mutations are harmful rather than neutral or beneficial to the organism, it is evident that the occur- rence of a variation is itself a matter of chance, and that one cannot speak of a will or purpose on the part of the individual to develop a new structure or trait that might prove helpful. About Behaviorism
schedules on which they are programmed generate con- ditions which are described with a wide range of terms. About Behaviorism
A writer who makes his living by writing one article or story after another is on a kind of fixed-ratio schedule, and he is often aware of one result: the com- pletion of one article is often followed by a period re- sembling extinction during which he is unable to start a new one. About Behaviorism
(This kind of interpretation of a his- All gambling systems are based on variable-ratio it is characteristic of intermittent reinforcement that 67 Aversive Stimuli and Punishment Aversive stimuli, which generate a host of bodily condi- tions felt or introspectively observed, are the stimuli which function as reinforcers when they are reduced or terminated. About Behaviorism
schedules of reinforcement, although their effects are usually attributed to feelings. About Behaviorism
Early Greek and Persian justice was simple and swift because it was based entirely on the topography of a crime: a person who killed another was guilty of murder regard- less of the circumstances. About Behaviorism
As we learn more about the role of contingencies of reinforcement, we are more likely to move beyond formal properties. About Behaviorism
The search for explanation in form or structure goes on. About Behaviorism
Their action must be “grounded on the under- standing of how things behave.” About Behaviorism
Are we not all familiar with colors, sounds, tastes, and smells which have no counterparts in the physical world? What is their place in a behavioristic account? I believe the answer is to be found in the special role assigned to stimuli in an operant analysis. About Behaviorism
For example, perception is in a sense purposive or in- tentional. About Behaviorism
in terms of the form, or configuration, of what is per- ceived. About Behaviorism
Early psychologists, like Wundt and Titchener, tried to discover what a person saw (or heard, felt, and so on) under the pure control of current stimuli, free of the effects of previous exposure. About Behaviorism
He was to see a “patch of color” rather than an object; he was to have a salty taste rather than taste salt; he was to feel warm rather than the warmth of the sun on his skin. About Behaviorism
search on the sensory processes of animals, were re- sponsible for further progress. About Behaviorism
In 1865 Claude Bernard had contended that “experimental studies of sense or- gans must be made on man because animals cannot di- rectly account to us for the sensations they experience,” but there is now an elaborate “animal psychophysics,” in which stimulus control is analyzed with great pre- In doing so, he was to see the irreducible elements Further studies of discrimination, particularly re- I cision. About Behaviorism
This was not a serious problem for early philosophers, who had no reason to question the fact that they lived in a world of colors, sounds, and so on. About Behaviorism
I believe, on the contrary, that it offers the only way in which the subject of imaging or imagining can be put in good order. About Behaviorism
So far as we know, he is simply doing in the absence of the music some of the things he did in its presence. About Behaviorism
what he sees (hears, feels, and so on) has the same seeing the things themselves. About Behaviorism
I could be said to know that this sheet of paper is really there because I pick up a pen and write on it, and that the bright after-image which bothers me is not there because I do not try to brush it away. About Behaviorism
Other kinds of self-knowledge about stimulus con- trol become available when we analyze the contingen- cies which control our behavior. About Behaviorism
Like other species, it had up to that point displayed warning cries, threatening shouts, and other innate responses, but vocal operant behavior made a great difference because it extended the scope of the social environment. About Behaviorism
As a result, it is free of the spatial, temporal, and mechanical relations which prevail between operant be- havior and nonsocial consequences. About Behaviorism
As a result, verbal behavior can occur on almost any oc- casion. About Behaviorism
Those who have con- fused behaviorism with structuralism, in its emphasis on form or topography, have complained that it ignores meaning. About Behaviorism
A verbal response on the part of the speaker makes it possible for the listener to respond appropriately. About Behaviorism
It depends on past contingencies, and nothing is gained by internalizing them. About Behaviorism
To define interpersonal trust as “an expectancy held by an individual or a group that the word, promise, verbal or written statement of another individual or group can be relied on” is to complicate matters unnecessarily. About Behaviorism
The meaning of a response for the speaker includes the stimulus which controls it (in the example above, the setting on the face of a clock or watch) and pos- sibly aversive aspects of the question, from which a re- sponse brings release. About Behaviorism
But a single property may be ha- portant to the listener who takes many kinds of prac- tical action on many different occasions because of it and who therefore reinforces appropriately when a given object is called red. About Behaviorism
The contingencies explain the behavior, and we need not be disturbed because it is impossible to discover the referent in any single instance. About Behaviorism
We need not, with William of Ockham and the Nominalists, deny that abstract entities exist and insist that such responses are merely words. About Behaviorism
A French translation of an English book is not another statement of a set of propositions; it is another sample of verbal behavior having an effect upon a French reader similar to the effect of the English ver- sion on an English reader. About Behaviorism
When a class is defined by more than one property, the referent is usually called a concept Sentences and Propositions The traditional notion of meaning and referent runs into trouble when we begin to analyze larger verbal re- sponses under the control of more complex environ- mental circumstances. About Behaviorism
The verbal behavior is impressive in part because the topography is conspicuous and easily identified and in part because it suggests hidden meanings. About Behaviorism
But a record of topography needs to be supplemented by an equally detailed record of the conditions under which it was acquired. About Behaviorism
To say, “He was thinking of moving his rook,” is perhaps to say, “He was on the point of moving it.” About Behaviorism
Usually, how- ever, the term refers to completed behavior which oc- curs on a scale so small that it cannot be detected by others. About Behaviorism
world in which it is lived are inventions. About Behaviorism
A rather similar process can be demonstrated as fol- lows: A hungry pigeon is occasionally reinforced with food when it pecks a circular disk on the wall of an ex- perimental chamber. About Behaviorism
An example from a popular article on place learning shows how troublesome it is to explain behavior by in- venting a concept instead of by pursuing contingencies. About Behaviorism
What does one do to find an object in a box of rubbish (“scrutinize” comes from an cx- pressign having to do with the sorting out of trash) or on the shelves of a warehouse? How does one go about finding a word on a page or finding and crossing out all thea’s in a column of print? The skillful searcher moves about, sorts out materials, and moves his eyes in ways which maximize the chances of finding things and mini- mize the chances of missing, and he does so because of past contingencies. About Behaviorism
Familiar examples are scratches on clay tablets, en- graved legends on monuments, books, paintings, photo- graphs, phonographic recordings, and the magnetic Search and Recall There are, however, more specialized strategies of For various reasons, suggested by such terms as stores of computers. About Behaviorism
On a future occasion such a record can evoke behavor appropriate to an earlier occasion and may permit a person to respond more effectively. About Behaviorism
If we can remember a name, we have no need to search our memory; if we can:ot remember it, how do we go about looking for it? The cognitive psychologist talks about various systems of access borrowed from the filing sys- tems of libraries, computers, warehouses, postal systems, and so on. About Behaviorism
A name may remind us of a person in the sense that we now see him. About Behaviorism
The computer is a bad model—as bad as the clay tablets on which the metaphor was probably first based. About Behaviorism
If, however, we are working covertly, we do not recover the facts, as if we were pulling papers out of a file; we merely see them again. About Behaviorism
They have also probably cost us much useful evidence, because great thinkers (who presum- ably know what < thinking < is) have been led to report their activities in subjective terms, focusing on their feel- ings and what they introspectively observe while think- ing, and as a result they have failed to report significant facts about their earlier histories. About Behaviorism
One person gives another -directions by noting or un- plying a reinforcing consequence, by describing behav- ior having that consequence, and especially by describ- ing the controlling environment: “To get to Boston, follow Route 93 to the intersection with Route 495, turn left on Route 90.. About Behaviorism
Directions for operating a vending machine describe a series of acts to be under- taken in order: “To operate, place coin in slot and pull plunger beneath item wanted.” About Behaviorism
These verbal stimuli may at first be directions, but they become instruction if verbal help is given only as needed. About Behaviorism
The bellows was most efficient if one opened it fully before closing it and opened it quickly and closed it slowly. About Behaviorism
Most people can learn the instruction “Push down on the gearshift lever before moving it into the reverse posi- tion” more readily than the actual shifting movement, especially if the lever does not move easily or if, in other cars with which the driver is familiar, it does not need to be pushed down. About Behaviorism
Driving a car by following instructions differs from the behavior finally shaped by the movement of the car on a highway. About Behaviorism
We have seen that operant conditioning has been said to indicate such a process; an organism reinforced on one or more occasions is said to “infer or judge that < similar conse-< quences will follow upon other occasions.” About Behaviorism
They need not be suppressed by reason; on the con-F trary, they may be made vastly more effective. About Behaviorism
Like reasoning or inference, the term does not usefully describe any single behavioral process. About Behaviorism
A pigeon pecks a disk and is reinforced when the disk is red but not when it is green; it then stops pecking when the disk is green. About Behaviorism
limited by the sources of the behavior of the speaker, the control exerted by the current setting, the effects of similar settings in the past, the effects upon the listener leading to precision or to exaggeration or falsi- fication, and so on. About Behaviorism
All these forms of knowing depend on a previous exposure to contingencies of reinforcement, but we are also said to have a special kind of knowledge if we can simply state instructions, directions, rules, or laws. About Behaviorism
They did not explain why a person should attend to the world around him, why he should connect (associate) two features which occurred together so that one then re- minded him of the other, or why he should think about them at all. About Behaviorism
We saw in Chapter 5 that some of Locke’s successors introduced an element of belief or will into the empirical position, but knowledge about the world is due to more than contact with a given setthg, be- cause it is due to the contingencies of reinforcement of which that setting is a part. About Behaviorism
The We also find it reinforcing when a rule, as a de- Knowing as Possessing Information Information is used in a very different way in de- metaphor is at home in theories derived historically from the reflex arc, in which the environment enters (or is taken in by) the body and is processed and con- verted into behavior. About Behaviorism
When many other scien- tists arrive at the same facts or laws, any personal con- tribution or personal participation is reduced to a min- imum. About Behaviorism
Information theory, with respect to the behavior of the individual, is merely a sophisticated version of copy theory. About Behaviorism
The external world is internalized, not as a photographic or phonographic reproduction, but suf- ficiently transduced, encoded, or otherwise modified to be more plausibly regarded as stored within the body. About Behaviorism
The message has, as I have said, an apparently objective status. About Behaviorism
We have seen that the intellectual life of the mind has been fabricated on the pattern of life in the external world. About Behaviorism
A paper on the activist youth of the 1960s, for example, calls attention to a “modal personality” of activists. About Behaviorism
To be beside oneself is to be, for the moment, two people. About Behaviorism
It is often said that there is an intrapsychic life of the mind, totally independent of the physical world, in which memories evoke memories, ideas suggest ideas, and so on. About Behaviorism
By turning to the facts on which these expressions are based, it is usually possible to identify the contin- gencies of reinforcement which account for the intra- psychic activities. About Behaviorism
An angry person may have a rapid pulse and a flushed face; his behavior may be strongly focused on the object of his anger and uncontrolled by other features of the environment; he may show a strong tendency to harm that object (“I could have killed him”) or may actually harm him. About Behaviorism
The thought may have “crossed his mind” as a verbal response or in some form much less easily a Inner Causes ABouT BBa&vIoiusM 174 identified. About Behaviorism
One is also said to feel pleasure (reinforcement is pleas- ing), satisfaction (etymologically related, as we have seen, to satiation), joy, or happiness. About Behaviorism
Erik Erikson’s eight psychosocial stages of ego develop- ment are defined in terms of feelings and states of mind, but the stages are in the contingencies generating the conditions felt or introspectively observed. About Behaviorism
There is no harm in saying that a fluid possesses viscosity, or in measur- ing and comparing different fluids or the same fluid at different temperatures on some convenient scale. About Behaviorism
Consider now a behavioral paralleL When a person has been subjected to mildly punishing consequences in walking on a slippery surface, be may walk in a manner we describe as cautious. About Behaviorism
This is said to have had the fol- lowing effect: “Covetousness and greed, restrained within the Roman community by ancient rules of be- havior, having once been let loose upon the foreigner, could no longer be restrained at home.” About Behaviorism
The reaction of a worker to a welfare chiseler ap- pears to depend on a history of social contingencies, common in Western cultures, in which shirkers are punished by workers, the latter possibly feeling a con- dition called resentment. About Behaviorism
In one analysis of the effects of a chiseler on a worker, “work” becomes “sacrifice,” which is said to be a “voluntary virtue, a meaning the sacrificer has created out of the material circumstances of his life.” About Behaviorism
There are physiological reasons why a person 181 The inner World of Motivation and Emotion minority in America has been described this way: When a once “largely powerless” group acquires a sense of growing power, “its members experience an intensified need for self-affirmation. About Behaviorism
183 The Inner World of Motivation and Emotion Their plight is suggested by the despair with which This kind of thing has been going on for centuries. About Behaviorism
(That injunction appears on the wall of a Roman bath beneath a mosaic of a skeleton—an ana- tomical version of the self.) About Behaviorism
Montaigne spoke of “spy- ing on himself” and of “discovering the springs which ABOUT B~a~vIoEIsM 186 187 The Self and Other, set him in motion.” About Behaviorism
“Because I am what I am,” said Diderot, “I write the kind of plays I do.” About Behaviorism
We may keep records of what has happened, as in a diary, but in general our information is sketchy. About Behaviorism
A person is said to “project his feelings” into another. About Behaviorism
We saw an example of this in Keat’s report of how he felt on first looking into Chapman’s Homer. About Behaviorism
Not all con- tingencies can be replaced with rules, and some con- tingency-shaped behavior is beyond the reach of verbal description. About Behaviorism
The intellectual self-management discussed in Chapter ~ is a matter of changing a situa- tion until a response appears which solves a problem, the problem-solving repertoire making the repertoire containing the successful solution more effective. About Behaviorism
But very little self- management in this sense could be learned in one life- time. About Behaviorism
This is the early and negative form of the Rule, but he may also look for reinforcing effects. About Behaviorism
A resolution is a kind of self-made rule, designed to extend the effect of punishment into the future, but on a later occasion the immediate reinforc- ing effect may still take over. About Behaviorism
The individual who refuses to “go under” in a concentration camp, who is not “broken” by efforts made to demean or destroy his dignity or identity, has transcended his current environ- ment. About Behaviorism
Fulfillment seems to be concerned with achievement, with avoiding restraints and discovering positive reinforcers. About Behaviorism
Actualization seems to have more to do with mmrimizing genetic and environmental histories in order to free a person from immediate settings. About Behaviorism
One of us would put his forearm in a water-filled jacket (called a pie- thysmograph), the volume of which was indicated on a dial. About Behaviorism
Self-management then becomes as auto- matic in its dependence on private stimuli as the skilled movements of an acrobat, but although these contin- gencies may lead to effective private self-stimulation, they do not lead to self-knowledge. About Behaviorism
Unfortunately, the• reinforcers most often used are negative: governmental and religious control is based mainly on the threat of punishment (“power”), and noninstitutional practices are often of the same sort. About Behaviorism
He describes his own behavior and the contin- gencies responsible for it and as a result is more likely to behave in an appropriate way on future occasions. About Behaviorism
When we are in a position to do a person good—that is, do something he calls good—we can make that something contingent on a given topography of behavior, which is then strengthened, and we can bring behavior under the control of a given stimulus. About Behaviorism
It is a field in which the goal seems to be obviously a matter of changing minds, at- titudes, feelings, motives, and so on, and the Establish- ment is therefore particularly resistant to change. About Behaviorism
Yet the point of education can be stated in behaviorial terms: a teacher arranges contingencies under which the student acquires behavior which will be useful to ABoUT B~uiwoRIsM 202 I him under other contingencies later on. About Behaviorism
We hold him responsible by maintaining such contingencies. About Behaviorism
When we ask why a person is benev- olent, devoted, compassionate, or public-spirited, we find ourselves examining the effect his behavior has on others. About Behaviorism
We sometimes say that we acted in a given way be- cause we knew it was right or felt that it was right, but what we feel when we behave morally or ethically de- pends on the contingencies responsible for our behav- ior. About Behaviorism
But what has evolved is a social environment in which individuals behave in ways determined in part by their effects on others. About Behaviorism
Legal behavior depends on more than “an attitude of deference toward government” as the role of govern- ment depends on more than “an accomplished fact of power,” and to say that “law is an achievement that needs to be renewed by understanding the sources of its strength” is to point directly to the need to understand and maintain governmental contingencies. About Behaviorism
A recent book on morals is said to show hope rather than despair because the author “perceives a growing awareness of each man for his fellows; an increasing respect for the rights of others,” and he sees these as”.. About Behaviorism
steps toward a secure world community, based on ever-widening realms of relatedness and empathy,” and a pastoral letter insists that our salvation “lies in a return to Christian morals.” About Behaviorism
Another appeal to persuasion led to the following com- ment in the London Times: Now it is the majority that never had it so good, and it is democratically determined to maintain that situation. About Behaviorism
In the English version we find that eleven principles asserted that states, planners, policies, and so on must take certain kinds of action. About Behaviorism
We object to much of this, but the interests of insti- tutions sometimes coincide with the interests of indi- viduals: governments and religions sometimes induce people to behave well with respect to each other and to act together for protection and support. About Behaviorism
Will a culture evolve in which individuals are not so much concerned with their own actualization and ful- fillment that they do not give serious attention to the future of the culture? These questions, and many others like them, are the, questions to be asked rather than who will control and to what end. About Behaviorism
It is a continuing process. About Behaviorism
is this: Which position more readily promotes a co- operative interchange with the social scienc~s on the one hand and physiology on the other? Here, again, the behavioristic position seems to take first place. About Behaviorism
Mentalism, on the other hand, has done a great disservice by leading physiologists on false trials in search of the neural cor- relates of images, memories, consciousness, and so on. About Behaviorism
vate stimuli as physical things, and in doing so it pro- vides an alternative account of mental life. About Behaviorism
and the prior en- vironmental history of which it is a function when we feel or otherwise introspectively observe the states of our bodies arising from that history and responsible for that behavior? Why should we bother to ask about the nature of what is felt or introspectively observed? Let us take advantage of the position of the individual as an observer of himself and allow him to report on the mediating linkage between behavior and its antecedent causes. About Behaviorism
After substituting brain for mind, we can then move on to substituting person for brain and recast the analysis in line with the observed facts. About Behaviorism
Trying to observe much of what is going on in one’s own body is like trying to hear supersonic sounds or see electromagnetic radiation be- yond the visible range. About Behaviorism
Verbal behavior, logic, mathematics, and introspection have all been built on features of the human species which had already evolved for other reasons. About Behaviorism
a ABOuT BEHAVIORISM 240 cIJ~ Summing Up The Introduction contains twenty statements often made about behaviorism, all of them, I believe, wrong. About Behaviorism
(e) Introspective knowl- edge of one’s body—self-knowledge—is defective for two reasons: the verbal community cannot bring self- descriptive behavior under the precise control of private stimuli, and there has been no opportunity for the evo- lution of a nervous system which would bring some very important parts of the body under that control. About Behaviorism
Students are classified essentially as those who do not need to be taught and those who cannot be, and the doctrine of universal education is challenged on the grounds that some children are essentially Un- teachable. About Behaviorism
The great achievements of artists, composers, writers, mathema- ticians, and scientists are no doubt still beyond reach (in part, as I have pointed out, because leaders in these fields have been misled by mentalism into giving use- less reports of their activities). About Behaviorism
Both prediction and control are inherent in operant conditioning, but the notion is always proba- bilistic, and we may deal with a probability when action is not taking place. About Behaviorism
(Its success there has been rather grudgingly admitted: “Based on research with animals, it works gratifyingly with those who are already mentally lim- ited.”) About Behaviorism
Curiously enough, the relation between animal and human behavior is sometimes said to point in the other direction. About Behaviorism
The contingencies currently under investigation, though ex- tremely complex, are far less complex than those in daily life, yet it is almost impossible to discover what is going on. About Behaviorism
Those who argue that laboratory results cannot ac- count for human behavior in the world at large presum- ably believe that they know what is happening in that world, or at least that it can be known. About Behaviorism
They are often speaking of casual impressions. About Behaviorism
All sciences simplify the conditions they study as far as possible, but this does not mean that they refuse to examine more complex instances as soon as they can do so profitably. About Behaviorism
He cannot step out of the causal stream and observe be- havior from some special point of vantage, “perched on the epicycle of Mercury.” About Behaviorism
It is possible, in fact, that a behavioral analysis may yield a new kind of attack on familiar problems, such as the paradoxes or Gödel’s theorem. About Behaviorism
(Humanistic psychology, on the other hand, is said to be a science “appropriate to man as a subject matter,” “committed to dealing with humanness in its own right,” and “comprehensively human.”) About Behaviorism
The position of the French philosopher Georges Sorel has been paraphrased in this way: fill himself, individually and with those close to him, in spontaneous, unended, creative activity, in work that con- sists of the imposition of his personality on a recalcitrant environment... About Behaviorism
Since then, of course, the electron micro- scope has proved that the earlier determination, though right on the evidence, was wrong with respect to the limits of microscopy. About Behaviorism
Nor is the choice between (a) an entirely technological society in which persons are run by machines and (b) “an era of humanity with man at peace with himseLf by comporting with his nat- ural environment.” About Behaviorism
Hold a slip of paper just above a candle flame and it will “catch fire.” About Behaviorism
It would be foolish to question the interest a person takes in others—in gossip, in autobiographies, in novels, in dramas, in news reports, and so on. About Behaviorism
Science must balance costs and gains, and though it may bear down hard on a unique event, espe- cially in a technological application, it reaps a greater harvest from general principles. About Behaviorism
It must not be for- gotten that exhortation, demagoguery, evangelism, and so on are also behavioral practices, as are similar prac- tices on a smaller scale in daily life. About Behaviorism
A proposal to terminate behavioral research or to sequester its results on the grounds that they can be used by despots and tyrants would be a disastrous mistake, because it would undermine all the important contributions of the culture and interfere with the counter-controlling measures which keep aversive and exploitative control within bounds. About Behaviorism
A knowledge of medicine, genetics, and technology does not interfere with feeling well, hav- ing healthy children, or being comfortable, and no one is likely to suppose that it does, but similar statements about behavior are debated. About Behaviorism
A distinguished critic of science has expressed an opposing view in the following way: “according to [ethology] Keats is all wrong: the bird is not pouring forth its soul in ecstasy, for now we know that all it is doing is serving notice on its fellows that it claims a certain territory for worm grubbing.” About Behaviorism
It can survey the extent to which sound pat- terns are or become reinforcing, and in doing so it may contribute to an explanation of why people compose and listen to music. About Behaviorism
The Behaviorist’s Own Behavior So much for the misunderstandings and criticisms listed in the Introduction. About Behaviorism
What survives can be put in a positive form: was warned, on a particular kind of behaviorial science. About Behaviorism
This fact has been only slowly recognized. About Behaviorism
A good deal of what is called behavioral science is not behavioristic in the present sense. About Behaviorism
make a great difference is almost inevitably to be asked: ‘Well, then, what do you suggest? What would you do about war, or population, or pollution, or racial dis- crimination, or the revolt of the young?” Unfortu- 275 Summing Up present condition is not promising. About Behaviorism
On the contrary, it may be just what is needed to salvage the other contributions. About Behaviorism
Chapter 2 Walter D. Welmer: “On the Return of Plato: Psycholin- guistics and Plato’s Paradoxes of the Meno.” About Behaviorism
The announcement cited is reported on page 101 of Beyond the Punitive Society, Harvey Wheeler (ed.) About Behaviorism
Chapter 13 On physiological technology, see Leon R. Kass: “The New Biology: What Price Relieving Man’s Estate?” Science, 1971, 174, 779—88. About Behaviorism
On Marx and Schiller, see David McLellan: Marx Be- /ore Marxism. About Behaviorism
I am indebted to Dr. Ernest Vargas and Dr. Julie Vargas for critical readings of the manuscript. About Behaviorism
identity, 185—7, 224 illusion, 86 images, 91 imitation, 46—7, 72 imprinting, 45 impulse, 147, 163 In Praise of Folly (Erasmus), 145 incentive, 56, 200 indeterminacy, 260 indifference, 161—2 induction, 143—5, 260 Industrial Revolution, 180, 264 industry, 65, 177 Index 286 287 Index H intention, 61—3, 82 I James, William, 213 joy, 175 Judeo-Christian concepts, 166 judging consequences, 77 inference, 148 information, 77, 109, 133, 157—8 Information theory, 81, 239, 256 inhibition, 70, 173—4 initiative, 177 innate endowment, 243 innate ideas, 129, 142 Innate rules of granini~r~ 14, 129 inner world, Chapter 10 Inquiry Into Meaning and Truth, An (Russell), 258 Insight, 187,260 instinCt, 38—9, 40, 135, 145, 163, 168 instruction, 133, 202 Integrative Action of the Ner~. About Behaviorism
Bibliography 282 apostasy, 210 archetypes, 13, 167 Index abstraction, 104, 117 abulia, 66 accessibility of memories, 120— 1 accountability, 205 act of will, 114—S advice, 132 affection, 204 aggression, 15, 40, 47, 57, 170 alienation, 180 ambition, 65, 175 anesthesia, 191 anger, 170 animal psychophysics, 87 animals as subjects, 249—50 animism, 184 anthropology, 12, 72 anticipation, 43, 77 anxiety, 68—70, 170 apathy, 170 approval, 199, 204 Aristotle, 36 Arminian doctrine, 60 arrested development, 75 art, 206 asceticism, 161 association, 43 association of ideas, 77 attention, 117, 204 attitude, 32, 175 autonomic responses under operant control, 73—4, 197— 8 autonomy, 177, 263 aversive control, 55 aversive stimulation, 55—6, 68— 71 awareness, 85, 242—3 Bacon, Francis, 127, 136, 154 becoming, 187 behavior modification, 230 behavior therapy, 94, 204 behavioral technology, 235 behavioraliSlfl, 12, 72, 232 behaviorist’s own behavior, 271—3 belief, 64, 78, 102, 133 Bentham, Jeremy, 255 Bergson, Henri, 39 Bernard, Claude, 87,93 biographers, 15 blaming, 215-6 Brahma, 61 Brahms, Johannes, 53-4 bravery, 71 Bridgman, P. W., 159 British empiricism, 88, 153 Bruckner, Anton, 174—5 Buber, Martin, 262 Buffon, Georges, Louis Le- clerc, comte de, 75, 187 Bush, Vannevar, 50 Butler, Samuel, 215 cardiac reflex, 42 case history, 266 Cassirer, Ernst, 142 causes of behavior, Chapter 1, 33, Chapter 8 caution, 70, 178 censure, 199 ceremonial music, 206 chance, 126 Chardin, Teilhard de, 50 chess player, 84, 114 chimpanzee, 125 Chinese education, 108 choice, 59, 124—5 Christianity, 161 cloister, 196 codes of law, 222 cognitive control 115—8 cognitive map, 93 cognitive processes, 17 cognitive psychology, 119—21, 234, 256 collective unconscious, 167 Columbia EncyclOpedia, 63 index 284 285 Index commands, 132 commencement oratory, 183 communicate feelings, 191—2 communicate knowledge, 134 communication, 107 communication theory, 101—2 compassion, 210—11 competence, 73 compulsion, 66 computer model, 81, 122 concepts, 16, 94, 105, 106—7, 117—8 conceptual nervous system, 239—40 conditioned reflex, 43, 52, 73— 4 Conference on the Environ- ment, Stockholm, 219—20 confidence, 64, 179 configuration, 85 conflict, 165 confrontation, 189 connectionism, 43 conscience, 166 conscious content, 87, 96 consciousness, 85, 169, 200, 241—43 contemplative knowledge, 154—6 contingencies of reinforce- ment, 45, 46—9, 82, 93, 223, 246—7 contingencies of survival, 41— 2, 45, 46—9, 246 contingency-shaped behavior, 138—41 contract, 201 control of behavior, Chapter 12 of stimuli, control of nature, 154 controllability, 206 conversion, 161 113, conversion (Freud), 172 copy theory, 89—95, 119—20 countercontrOl, 209—16, 267 courage, 71 creative behavior, 89—90, 126— creative design, 226 cybernetics, 62, 239, 256 Darwin, Charles, 40, 75, 211, data structures, 93 daydream, 92 De Morgan, 150 death instinct, 40 dedication, 66 deduction, 148—50, 259, 260 defection, 210 defense mechanisms, 170-1 defensive activities, 163 definition, 134 dehumanizing man, 261 déjà vu, 97 deliberation, 147 delusion, 96 demagoguery, 267 depression, 64—5, 70, 170 deprivation, 55—7 Descartes, René, 244 Descent of Man, The (Dar- design of a culture, 226 desires, 54-6 determination, 66 determinism, 59 developmental psychology, 75, developmentalism, 13, 74—5, Diderot, Denis, 187 diligence, 65 directions, 133 disappointment, 64 discouragement, 64, 200 discrimination, 87, 117 dissuade, 200 covert behavior, 30—i, 114—5, 124 covetoUSneSs, 179 craftsmanship, 180 8, 174, 247 246 225—6, win), 225 128—9 110-11176-7, 187, 203 doubt, 177 dreams, 91, 94 drive to conform, 170 drives, 57, 163 dualism, 86, 130, 239 duty, 205 Eastern philosophies, 243 economics, 13, 199, 232 ecstatic, 147 education, 202—3 ego, 166—7, 184, 204 ego defense, 171 élan vital, 39—40 elation, 175 embarrassment, 70 emotion, 28, Chapter 10, 202 empathy, 190 Empedocles, 90 encounter, 189 encouragement, 200 Enlightenment, 127 entertaining, 206 enthusiasm, 66 environment, 19, 273 epiphenomena, 17 Erasmus, Desiderius, 145 Erewhon (Butler), 215 Erikson, Erik, 176—7 ethics, 210—16 ethology, 38, 42 euplastic, 147 evangelism, 267 evolution, 19, 63, 86 evolution of cultures, 223—7 evolution of mind, 49 excitement, 66—7 exhortation, 200, 267 existentialism, 72, 187, 248 expectation, 43, 77 experience, 80, 85, 153 experimental analysis of be- havior, 7, 75, 188, 251 experimental psychology, 243 exploitation, 267 expression, 107 exteroceptive nervous system, 25 extinction, 64 fact, 107 factors, 176 faith, 64, 147, 161 fantasy, 91—2 fear, 70, 170 feedback, 62, 198 feelings, 11—12, Chapter 2 passim, 52—4, 189—94, 241— 3, 269—71 Five Stages of Greek Religion (Murray), 161 folklore, 135 folly, 145 forlorn, 65 fragmentation of a mind, 165 free will, 50 freedom, 59—60, 125, 216—20 frequency theory of learning, 72 Freud, Sigmund, 17, 34, 40, 57, 71, 75, 94, 126, 166—7, 169—173, frustration, 65, 170 future, concern for, 222 future behavior, 31—2 gambling, 62, 67 Gay, Peter, 161 genetic endowment, 40, 129, 188 Gestalt psychology, 74, 85 goal and purpose, 61—3 Gödel’s theorem, 258 Golden Rule, 195 government, 135—6, 205—6, 232 grammar, 42, 110, 139f. About Behaviorism
They collaborated on their translation and compared it with translations done by the U.S. government for consistency. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
The sequence of the events is reversed on the tape— the end of his visit is in the beginning of the tape with the helicopter site visit in the middle and the start of the Usama bin Laden visit beginning approximately 39 minutes into the tape. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Shaykh: At the exact time of the attack on America, precisely at the time. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Miraculously, I heard it on the Quran radio station. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
I heard someone on Islamic radio who owns a school in America say: “We don’t have time to keep up with the demands of those who are asking about Islamic books to learn about Islam.” This event made people think (about true Islam) which benefited Islam greatly. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
UBL: (...Inaudible...) we calculated in advance the number of casualties from the enemy, who would be killed based on the position of the tower. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Allah has bestowed on us...honor on us...and he will give us blessing and more victory during this holy month of Ramadan. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Second segment of Bin Laden’s visit, shows up at the front of the tape UBL: Abdallah Azzam, Allah bless his soul, told me not to record anything (...inaudible...) so I thought that was a good omen, and Allah will bless us (...inaudible...). Abu-Al-Hasan Al-((Masri)), who appeared on Al-Jazeera TV a couple of days ago and addressed the Americans saying: “If you are true men, come down here and face us.” (...inaudible...) He told me a year ago: “I saw in a dream, we were playing a soccer game against the Americans. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
Our players were pilots.” He (Abu-Al-Hasan) didn’t know anything about the operation until he heard it on the radio. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
He said the game went on and we defeated them. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
I was carrying it on my shoulders and I walked from the road to the desert for half a kilometer. Bin Laden Videotape Transcript
It follows that there is an underlying network linking, in time or subject-matter, each volume with others, and that wide reading among the volumes is required for a thorough grasp of Jung’s views on any particu- lar topic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The present volume gives the substance of Jung’s published writings on Freud and psychoanalysis between the years 1906 and 1916; two later papers are, however, added for reasons which will become apparent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The scientific papers in this volume, while falling short of a complete accou,nt of Freud and psycho- analysis, nevertheless give the essential elements in Jung’s chang- ing views on this subject. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Indeed, Jung has once again declared (in his British television broadcast, No- vember 1959) that it was the difference between Freud’s views and his own that originally impelled him to work out a psychol- ogy of types. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The Freudian Theory of Hysteria Translated from “Die Freud’sche Hysterietheorie,” Monats- schrift für Psychiatrie und Neurologie (Berlin), XXIII (19o8). Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the Criticism of Psychoanalysis Translated from “Zur Kritik über Psychoanalyse,” Jahrbuch für psychoanalytische und psychopathologische Forschungen (Leipzig), II (1910). Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF INFANTILE SEXUALITY THE CONCEPT OF LIBIDO 3. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Aschaffenburg, of course, does not assert that Freud’s importance ends with his theory of hysteria. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What he says, therefore, does not affect the wider range of Freud’s psychology, that is, the psychology of dreams, jokes, and disturbances of ordinary thinking caused by feeling-toned constellations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Anyone who does not use them will never refute Freud; for it must be proved by means of the methods FREUD’S THEORY OF HYSTERIA (1906) 5 inaugurated by him that factors can be found in hysteria other than sexual ones, or that these methods are totally unsuited to bringing intimate psychic material to light. Freud and Psychoanalysis
‘3 Under these conditions, can Aschaffenburg substantiate his criticism? ‘4 We hear a great deal about “experiments” and “experi- ences,” but there is nothing to show that our critic has used the methods himself and—what is more important—handled them with certainty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Again he would be doing constructive work for which one could not thank him enough. Freud and Psychoanalysis
‘9 That my experiments have nothing to do with auto-sugges- tion can easily be seen from their use in the experimental diag- nosis of facts. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everything depends on the individual. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5 Untitled note in the Zentralblatt für Nervenheilkunde und Psychiatric, XXIX (1906), 322. Freud and Psychoanalysis
28 The theoretical presuppositions on which Freud bases his investigations are to be found in the experiments of Pierre Janet. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This material can be found in Studies on Hysteria, published in 1895 by Breuer and Freud. Freud and Psychoanalysis
s’ On this foundation was raised the original theoretical edifice constructed jointly by the two authors. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Breuer and Freud, Studies on Hysteria, Standard Edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
35 The reason why the traumatic affect is not abreacted in a normal way, but is retained, is that its content is not compatible with the rest of the personality and must be repressed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
36 The content of the traumatic affect provided the theme for Freud’s further researches. Freud and Psychoanalysis
37 While the Breuer-Freud Studies enjoyed a certain amount of recognition (although, despite Raimann’s assurances,4 they have not yet become the common property of science), this theory of Freud’s met with general opposition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The method relied to a certain extent on suggestion—the analyst took the lead, while the patient remained essentially passive. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4° According to Freud’s statements in 1 9o4,~ much has altered 5 [“Freud’s Psycho-Analytic Procedure” and “On Psychotherapy” appear to be the publications Jung referred to. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If an interpretation is wrong, it cannot be forced on the patient; if it is right, the result is immediately visible and expresses itself very clearly in the patient’s whole behaviour. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This is true of every particle of the psyche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An altogethel harmless but most instructive exercise, for instance, is the anal- ysis of constellations indicating a complex in the association experiment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The progressive development of the child gradually eliminates the libidinal investment of perverse tendencies and concentrates on the growth of normal sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At or after puberty the normal individual seizes on an objective sexual goal, and with this his sexual development comes to an end. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If the real sexual demands of later life impinge in any form on a morbid personality, its inhibited development shows itself in the fact that it is unable to satisfy the demand in the proper way, because the demand comes up against an unpre- pared sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Gradually she began to employ the following auxiliary procedure: she seated herself in a crouching position on the heel of one foot, and in this position tried to defecate, pressing the heel against the anus. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Once, when her father smacked her on the bare buttocks, she felt distinct sexual excitement. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From then on fanta- sies developed of a thoroughly perverse nature which pursued her obsessively. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This seized on the sexual activity of childhood and modulated it in endless varia- tions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Puberty, with its physical and spiritual upheavals, brought a marked increase in fantasy activity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~‘ Summing up, we can formulate Freud’s present view of hys- teria as follows: verse nature grow up on a constitutional basis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 24 64 THE ANALYSIS OF DREAMS1 In 1900, Sigmund Freud published in Vienna a voluminous L work on the analysis of dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
His supposi- tion is not founded on a dogma, nor on an a priori idea, but on empiricism alone—namely, the common experience that no psychic (or physical) fact is accidental. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The events which do not awaken any strong emotions have little influence on our thoughts or actions, whereas those which provoke strong emotional reactions are of great importance for our subsequent psychological development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An object in which, on the contrary, I feel much interest will evoke numerous associations and preoccupy me for a long while. Freud and Psychoanalysis
First, they are all variations on the complex, and second, they are only a kind of symbolic expression of the complex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It concerns a man of whom I know nothing except that he lives in the colonies and happens at present to be in Europe on leave. Freud and Psychoanalysis
During one of our inter- views he related a dream which had made a profound impres- sion on him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Two years before, he had dreamt that he was in a wild and desert place, and he saw, on a rock, a man dressed in 3 See ExPerimental Researches, Coil. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But one may proceed more prudently. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was in such a state of mind that he started on his perilous journey. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1 saw on one side of our room a great apartment with a table sumptuously laid, and a crowd of ladies in evening-dress. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On my return the need was repeated; I went out again, and this happened several times. Freud and Psychoanalysis
pearance of this phenomenon, known as a mental inhibition, always justifies the conclusion that one has hit on an association which arouses strong resistance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
All at once he remembered: “On the way to the station we met a gentleman who greeted us and whom I seemed to recognize. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The ceremony went on rather a long time, and I began to want to urinate. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Obviously it is impossible to give the reader a compre- hensive survey of these new points of view. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 34 I 95 About a year ago the school authorities in N. asked me to furnish a report on the mental condition of Marie X., a thir- teen-year-old school-girl. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher asked us: “Do you want a ride?” We came to K. A wedding was going on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then we went on a journey. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Previously translated in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, 1916; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PSYCHOLOGY The class was going to the bathing-place. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Soon we felt cold. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An old man gave us a blouse which the teacher put on.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Coming out of the water one is wet, has on only a bathing-dress, and therefore cannot take part in a wedding before putting on some clothes.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
The lack of clothes on the steamer is compensated by the above- mentioned interpolation, but only for the teacher, which shows FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS ‘0’ (i) Marie dreamt that she and Lina went swimming with our 102 that his nakedness was most urgently in need of cover. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The interpretation of the dream is so simple that we can safely leave it to the chil- dren themselves, whose statements now follow. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When they had swum out pretty far in the lake, Marie said she could not swim any further, her foot hurt her so. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After a while a steamer came along and they got on it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They went as far as Z., where they got out. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher bought a jacket, and Marie and Lina got a long thick veil, and all three walked up the street by the lake. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the bathing- place there is no picture of undressing, being unclothed, nor any detailed description of being together in the water. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ioo All this has the appearance of a genuine dream, and those of my readers who have sufficient experience of dreams of girls of this age will certainly confirm this view. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our teacher said, she could ride on my back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was when the wedding was going on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She asked Marie and Lina if they would be so kind as to give her their veil. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They went to the Sun Inn. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Afterwards they made a honeymoon trip to Andermatt, I don’t know whether they went to the inn at Andermatt or at Z. IThere they were given coffee, potatoes, honey, and butter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here the roundabout story of lack of room at the bathing- place is missing; Marie goes swimming with the teacher right A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RUMOUR Aural Witnesses 37 away. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The ambiguity about the “ride” in the original story has already had consequences here, for the part about the steamer now takes second place, and first place is given to the teacher, who takes Marie on his back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This explains why she brings the steamer into action somewhat abruptly, in order to give the equivocal “ride” a familiar, harmless turn, like the anticlimax in a music-hall song. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher said she could ride on his back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
the teacher or Marie, I don’t know which, said they would get out at Z. and run home. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There is no detailed description of the wedding, and the transition from the steamer to the wedding celebration is abrupt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then we left the ship and swam on to K. us on their backs. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In K. we got a veil which we put on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Afterwards we went on the honeymoon trip to Andermatt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The lack of clothes on the ship gives rise to a new variant (old shirt torn into three pieces). Freud and Psychoanalysis
Because of its uncertainty, the sitting on the teacher is not mentioned. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Instead, the girls sit on the backs of two fat men. Freud and Psychoanalysis
io6 Here the undressing together takes place in the bathing- cabin. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Other interpolations are altogether personal and are based on inner participation in the meaning of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But Marie got tired, so the teacher took her on his back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He put it on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The swim undergoes a simplification for which the story of the rope had paved the way: the teacher ties himself to Marie, but Lina is not mentioned here, she comes only later when Marie was already sitting on the teacher’s back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The wedding celebratiOns are given a very direct interpretation: the teacher does not want to go home any more to his wife and children, he loves Marie best. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Behind all these metamorphoses the action nevertheless takes place, and the result is the birth staged at the end. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Note that the wedding takes place with the “wife.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
And they went further out. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At K. they went on shore and from there to Z. All this time the teacher is supposed to have been dressed as for swimming. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Special emphasis is laid on the teacher’s inadequate clothing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Then the teacher said, “Lie on my back, I will swim out into the lake with you.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Already at the bathing-place Marie was to lie on the teacher’s back. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After the feast there was a honeymoon trip, and we went to Milan. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The teacher said we were his favourite pupils, and he also kissed Marie. Freud and Psychoanalysis
How can a dream, which is notoriously harmless and never means anything (teachers, as we know, also have a training in psychology), produce such effects, such mali- cious gossip? Faced with this question, the teacher seems to me to have hit instinctively on the right ~answer. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Throughout, I have drawn attention to the inner participation of Marie’s schoolmates in her dream, and to the points of special interest where some of them have added their own fantasies or day-dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The dreamer herself was almost fully developed sexually and in this respect ahead of her class; she was the leader who gave the watchword for the unconscious and so detonated the sexual complexes lying dor- mant in her companions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The supposition that this, precisely, was what the girls secretly intended is justified by the psycho- analytic axiom that actions are to be judged more by their re- sults than by their conscious motives.5 Freud and Psychoanalysis
On waking, the dream became a subtle instrument of her hatred, because its wishful thinking was also that of her com- panions, as it always is in rumours of this kind. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Marie was expelled from school, but on my report was allowed to return. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RUMOUR 47 129 The symbolism of numbers, which greatly engaged the philo- ‘3° The first three examples are from a middle-aged man whose 131 The analysis of the dream brought out a rather ungentle- ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER DREAMS1 sophic fantasy of earlier centuries, has acquired a fresh interest from the analytical researches of Freud and his school. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the material of number dreams we no longer discover conscious speculations on the symbolic connections between numbers, but rather the unconscious roots of number symbolism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The conductor protests at the high number on the ticket. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Previously trans- lated by M. D. Eder in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, igi6; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient was greatly attached to his family but on the other hand yery much in love with his mistress. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He was born on His mistress His wife His mother (his father was long dead) His two children - He was born His mistress He was now His mistress ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER DREAMS 262 288 13 262 294 137 275 885 25 2477 8[Month and year.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
conflict of the moment was an extramarital love-affair. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I then left the number to the free association of the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The next association was that it was the sum of various 1 [Originally published as “Em Beitrag zur Kenntnis des ZahlentraumeS,” Zen- tralblatt für Psychoanalyse (Wiesbaden), I (1910/11), 567—72. Freud and Psychoanalysis
48 I other numbers. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He then carried out the same operation on 342 as on 315, dividing it into 3 4 2. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Owing to the lost pregnancies he did in fact suffer a delay, for during the time in which the patient knew him the analyst got ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER DREAMS ‘child 1 2 miscarriages (~ + 7 weeks) =1 7 months 7 9 26 51 ahead by 1 child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is repugnant to the scientific mind to indulge in this kind of playfulness, which tails off everywhere in inanity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The emphasis on the death of her father corresponded to the repressed fantasy of the death of her husband, who was the obstacle to a second marriage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would therefore be quite hopeless to rely on associations here. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER DREAMS 53 verses, she took the 7th verse: “It is not for you to know the times or the seasons, which the Father hath put in his own power.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
three years I come seeking fruit on this fig tree, and find none: cut it down; why cumbereth it the ground? ‘5° The fig-tree, since ancient times a symbol of the male geni- tals, must be cut down on account of its unfruitfulness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And when the Lord saw her, he had compassion on her, and ‘4. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And he came and touched the bier: and they that bare him ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NUMBER DREAMS “Nouvelles Observations sur un cas de 55 154 I hope that all colleagues and fellow workers who, following in Freud’s footsteps, have investigated the problem of dreams, and have been able to confirm the basic principles of dream- interpretation, will forgive me if I pass over their corroborative work and speak instead of another investigation which, though it has led to less positive results, is for that reason the more suited to public discussion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A fact especially worth noting is that Morton Prince, thanks to his previous work and his deep insight into psychopathological problems, is singularly well equipped to understand the psychology inaugurated by Freud. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I do not know whether Morton Prince has sufficient command of Ger- man to read Freud in the original, though this is almost a sine qua non for understanding him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is here that every follower of Freud has lost his honourable name as a man of science in the eyes of German scientists. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For Freud’s, see “Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis,” Standard Edu., Freud and Psychoanalysis
But that any of the psychologists, neurologists, and psychiatrists should really get down to it and try out his wit on Freud’s dream-interpretation was too much to expect.7 Freud and Psychoanalysis
I almost believe they did not dare, because the subject is indeed very difficult—less, I think, for intellectual reasons than on account of personal, sub- jective resistances. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Isserlin, on the other hand, contented himself with criticizing the method a priori, having no practical knowledge of the matter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary I find, if my interpretations are correct, that some dreams are rather the expression of the non-fulfillment of a wish; some seem to be that of the fulfillment of a fear or anxiety. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He had on her husband’s dressing-gown, and he was holding two sticks of wood in his hand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
165 Prince found, on the basis of copious and altogether con- vincing material,’0 that the patient regarded the temptation to drink, and also the temptations of “poor people” in general, as something very understandable. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One gathers, from various indications in the material,~that the dreamer was a lady in late middle age, with a grown-up son who was studying, and ap- parently that she was unhappily married (or perhaps divorced or separated). Freud and Psychoanalysis
But Prince cannot see the wish-fulfilment in this dream, on the contrary he sees in it the “fulfilment of a fear,” He commits the fundamental mistake of once again confusing the manifest dream-content with the un- conscious dream-thought. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But we must accustom ourselves to the thought that in psychology there are things which the patient simultaneously knows and does not know. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Put in the brutal form “I will have symptoms in order to re-arouse the interest of the analyst,” it cannot be accepted, true though it is, for it is too hurtful; but she could well allow a few little associations and half-smothered wishes to be discerned in the background, such as reminiscences of the time when the analysis was so interest- ing, etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“If 1 don’t have help, I am lost” means “I hope I won’t be cured too quickly or I cannot have a relapse.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
172 The dream is built up on the following experience. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the previous morning the patient had begged the author for medi’ cal help and had received the answer by telephone: “I cannot 11 [Orig. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I will send Dr, W, you must not depend on me” (p. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Perhaps my esteemed colleague, the author, will be indig- nant at my attributing such impure thoughts to his patient, or at least will find it quite unjustified of me to draw such a far- reaching conclusion from these scanty hints. Freud and Psychoanalysis
176 It would really be incumbent on the author to present all the interim material which would finally establish the erotic meaning of the dream. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Would a gynaecologist suppress the illustration of the female genitalia in a textbook of midwifery on grounds of decency? On p. 164 of this analysis we read: “The analysis of this scene would carry us too far into the intimacy of her life to justify our entering upon it.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is a requirement which explains why psychoanalysis becomes intelligible to a really serious person only gradually and with great difficulty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
i8i Dream ~: She dreamt that she was in a dark, gloomy, rocky place, and she was walking with difficulty, as she always does in her dreams, over this rocky path, and all at once the place was filled with cats. Freud and Psychoanalysis
i64f. Freud and Psychoanalysis
‘79 Despite his medical discretion this dream too, which Prince denies is a wish-fulfilment, is accessible to understanding. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The end of the dream betrays, despite the disguise, the patient’s violent resistance to sexual relations with her husband. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The feeling of loneliness (“she feels that she cannot be alone any more, that she must have com- pany”) is fittingly resolved by this ambiguous situation: there A CRITICAL REVIEW OF MORTON PRINCE 67 are “lone women” who are not so alone as all that, though cer- tainly they are not tolerated everywhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One has to know what the psychology of a neurosis is in a patient of this age; psychoanalysis requires us to take people as they really are and not as they pre- tend to be. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since the great majority of people want to be what they are not, and therefore believe themselves identical with the conscious or unconscious ideal that floats before them, the indi- vidual is blinded by mass suggestion from the start, quite apart from the fact that he himself feels different from what he really is. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“as in the others,” for the other dreams are analysed so inade- quately that the author has no right to pronounce such a judg- ment on the basis of the preceding “analyses.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
But these are, if I may say so, two quite different kinds of helplessness, which do not sufficiently explain the condensation of the two persons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
‘93 Only after the conclusion of this review did I see the criti- cism which Ernest Jones 20 lavished on Morton Prince’s article. Freud and Psychoanalysis
20 “Remarks on Dr. Morton Prince’s article, ‘The Mechanism and Interpretation of Dreams~” (igio—ii). Freud and Psychoanalysis
Everyone of common sense knows that a psychological proof must necessarily be different from a physical one, and that each branch of science can only offer proofs that are suited to its material. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ON THE CRITICISM OF PSYCHOANALYSIS’ 74 196 Occasionally, however, the criticism assumes forms which prejudices based on a different way of thinking to which they obstinately adhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But they commit the mistake of criticizing the psychoanalytic method as though it rested on a priori prin- ciples, whereas in reality it is purely empirical and totally lack- ing in any final theoretical framework. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ON THE CRITICISM OF PSYCHOANALYSIS * 75 FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS Review by Kurt Mendel 2 of an Exposition of The present reviewer, who has read many works of Freud and his followers, and has himself had practical experience of psychoanal- ysis,3 must admit that he finds many things in this doctrine utterly repugnant, especially the latest additions concerning anal eroticism and the sexuality of children. Freud and Psychoanalysis
184); flOW ~OU are an exhibitionist, a fetishist, a sadist, a masochist, an anal-erotic, an onanist—in short, you are ‘polymorphous-per- verse’ (p. Freud and Psychoanalysis
185). Freud and Psychoanalysis
5 “Ich bin klein, mein Herz ist rein.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
I shall therefore not enter the arena now in order to engage in barbarous polemics on behalf of a scientific truth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
200 The sexual indelicacies which unfortunately occupy a neces- sarily large place in many psychoanalytic writings are not to be blamed on psychoanalysis itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
as “New Paths in Psychology,” Two Essays on Analytical Psychology, pars. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have also recently expressed my views on these general ques tions in a voluminous work,4 but our opponents wishfully decree that our views are as “grossly sexual” as their own. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Would anybody of intelligence lay the blame for the faults and imperfections in the execution of a method designed for the good of mankind on the method itself? Where would surgery be if one blamed its methods for every lethal outcome? Surgery is very dangerous indeed, especially in the hands of a fool. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We will not fall into the error of our opponents, neither ignoring their existence nor denying their right to exist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We don’t lie back upon them, we move forward, and, on occasion, make nature over again by their aid.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
1 In the same way, my criticism does not proceed from aca- demic arguments, but from experiences which have forced themselves on me during ten years of serious work in this field. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am far indeed from regarding a modest and tem- perate criticism as a “falling away” or a schism; on the contrary, I hope thereby to promote the continued flowering and fructifi- cation of the psychoanalytic movement, and to open the way to the treasures of psychoanalytic knowledge for those who, lacking practical experience or handicapped by certain theoretical pre- conceptions, have so far been unable to master the method. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I recognize that he and I have reached sim- ilar conclusions on various points, but here is not the place to discuss the matter more thoroughly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Zurich, autumn 1912 Since the appearance of the first edition in 1913 so much time has elapsed, and so many things have happened, that it is quite impossible to rework a book of this kind, coming from a long- past epoch and from one particular phase in the development of knowledge, and bring it up to date. Freud and Psychoanalysis
C.G.J. 203 It is no easy task to lecture on psychoanalysis at the present time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I, too, have already had the great honour of lecturing in America, on the experimental foundation of the theory of complexes and the application of psychoanalysis to education.1 Freud and Psychoanalysis
A REVIEW OF THE EARLY HYPOTHESES1. Freud and Psychoanalysis
88 THE TRAUMA THEORY 205 Although it has been pointed out on any number of occa- sions before, many people still do not seem to know that the theory of psychoanalysis has changed considerably in the course of the years. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Charcot knew, from his ex- perience of the new technique of hypnotism, that hysterical symptoms can be produced and also be made to disappear by 2 [First published 1895; partially trans. Freud and Psychoanalysis
of Freud, II (‘g55).—EDIT0as.J Freud and Psychoanalysis
154, n. 4, supra.—EDITORS.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
That stage of the analysis was therefore bound up fairly closely with the symptoms—one analysed the symptoms, or began the work of analysis with the symptoms, very much in contrast to the psychoanalytical tech- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 90 nique employed today The cathartic method and the theory on which it is based have, as you know, been taken over by other professional people, so far as they are interested in psycho- analysis at all, and have also found appreciative mention in the text-books. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The concept of repression is based on the repeated observation that neurotics seem to have the capacity for forgetting significant experiences or thoughts so thoroughly that one might easily believe they had never ex- isted. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even if this doubt were justified, there would certainly be no justification for denying repression in principle on that ac- count, for there are plenty of cases where the actual existence of repressed memories has been verified objectively. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the other hand, we must not forget that there are any number of cases where it is impossible to show, even with the most careful examination, the slightest trace of “putting aside” or of con- scious repression, and where it seems as if the process of repres- sion were more in the nature of a passive disappearance, or even as if the impressions were dragged beneath the surface by some force operating from below. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Many factors in cases of the first type appear to depend on the influence of environment and education, whereas in the latter type the factor of predisposition seems to predominate. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And when we think of the later formulation in the 6 [Studies on Hysteria, pp. io6ff.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS As you see, then, the concept of repression rests on a firm As I have indicated, the concept of repression contains an 93 Schrif ten zur Neurosenlehre,7 where Freud’s experience obliged him to recognize certain traumatic events in early childhood as the source of the neurosis, we get a forcible impression of the incongruity between the concept of repression and that of the trauma. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every psy~ choanalyst knows dozens of cases showing clearly that at some particular moment in the past the patient definitely did not want to think any longer of the content to be repressed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Those scenes of a decidedly sexual character, the sexual abuse of children, and premature sexual activity in childhood were later on found to be to a large extent unreal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You may perhaps be inclined to share the suspicion of the critics that the results of Freud’s analytical researches were therefore based on suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She had been to an evening party and was on her way home about midnight in the company of several acquaintances, when a cab came up behind them at full trot. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There her strength deserted her, and to avoid being trampled on by the horses she would, in her despera- tion, have leapt into the river had not the passers-by restrained her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Now, this same lady had happened to be in St. Petersburg on the bloody 22nd of January [1905], in the very street which 8 [This case is fully reported in Two Essays on Analytical Psychology, pars. Freud and Psychoanalysis
819 This failure to react to an apparent shock is often observed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At first one is inclined to adduce that early childhood trauma as an expla- nation—not very successfully, it seems to me, because we still do not understand why the effects of that trauma remained latent so long, and why they manifested themselves precisely on this occasion and on no other. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The unconsciousness of sexuality in childhood seemed to throw a significant light on the problem of the long-lasting constellation caused by the original traumatic experience. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary, it obliges us to see in the patho- genic experience a positive sexual manifestation of infantile fantasy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Great was the astonishment, therefore, when Freud began to credit children not only with ordinary sexuality but even with a so-called “polymorphous-perverse” sexuality, and moreover on the basis of the most exhaustive investigations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
229 In these circumstances, Freud’s Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality 10 provoked not only opposition but violent in- dignation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I need hardly point out that the progress of science is not furthered by indignation and that arguments based on the sense of moral outrage may suit the moralist—for that is his business—but not the scientist, who must be guided by truth and not by moral sentiments. Freud and Psychoanalysis
No one be- lieved in Galileo’s telescope, and Columbus discovered America on a false hypothesis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our opponents have cases of hysteria just as we have, and these are just as psychogenic as ours, so there is nothing to prevent them from finding the psychological deter- 102 minants. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But if we limit our concep- tion in this way, we are faced with a new and much greater diffi- culty. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even though we do not find such things on the surface in our well-brought-up children, observation of children of primitive peoples proves that they are no exceptions to the biological norm. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The most we can ask is whether, among the vital functions of the infantile period, there are some that do not have the character of nutrition and growth and hence could be termed sexual. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This comparison leads him to assume that the act of sucking has a sexual quality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But at the infantile stage we find only the function of nutrition, which sets a premium on pleasure and satisfaction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I am not saying this as a reproach: on the contrary, we must be glad that there are people who are courageous enough to be immoderate and one-sided. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As I explained earlier, the discovery of a sexual THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS - 107 fantasy-activity in childhood, which apparently had the effect of a trauma, led to the assumption that the child must have, in contradiction to all previous views, an almost fully developed sexuality, and even a polymorphous-perverse sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At all events the underlying idea is the same: just as the spasmogenic zone is the place where a spasm originates~ the erogenous zone is the place from which comes an afflux of sexu- ality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In order to do justice to it, we must assume a great mobility of the sexual components, which even goes so far that one component disappears almost completely while the other occupies the foreground. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Though faint traces of such influences existed, they were of such slight intensity that they could not be compared with the previous intensity of the homo- sexual component. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Naturally this is not the real reason. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud’s theory took account of this necessity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We might, however, compromise on this point and say with Freud that though the libido before and after puberty is the same it is different in its intensity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It must be admitted, however, that these affective phenomena in children do not at all give the impression of being “in miniature”; on the contrary, they can rival in intensity those of an adult. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This somewhat audacious hypothesis leans heavily, it is clear, on the law of the conservation of energy, ac- cording to which the amount of energy remains constant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
An adult is rightly called perverse when his libido is not used for normal functions, and the same can reasonably be said of a child: he is polymorphousperverse because he does not yet know the normal sexual function. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This would give the infantile libido that undeniably harmless character which i’s demanded by com- mon sense. Freud and Psychoanalysis
262 This naturally does not invalidate the objection which, while admitting the existence of infantile sexuality in the form we have described, nevertheless contests Freud’s right to desig- nate as “sexual” early infantile phenomena such as sucking. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It might be objected that these and similar activities of the oral zone reappear in later life in an undoubtedly sexual guise. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Yet, on the energic view, they are all manifestations of libido. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This being so, one is tempted to with~ draw the predicate “sexualis” from the term “libido” and tc strike out the sexual definition of libido given in Freud’s Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For a long time now the need to give the concept of libido breathing-space and to remove it from the narrow confines of the sexual definition has forced itself on the psychoanalytical school. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This really does evoke the impression that we are operating with a mystical entity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
273 This way of looking at the displacement of libido is based on the everyday use of the term, its original, purely sexual connota- tion being very rarely remembered. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On this occasion Freud remembered his original sexual definition of libido and tried to come to terms with the change of meaning that had quietly taken place in the meantime. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In his paper on Schreber he asks himself whether what the psychoanalytic school calls libido and con- ceives as “interest from erotic sources” coincides with interest in general. Freud and Psychoanalysis
275 Earlier, in my “Psychology of Dementia Praecox,” I tried to get round this difficulty by using the expression “psychic en- ergy,” because I could not base the theory of dementia praecox on the theory of displacements of libido sexually defined. Freud and Psychoanalysis
276 (Another thing to be considered—as Freud also pointed out in his work on the Schreber case—is that the introversion of sexual libido leads to an investment of the ego which might con- ceivably produce that effect of loss of reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
By dint of much psychoanalytic work with these patients we established that this lack of adapta- tion to reality is compensated by a progressive increase in the creation of fantasies, which goes so far that the dream world becomes more real for the patient than external reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a terminology would be tantamount to treating of Cologne cathe- dral in a text-book of mineralogy, on the ground that it consisted very largely of stones. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A definitive and extremely important sphere of activity is sexuality, which to begin with appears closely bound up with the function of nutrition (one has only to think of the influence of nutritional factors on propa- gation in the lower animals and plants). Freud and Psychoanalysis
297 You will probably remember the case of the young hysteric I mentioned earlier, who, surprisingly enough, did not react to a situation which might have been expected to make a profound impression on her, and yet displayed an unexpected and patho- logically violent reaction to a quite ordinary occurrence. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We immediattely recognize in them the intemperate psychic attitude of the chiild to reality, his precarious judgment, his lack of orientation, his dislike of un- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS I 30 pleasant duties. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The earliest fantasies consisted of all sorts of vague and half-understood im- pressions she had received of her parents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There is nothing to prevent it from being sheer fantasy, for here I have only the statements of the patient to rely on.’ Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patients continue to hang on to forms of libido activity which they should have aban- doned long ago. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Introversion can also lead to action on a rational plane.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS ‘34 PARENTAL INFLUENCES ON CHILDREN 3°7 At the time when psychoanalytic theory was still dominated by the trauma concept and, in conformity with that view, was inclined to look for the causa efficiens of the neurosis in the past, it seemed to us that the parental complex was, as Freud called it, the “nuclear complex” of neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The disharmony between the parents on the one hand and between the parents and the child on the other seemed especially liable to produce psychic currents in the child which were incompatible with his indi- vidual way of life. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~o8 In the paper just alluded to I cited a number of instances, taken from a wealth of material on this subject, which show these effects particularly clearly. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The effects apparently ema- nating from the parents are not limited to the endless recrimi- nations of their neurotic offspring, who constantly lay the blame for their illness on their family circumstances or bad upbringing, but extend even to actual events in the life of the patients, where no such determining influence could have been expected. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 135 3°9 For the empirical material on this subject, I must refer you to the literature, but should just like to remind you that one of my pupils, Dr. Emma Fürst, has adduced valuable experimental proofs in regard to this problem. Freud and Psychoanalysis
31o These facts enable us to understand why not only the pa- tients themselves, but the theories that have been built on these researches, tend to assume that neurosis is the result of the char- acterological influence of the parents on the children. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is a conflict which all those must face who are called upon to live a 311 Owing to the enormous influence which childhood has on why one would like to attribute the cause of a neurosis directly life that is independent and creative. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must confess 5 [Fürst, “Statistical Investigations on Word.Associations Freud and Psychoanalysis
and on Familial Agree- ment in Reaction Type among Uneducated Persons” (orig. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was soon no- ticed that these patients really did live partly or entirely in their childhood world, although themselves quite unconscious of this fact. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The small world of the child, the family milieu, is the model for the big world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Of course this must not be taken as a conscious intellectual process. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary, it was the arduous task of psychoanalysis to investigate the psychological mode of adaptation so thor- oughly that one could put one’s finger on the infantile misun- derstandings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This objection is on the same vulgar level as those which impute to us the crude mistakes of beginners. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This a priori judgment is pure scholasticism and has no grounds to support it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE CONCEPT OF THE UNCONSCIOUS ~a8 This way of thinking is the only possible one if we accept the axiom that “principles are not to be multiplied beyond the necessary.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
An engineer who has built a bridge and calculated its load needs no further proof of its holding THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 141 capacity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The psychoanalytic technique of dream elucidation is based on this very simple principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is a fact that certain parts of the dream are derived from our waking life, from events which, on account of their obvious unimportance, would have fallen into oblivion and were already on the way to becoming definitely unconscious. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Certainly this expression is nothing more than conscious symbolism—we were never in any doubt on that point. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The subsequent procedure follows logically along the 1 (This might be disputed on the ground that it is an a priori assertion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We are, therefore, moving on known ground.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE METHOD OF DREAM-ANALYSIS 326 The principle of psychoanalytic elucidation is, therefore, extraordinarily simple and has actually been known for a long time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That is, they now vented their previous attitude to psychoanalysis on their material, which they could not assess objectively but only in terms of their subjective fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I would, how- ever, like to call your attention to a paper by Rank on “a dream which interprets itself.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every sentence I utter has, be- sides the meaning consciously intended by me, its historical meaning, which may turn out to be quite different from its con- scious meaning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here All reminiscences from mythology, folklore, as well as 146 332 This excursus seemed to me unavoidable. Freud and Psychoanalysis
336 In this way we obtain the historical material on which to base our judgment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This objection is made, I believe, on the unconscious assump- tion that the historian who gathers material for his monograph FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 148 337 (There is, however, another objection to be considered, ~ is an imbecile, incapable of distinguishing real parallels from apparent ones and authentic reports from crude falsifications. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The slips and faults in the experiment are nothing but prototypes of the mistakes we make in everyday life, the majority of which must be regarded as due to the interference of complexes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The term “Oedipus complex” naturally does not mean conceiving this conflict in its adult form, but rather on a reduced scale suitable to childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We all know that the tragic fate of Oedipus consisted in his marrying his mother and slaying his father. Freud and Psychoanalysis
344 This weakening and reduction in scale of the Oedipus com- plex should not be understood as a diminution of the total sum of affect, but as indicating the smaller share of sexual affect char- acteristic of a child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
To make up for this, childish affects have that peculiar intensity which is characteristic of the sexual affect in adults. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As you know, small children can sometimes force themselves between the parents in the most jealous way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the contrary, it is in the natural order of things that familiar objects lose their compelling charm and force the libido to seek new objects; and this acts as an important regulative factor which prevents parricide and incest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud considers that the psychological incest barrier can be compared with the incest prohibitions found even among primitives. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We have seen that psycho- analytic theory started from a traumatic experience in child- hood, which later on was found to be partly or wholly unreal. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It had been a farewell party for her best friend, who was going abroad to a health-resort on account of her nerves. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He placed the ring on her finger with an arch smile and said, “You know what that means!” Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient was thus in a position to go out for walks alone with Mr. A. On one occasion they went boating. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She felt extraordinarily nervous, and when Mrs. A had been accompanied to the station and had gone, the hysterical twilight state came over her on the 1 [Cf. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There are, of course, learned psychologists who could find any number of theoretical reasons for disputing the purposiveness of her action—reasons based on the dogma of the identity of consciousness and psyche. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Today it can no longer be contested that there are un- conscious tendencies which have a great influence on a person’s reactions and on the effect he has on others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a terminology is a misapplication to normal people of insights gained from neurotic psychology, on the assumption that the abnormal by-path taken by the libido in neurotics is still the same phenomenon as in children. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This incapacity for memory-reproduction dates from birth and can be understood on quite obvious biological grounds. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would be a remarkable hypothesis if we were to assume that this totally different quality of infantile consciousness could be re- duced to sexual repressions on the analogy of a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In conformity with this theory we would have to assume, for instance, that when a plant forms a bud from which a blossom begins to unfold, the blossom is taken back again before it is fully developed, and is again hidden within the bud, to reappear later on in a similar form. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Here the incorrect terminology and the boundless extension of the concept of sexuality take their FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 164 revenge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The error lies in the conception. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even with the acutest ferreting into their respective his- tories we shall never discover why people living on German soil had just such a fate, and why the Gauls another. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is just as if a nation were to blame its miser- able political conditions on the past; as if the Germany of the nineteenth century had attributed her political dismemberment and incapacity to her oppression by the Romans, instead of seek- ing the causes of her difficulties in the actual present. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it is equally certain that the scientific public is inclined to make a creed out of them, a system which is asserted as blindly on the one hand as it is attacked on the other. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We know that in the mind of a creator of new ideas things are much more fluid and flexible than they are in the minds of his followers. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALySIS The man will be annoyed by his own cowardice and will set out to prove himself less timid on another occasion, or per- haps he will admit that with his timidity he ought never to undertake such daring ascents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He will say to himself: “It is not in my power to get over this difficulty, so I will climb an easier mountain.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
back when he meets an insurmountable difficulty, and uses his libido, which could not attain its original goal, for the ascent of another mountain. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He therefore uses the libido which did not attain its orig- inal aim for the useful purpose of self-criticism, and for evolving a plan by which he may yet be able, with due regard to his moral capacity, to realize his wish to climb a mountain. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is characteristic of children, and of naïve minds generally, not to find the mis- take in themselves but in things outside them, and forcibly to impose on things their own subjective judgment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was a situation in which doubts as to the suitability of either marriage were permissible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From then on the girl became moody; she showed unmistakable signs of the greatest jealousy towards her sister, but would neither see nor admit that she was jealous. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Instead of her earlier child-like affection she put on a sulky manner, which sometimes amounted to violent irritability; weeks of depression followed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She answered in a haughty and rather offhand way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In these circumstances it would have been a miracle if she had been willing to love and marry another man. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Finally we reach that im- pressive scene, that obscene act, whose improbability has al- ready been established. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Each of these tend- encies has its psychological prehistory, and in our case it can clearly be shown that the peculiar resistance at the bottom of the patient’s critical sensitiveness was in fact bound up histori- cally with certain infantile sexual activities, and also with that so-called traumatic experience—things which may very well cast a shadow on sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A certain innate sensitive- ness produces a special prehistory, a special way of experiencing infantile events, which in their turn are not without influence on the development of the child’s view of the world. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Events bound up with powerful impressions can never pass off without leaving some trace on sensitive people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Some of them remain effective throughout life, and such events can have a determin- ing influence on a person’s whole mental development. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not true that the impressions are forced on us unconditionally; our own predisposition conditions the impression. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Without any doubt, there are many cases where everything is dramatized, where even the traumatic experiences are pure figments of the imagination, and the few real events among them are afterwards completely distorted by fantastic elaboration. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These considerations naturally have to be applied to infantile sexual experiences as well. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We might be satisfied with the hypothe- sis that these fantasies are simply a substitute for real action and therefore have no further significance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The association experiment, when conducted on a neurotic person, gives us a number of pointers to definite con- flicts in his actual life, which we call complexes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it would be very one-sided to take our stand solely on a point of principle. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the fantasy material of a psychoanalytic case history there is, indeed, very much that is artificial. Freud and Psychoanalysis
develops gradually, as a habit, out of innumerable regressions from obstacles since earliest childhood. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The regressive tendency of the patients reinforced by the atten- tions of the psychoanalyst in his examination of the UflCOfl5CjOUS fantasy activity, goes on inventing and creating even during the analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Not only the opponents of psychoanalysis but the patients them- selves doubt the therapeutic value of such a method, which concentrates attention on the very things that the patient con- demns as worthless and reprehensible, namely his fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4t7 This objection can be answered as follows: it all depends on the attitude the patient takes towards his fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Consequently he neglected many of his duties, either in regard to social achievement or in regard to his purely human tasks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He must get back to fulfilling these duties if he wants to become well again. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Once one knows that in this sphere absolutely nothing is impossible, the initial estima- tion of fantasies will gradually wear itself out, and with it the attempt to discover in them an aetiological significance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such a mistake is especially easy for beginners, since, blinded by psychoanalytic case histories, they keep their interest fixed on the alleged aetiological significance of the fantasies, and are constantly en- deavouring to fish up more fantasies from the infantile past, vainly hoping to find there the solution of the neurotic diffi- culties. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 189 -... 425 There are many patients who, quite on their own account, discover their life-tasks and stop the production of regressive fantasies fairly soon, because they prefer to live in reality rather than in fantasy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The trans- ference to the analyst builds a bridge across which the patient can get away from his family into reality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fact that by far the greater part of humanity not only needs guidance, but wishes for nothing better than to be guided and held in tutelage, justi- fies, in a sense, the moral value which the Church sets on con- fession. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In so far as the priest is a morally elevated personality with a nat- ural nobility of soul and a mental culture to match, the institu- tion of confession may be commended as a brilliant method of social guidance and education, which did in fact perform a tre- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 192 mendous educative task for more than fifteen hundred years. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So long as the medieval Church knew how to be the guardian of art and science—a role in which her success was due, in part, to her wide tolerance of worldly interests—confession was an ad- mirable instrument of education. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The trumpeting of therapeutic successes is nowhere more con- temptible than in psychoanalysis, for no one should know bet- ter than the psychoanalyst that the therapeutic result ultimately depends far more on the co-operation of nature and of the pa- tient himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The psychoanalyst may legitimately pride himself on his increased insight into the essence and structure of neu- rosis, an insight that greatly exceeds all previous knowledge in this field. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After the initial resistances to the transference have been overcome, it turns out to be an ideal situation for a neurotic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He does not need to make any effort himself, and yet someone comes to meet him more than halfway, someone with an unwonted and pe- culiar wish to understand, who does not allow himself to get bored and is not put off ~y anything, although the patient some- times does his utmost to rile him with his wilfulness and child- ish defiance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But when a psychoanalyst recommends it, he is making the same mistake as his patient, who believes that his sexual fantasies come from pent-up (“repressed”) sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Only cer- tain religions demanded this of the individual, and it is this that makes the second stage of analysis so very difficult. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Nor is it, in the end, a question of culture at all, but simply of the analyst buying his way out of the constricting transference situation by offering other, alleged advantages. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Indeed, he must do more than a normal person, he must give up a large slice of his infantilism, which nobody asks a normal person to do. Freud and Psychoanalysis
lf he himself has an infantile type of desire of which he is still unconscious, he will never be able to open his patient’s eyes to this danger. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He will be aston- ished to see how many apparently technical difficulties vanish in this way. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This bond is one of the most valuable social factors imaginable, and it would be a cruel mistake to reject absolutely these social overtures on the part of the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In trying to get the patient to break the transference relationship, we are asking of him some- thing that is seldom, or never, demanded of the average person, namely, that he should conquer himself completely. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It would lead me too far afield to go at all deeply into the results of these investigations. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Detailed dis- cussion of the method and theory would have required a mass of case material, exposition of which would have detracted from a comprehensive view of the whole. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But, in order to give you some idea of the actual process of psychoanalytic treatment, I have decided to present a fairly short analysis of an eleven- year-old girl. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A CASE OF NEUROSIS IN A CHILD 204 r 460 girl of good family. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This conjecture was not an arbitrary one, for every attentive observer knows that if children are so restless and bad-tempered something is worrying them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
came afraid that the boy would tell the teacher she had called him a goat, and she promised him two francs if he would give her his solemn word never to say anything to the teacher. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE THEORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS 205 Generally this does not last very long, although on occasion it may be maintained for a long time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was explained to her that she need not be ashamed of that; on the contrary, her love was a guarantee that she would do her very best in his les- sons. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the other hand, it must be emphasized that her libido had taken vehement possession of the poor boy, and he too was someone outside the family, so that the difficulty cannot lie in transferring libido to an extra-familial object, but in some other circumstance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Her love for the teacher was for her a more difficult task, it demanded much more from her than her love for the boy, which did not require any moral effort on her part. Freud and Psychoanalysis
472 The conversation then went on to the story of the blackmail, which she told again in detail. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The loss of her teacher’s esteem led her, on the one hand, to insult him and, on the other, into the affair with the little boy, obviously as a compensation for her lost relation- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 208 474 A point worth stressing in the story of the blackmail is its 475 The girl related a dream she had had when she was five years s~Pwiththeteac~ex~jana~ she was now given was a simple hint: she would be doing her teacher a good turn if she took pains to understand his lessons by asking questions in time. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THIRD INTERVIEW old, which made an unforgettable ilppression on her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The material which comes to light is naturally infantile material—fantasies con- nected with the incest complex. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In the fairytale of Little Red Ridinghood it is the fantasy that the mother has to eat something which is like a child, and that the child is born by cutting open the mother’s body. Freud and Psychoanalysis
478 From these general psychological considerations we can con- clude that the child, in this dream, was elaborating the problem FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 210 of procreation and birth. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With regard to the mythological parallels, I would like to call your attention to the work of Boas,’ which includes a magnificent collection of American Indian sagas; then the book by Frobenius, Da~ Zeitalter des Sonnengottes; and finally the works of Abraham, Rank, Rikljn, Jones, Freud, Maeder, Silberer, and Spielrein,2 and my own investigations in Symbols of Transformation. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The validity of a hypothesis can be seen only on the basis of the right knowledge, otherwise not at all. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She kept on doing this despite his prohibition. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In order to understand what could have made an impression on 8 [Cf. Freud and Psychoanalysis
feelings of pleasure, appears in the wolf dream in the form of fear, apparently on account of the bad father, who stands for moral education. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We then attribute the whole difficulty to moral education, on the unproven assumption that education can cause a neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So even then she was afraid of her father. Freud and Psychoanalysis
490 On the theoretical side, we may regard this dream as a clear example of the compensatory significance and teleological func- tion of dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FOURTH INTERVIEW 488 The little girl was now much nicer and much more confid- ing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FIFTH AND SIXTH INTERVIEWS in the meantime: “I was standing with my whole family on the roof. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The windows of the houses on the other side of the valley shone like fire. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Suddenly I saw that the house at the corner of our street was really on fire. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I ran into the street, and my mother threw all sorts of things after me. Freud and Psychoanalysis
had to be extended over two sittings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
About this she only made the remark, “It is queer, like in a fairytale,” by which she meant impossible; for to say that stones burn is something completely impossible, nonsensical, and like a fairytale. Freud and Psychoanalysis
You can hear this objection as often as you like from our critics, but for a really scientific mind there are only causal relationships and no acci- dents. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the fact that the little girl chose Sleeping Beauty as an example we must conclude that there was some fundamental reason for this in the psychology of the child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Our patient had withheld an important piece of evidence in regard to her ideas of sex, and one which contradicted the ana- lyst’s explanation of sexual maturity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This idea is archaic and highly myth- ological. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fertilizing significance of urine is also mythological; we find excellent proofs of this in the Rudra songs of the Rig-veda.8 Freud and Psychoanalysis
The girl, acting on her fantasy that children were “sicked up,” fre- quently tried to induce nausea and vomiting. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We found, behind the neu- rotic symptoms, complicated emotional processes that were un- 8 [Cf. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Symbols of Transformation, par. Freud and Psychoanalysis
322f.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
She developed a crush on her teacher, and this senti- mental indulgence in starry-eyed fantasies obviously played a greater role than the thought of the increased efforts which such a love really demanded. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1-le became impatient, and the girl, who had been made over-demanding by conditions at home, grew resent- ful instead of trying to improve her work. Freud and Psychoanalysis
5’4 We have now got so far with our analysis that we can cast a glance back at the case as a whole. Freud and Psychoanalysis
With the title ~~Psycho-Analysis,” the translation was published in the Transactions of the Psycho-Medical Society (Cockermouth), ~ and reprinted in the Psychoanalytic Review (New York), II:~ (July 1915) and in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, igi6; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
The first is that psychoanalysis is nothing but a rather deep and complicated form of anamnesis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This process has nothing to do with the anamnestic reconstruction of the history of the illness. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In direct contrast with suggestion therapy, the psychoanalyst does not attempt to force anything on his patient which the latter does not see for himself and find plausible with his own understanding. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In psychoanalysis we are en- tirely dependent on the patient and on his powers of judgment, for the reason that the very nature of analysis consists in lead- ing him to a knowledge of himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I wish one of these critics would try forcing arbitrary interpretations on my patients, who are very often persons of FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 230 analysis are so utterly different from those of suggestion therapy that on this point the two methods cannot be compared. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They know that the psychoanalyst’s method of working is dia- metrically opposed to that of the hypnotist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
531 Since we cannot pretend that we know from the outset what the solution of such problems is, we have to rely on the clues furnished by the individuality of the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Parallel with his neurosis he developed an intense resistance to his professional work. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She now thought that if she could have yet another child she would be helped still further. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She knew, however, that she could not have any more children, so she tried to devote her energies to philan- thropic interests. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She noticed a distinct alleviation whenever she succeeded in giving real interest to something, however fleet- ingly, but she felt quite incapable of discovering anything that would bring her lasting interest and satisfaction. Freud and Psychoanalysis
That would be a superstitious prac- tice based on the assumption that dreams have well-established symbolic meanings. Freud and Psychoanalysis
541 I have analysed this dream on the basis of the following rea- soning. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If I say that stairs are a symbol for the sexual act, by what right do I take the mother and sister and baby as real, that is, not symbolically? If, on the strength of the assertion that dream-images are symbolic, I assign a symbolic value to certain of these images, what right have I to exempt certain others? If I attach a symbolic value to the ascent of the stairs, I must also attach a symbolic value to the images called mother, sister, and baby. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The discovery of its prospective or final meaning is particularly important when the analysis is so far advanced that the eyes of the patient are turned more readily to the future than to his inner world and the past. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In this case symbolic and not real value must be attached to the sexual fantasy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
uality of a dream is a symbolic or analogical expression of its meaning, naturally applies also to dreams occurring at the be- ginning of an analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fantasies not only hinder him in adapting better to his situation, they also lead him to all manner of real sexual acts, and occasionally even to incest, as experience shows. Freud and Psychoanalysis
For me the dream is, in the first instance, a subliminal picture of the actual psycho- logical situation of the individual in his waking state. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is hardly necessary for me to remark that I do not mean in- oculating him with belief in a religious or philosophical dogma; I mean simply that there must be built up in him that same psychological attitude which was characterized by the living belief in a religious or philosophical dogma on earlier levels of culture. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We do not help the neurotic by relieving him of the demands made by civilization; we can help him only by inducing him to take an active part in the strenuous work of carrying on its develop- ment. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I have always found a quiet conversation on the subject much more useful and fruitful than heated argu- ments coram publico. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is my firm conviction that no one is competent to form an opinion on this matter until he has studied the basic writings of the psychoanalytic school. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~ In spite of the fact that Freud’s theory of neurosis has been worked out in great detail, it cannot be said to be, on the whole, very clear or easy to understand. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This justifies my giving you a short abstract of his fundamental views on the theory of neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Revised and read before the 17th International Medical Congress, London, 1913, under the title “On Psychoanalysis.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
First published in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, 1916; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
Moreover, on further investigation it be- came quite obvious that even if a trauma had actually occurred it was not always responsible for the whole of the neurosis, al- though it does sometimes look as if the structure of the neurosis depended entirely on the trauma. Freud and Psychoanalysis
His new conception of the aetiology of neurosis was based on this insight, and he traced the neurosis back to some sexual activity in early infancy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the standpoint of this theory, the neurotic appears to be entirely dependent on his infantile past, and all his troubles in later life, his moral con- flicts and his deficiencies, seem to be derived from the powerful influences of that period. Freud and Psychoanalysis
the hypothesis of fixation is based on the well-known fact that PSYCHOANALYSIS AND NEUROSIS 245 certain periods of human life, and particularly infancy, do some- times leave determining traces behind them which are perma- nent. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I base this criticism not on any prejudice against sexuality but on an inti- mate acquaintance with the whole problem. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~7’ You may ask why the neurotic has a special tendency not to accomplish his necessary tasks. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The law of inertia is valid everywhere. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Yet in technical matters I had, in the main, to rely on myself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Translated (ex- cept for Dr. Ldrs foreword) by Mrs. Edith Eder as “On Some Crucial Points in Psychoanalysis,” in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, 1916; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
The present translation is based on this. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And so, when I read the following statement by Freud in the Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse, in June 1912, the words seemed to come from my own heart: “Some years ago I gave as an answer to the question of how one can become an analyst: ‘By analysing one’s own dreams.’ Freud and Psychoanalysis
I was expecting you to throw light on the interpre- tation of my own and my patients’ dreams from the standpoint 2 “Recommendations to Physicians Practising Psycho-Analysis” (orig. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But still more fruitful, it seems to me, is your other suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~ J,s that really true? Frank himself adds: “How can ruminating on the dreams of youth in itself lead to discharge of the stored-up anxiety, whether in the hypnoid state or any other? Must we not rather suppose that ruminating on them would make the anxiety states even 3 Ludwig Frank, AfJektstorungen: Studien über ihre Aetiologie und Thera pie (1913). Freud and Psychoanalysis
Even the so-called highly scientific suggestion therapy employs the wares of the medicine-man and the exorcising shaman. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I tried to hypnotize the girl; she went into fits of laughter and held up the hypnosis for twenty minutes. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The effect was immediate. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I thought of my wise old woman and asked, “When did it come back?” She (unsuspect- ing): “Wednesday night.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
In my malicious heart I knew that I would be away on holiday and the course for hypnotic treatment would be finished. Freud and Psychoanalysis
After half an hour I had the greatest difficulty in waking her; when at last she was awake she jumped up: “I am well, I am all right, you have cured me!” Freud and Psychoanalysis
The enuresis stopped, and I thereupon informed the young lady that, instead of Wednesday, I would not see her again for hypnosis till the following Satur- FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 256 T CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) day. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(I have discussed these matters in detail in my lectures on the theory of psychoanaly- sis.) Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is merely a rule of thumb, convenient for the analyst because it makes no particular demands on his intellect or his capacity to adapt. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I had the good fortune to collaborate with Freud for a long time, and to work with him on the problem of sexuality in neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This has now become the point on which I am no longer altogether of Freud’s opinion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I will now catch up on the rest: light hypnosis and total hypnosis are simply varying degrees of in- tensity of unconscious susceptibility to the hypnotist. Freud and Psychoanalysis
They are present everywhere as general human attributes, even with Dubois ~ and the psychoanalysts, who all think they are working on purely rational lines. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I think so too. Freud and Psychoanalysis
589 But now comes the ticklish point: the augur can remain an 5 Thus a woman patient, who had been treated by a young colleague without entire success, once said to me: “Certainly I made great progress with him and I am much better than I was. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It’s true he never understood them, but he took so much trouble over them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
593 Perhaps I ought to have sought out the psychoanalytic con- nections between the enuresis and her psychosexual disposition, explained it to her, etc., Freud and Psychoanalysis
596 To take an example, a patient afflicted with a washing mania was sent to me after a year’s psychocathartic treatment with Dr. X. The symbolic meaning of her washing ceremonies had previously been explained to her, but she became more and more agitated during the “abreaction” of alleged traumata in childhood, because she had persuaded herself by auto-sugges- tion that she was too old to be cured, that she saw no “images,” etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In my last letter I purposely left the practical needs of the doctor out of account, chiefly in order to show you on what grounds one might be moved to give up hypnotic therapy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Hence we do not bank on the faith of the pa- tient, but on his criticism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We can therefore apply ourselves to the further task of reaching agreement on practical questions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Your remarks on the doctor’s dilemma—whether to be a magician or a scientist—bring us to the heart of the matter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One might almost say that the practitioner must submit first and foremost 6 Defined in the Freudian sense as the transference to the analyst of infantile and sexual fantasies. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As I said to you in my last letter: “A truth is a truth, when it works.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is surely high time to stop this running down of every new idea. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We grant them their right to existence, why should they always seek to curtail ours? 6o~ As my own “cures” show you, I do not doubt the effect of suggestion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If a man cannot get on with his wife, he naturally thinks the conflict would be solved if he mar- ried someone else. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is scarcely credible that an altogether inferior method would meet with so much sup- port. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The old Adam enters upon the new marriage and bungles it just as badly as he did the earlier one. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I re- gard the conscience-searching question of whether he should remain true to his scientific convictions as a minor one in com- parison with the far weightier question of how he can best help his patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And they will all scourge and slay one another to force their fragmentary truth on the others— until, grown wiser through travelling in each other’s regions, they come to the unanimous view that the sun sends out light of different colours. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Any interference on the part of the analyst, with the object of forcing the analysis to follow a systematic course, is a gross mis- take in technique. Freud and Psychoanalysis
8 [“On Beginning the Treatment (Further Recommendations on the Technique of Psycho-Analysis I)” (1913).—EDIT0Rs.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 272 628 to pointing out a connection here and there. Freud and Psychoanalysis
When the conscious is emptied then come the dreams, which as you know are the chief object of analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must emphasize that no one should undertake an analysis ex- cept on the basis of a sound knowledge of the subject, and this means a thorough knowledge of the existing literature. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But you write: “We psychoanalysts do not bank on the patient’s faith, but on his criticism.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
630 for further questions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
631 these things belong to a later stage of the analysis, when they find—or should find—their own solution. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But I think you have already answered this ques- tion in advance when you write in your letter of February i 1: “Any interference on the part of the analyst is a gross mistake in technique. Freud and Psychoanalysis
So, after a brief explana- tion, first let the patient talk, pointing out a connection here and there, then, after the conscious material is exhausted, go on to the dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
If the analyst demands that his patient shall get well out of love for him, the patient may easily reckon on reciprocal services, and will without doubt try to extort them. Freud and Psychoanalysis
639 Stekel’s remark is very characteristic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The patient should know what he is doing, that’s all. Freud and Psychoanalysis
640 I cannot agree with your interpretation of my remarks on the healing effect of the analyst’s personality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The art of analysis lies in following the patient on all his erring ways and so gather- ing his strayed sheep together. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Working to programme, on a preconceived system, we spoil the best effects of analysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I must therefore hold fast to the sentence you object to: “Any inter- ference on the part of the analyst is a gross mistake in technique. Freud and Psychoanalysis
FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 278 dice of wanting to correct nature and force our limited “truths” on her. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But this time she could no longer evade it and had to admit my working rule—but only to play a trick on me. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Thus the not infrequent dream of inces- tuous cohabitation is by no means an “undisguised” content, but a dream as freshly symbolic and capable of analysis as all others. Freud and Psychoanalysis
651 The technique of analysis we can best postpone for oral discussion. Freud and Psychoanalysis
652 From your letter of i8 February I would like first to single out the end, where you so aptly assign the element of sugges- tion its proper place in psychoanalysis: “The patient is not an empty sack into which we can stuff whatever we like; he brings his own particular contents with him, with which you have always to reckon afresh” [sic]. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As we know, the Catholic Church is one of the most powerful organizations based on this tendency. Freud and Psychoanalysis
66~ Recapitulating, I would like to say this of the positive trans- ference: The patient’s libido fastens on the person of the analyst in the form of expectation, hope, interest, trust, friendship, and love. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This road leads to a purely human relationship and to an intimacy based not on the existence of sexual or power factors but on the FREUD AND PSYCHOANALYSIS 286 value of personality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Among our patients we observe so many so-called immoral impulses that the thought involuntarily forces itself on the psychotherapist how it would be if all these desires were gratified. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Five per cent on money lent is fair interest, twenty per cent is despicable usury. Freud and Psychoanalysis
CRUCIAL POINTS IN PSYCHOANALYSIS (JUNG AND LOY) 289 670 This volume contains a selection of articles and pamphlets on analytical psychology written at intervals during the past fourteen years.2 Freud and Psychoanalysis
The volume does, how- ever, throw some light on a certain line of development which is especially characteristic of the Zurich school of psychoanalysis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
673 I cannot here explain the fundamental differences between 1 [Published in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, edited by Dr. Con- stance E. Long (London and New York, iqi6; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
Works: “On the Psychology and Pathology of So-called Occult Phenomena” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
17, as “Psychic Con- flicts in a Child”); “Tile Significance of the Father in the Destiny of the Indi- vidual,” “A Contribution to the Psychology of Rumour,” and “On the Signifi- cance of Number Dreams” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~); “Psychoanalysis” and “On Psychoanalysis” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4, as “Concerning Psychoanalysis” and “Psychoanalysis and Neurosis”); “On Some Crucial Points in Psychoanalysis” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
4); “On the Importance of the Un- conscious in Psychopathology” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS ON ANALYTICAL PSYCHOLOGY” Lecture I, untitled, and Lecture II, “The Familial Constellations” First Edition 290 the two schools but would mention only the following: The Viennese School adopts an exclusively sexualistic standpoint while that of the Zurich School is symbolistic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6); “The Psychology of Dreams” (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
2); Lecture III, “The Psychic Life of the Child’ (Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
674 The value of the symbol does not depend merely on histori- cal causes; its chief importance lies in the fact that it has a meaning for the actual present and for the future, in their psychological aspects. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The essays are stations on the way toward the more general views developed above. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It should especially be noted that a new chapter on “The Conception of the Unconscious”3 has been added. Freud and Psychoanalysis
See Two Essays on Analyt- ical Psychology, 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
See Two Essays on Analytical Psychology, 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was originally written in English and published as “On Psycholog- ical Understanding.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the theory of cognition does not need to remain on a pre-Kantian level. Freud and Psychoanalysis
One of my critics is guilty of this confusion when discussing “On the Significance of Number Dreams.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
296 T 690 PREFACES TO “COLLECTED PAPERS” Obviously, I consider both these points of view necessary, the causal as well as the final, but would at the same time stress that since Kant’s time we have come to realize that the two view- points are not antagonistic if they are regarded as regulative principles of thought and not as constituent principles of the process of nature itself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
I was once again struck by the fact that certain critics cannot distinguish between the theoreti- cal explanation given by the author and the fantastic ideas pro- duced by the patient. Freud and Psychoanalysis
This was translated by M. D. Eder under the present title and published in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (London and New York, 1916; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
Since that time so many things have changed and taken on a new face that I felt obliged to make a number of corrections and additions to the original text. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Every nor- mal human situation is provided for and, as it were, imprinted on this inherited structure, since it has happened innumerable times before in our long ancestry. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(This is not to say that the father always has a greater influence on the moulding of the child’s fate than the mother. Freud and Psychoanalysis
6 ~I have discussed this question on two occasions: Symbols of Transformation (in regard to the son), and “Psychological Aspects of the Mother Archetype” (in regard to the daughter).) Freud and Psychoanalysis
Fürst influences emanating from the father.8 Freud and Psychoanalysis
She old daughter differed by only 0.5. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But the calculations already permit some value-predicate type of reaction,’° which in my experience is an valuable conclusions. Freud and Psychoanalysis
3.8 Freud and Psychoanalysis
is composed of a very wide range of figures: there are married couples with great similarity in reaction-type and others with less. Freud and Psychoanalysis
3.0 Freud and Psychoanalysis
[For Gross, cf. Jones, Freud: Life and Work, II, p. 33.-~-ED1TORS.] Freud and Psychoanalysis
She informed me, blushing and dropping her eyes, that she was the divorced wife of a common peasant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
neurosis. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The sister was the mother’s and the patient the father’s favourite. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As she had no acquaintances she went to a matrimonial agency and married the first corner, a peasant of about sixty who had already been twice divorced on account of brutality and perverseness; the patient knew this before marriage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He had come for treatment on account of “nervousness.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
She told him her troubles, saying she felt sure she would die in child- bed. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The THE FATHER IN THE DESTINY OF THE INDIVIDUAL At school he was always the whipping-boy and always the 309 woman did die in childbed, but the orphanage interfered and allowed him only one child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She invited him to come to Paris to talk matters over. Freud and Psychoanalysis
He obviously preferred to go on being tormented, for the mem- ories of his youth seemed to him more precious than any present joys. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She got on very well with her husband. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Husband and father-in-law, as may easily be imagined, did not get on at all. Freud and Psychoanalysis
And so it went on till the father’s sudden death. Freud and Psychoanalysis
722 When this outburst was over, I asked curiously why she had refused the husband her father had proposed? 723 It seems that the father, a small peasant on a lean little hold- ing, had taken on as a labourer, just at the time when his young- est daughter was born, a wretched little boy, a foundling. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As he approached manhood a series of ulcers developed on his neck, some of which opened and continually discharged pus, giving this dirty, ugly creature a truly horrible appearance. Freud and Psychoanalysis
His intelligence did not grow with his years, so he stayed on as a farm-labourer without any recog- nized wage. Freud and Psychoanalysis
She ought to have taken the man her father wanted her to have; he, certainly, would have obeyed her father, and then everything would have been all right. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Oh, she wailed, her husband was not nearly as nice as her father, she could do anything with her father, but not with her husband. Freud and Psychoanalysis
There- fore Shakespeare says: —Schopenhauer, “On Apparent Design in the Fate of the Individual,~’ Parerga and Paralipomena (trans. Freud and Psychoanalysis
These in- herited systems correspond to the human situations that have existed since primeval times: youth and old age, birth and death, sons and daughters, fathers and mothers, mating, and so on. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Man “possesses” many things which he has never acquired but has inherited from his ancestors. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The danger is just this unconscious identity with the archetype: not only does it exert a dominating influence on the child by suggestion, it also causes the same unconsciousness in the child, so that it succumbs to the influence from outside and at the same time cannot oppose it from within. Freud and Psychoanalysis
What he did is but a crass exaggeration of what is done by thousands of so-called respectable, educated parents, who nevertheless pride themselves on their progressive views. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The fathers who criticize every sign of emotional independence in their children, who fondle their daughters with ill-concealed eroticism and tyrannize over their feelings, who keep their sons on a leash or force them into a profession and finally into a “suit- able” marriage, the mothers who even in the cradle excite their children with unhealthy tenderness, who later make them into slavish puppets and then at last ruin their love-life out of jeal- ousy: they all act no differently in principle from this stupid, boorish peasant. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(They do not know what they are doing, and they do not know that by succumbing to the compulsion they pass it on to their children and make them slaves of their parents and of the unconscious as well. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Such children will long continue to live out the curse laid on them by their parents, even when 18 [Orig.: Freud and Psychoanalysis
18 730 In our case, it is quite obvious what the father was doing, and why he wanted to marry his daughter to this brutish crea- ture: he wanted to keep her with him and make her his slave for ever. Freud and Psychoanalysis
bears the blame for his fate in his own char- acter. Freud and Psychoanalysis
[We are always trying not to admit the child’s sexuality. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But when falling asleep it seemed to him that a wicked black man with a sword or a gun was lying on his bed, a tall thin man who wanted to kill him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The boy often dreamt that something dreadful was going on in there, as if there were great black snakes or evil men who wanted to kill Mama. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The boy also told me that at night he often started up from sleep at the sound of strange noises in the next room; then he was always horribly afraid that something dread- ful was going on in there, a struggle of some kind, but his mother would quiet him and say it was nothing. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Pressure of urine in dreams and also in the waking state is often an expression of some other pressure, for instance of fear, expectation, suppressed excite- ment, inability to speak, the need to express an unconscious content, etc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
In our case the substitute for sexuality has the sig- nificance of a premature masculinity which is meant to compen- sate the inferiority of the child. Freud and Psychoanalysis
21 739 What we see enacted on the stage of world-history happens also in the individual. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Freud, Zeitschrift für Religionspsychologie (1907).] Freud and Psychoanalysis
[I.e., Freud and Psychoanalysis
The reason for this development, indeed its very pos- sibility, is to be found in the fact that the child possesses an inherited system that anticipates the existence of parents and their influence upon him. Freud and Psychoanalysis
321 other, she chooses a husband who dies on the wedding-night. Freud and Psychoanalysis
~), Sara has brought about the usual sublimation and splitting of the father-complex, on the one hand elevating her infantile love into the worship of God, and on the other turning the obsessive power of the father into the persecuting demon Asmodeus. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is to be hoped that experience in the years to come will sink deeper shafts into this obscure territory, on which I have been able to shed but a fleeting light, and will discover more about the secret workshop of the demon who shapes our fate, of whom Horace says: “Scit Genius natale comes qui temperat astrum, Naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum, Quodque caput, vultu mutabilis, albus et ater.’] Freud and Psychoanalysis
746 It is a somewhat curious fact in the history of science—but one that is in keeping with the peculiar nature of the psycho- analytic movement—that Freud, the creator of psychoanalysis (in the narrower sense), insists on identifying the method with his sexual theory, thus placing upon it the stamp of dogmatism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
747 I emphasize this unfortunate state of affairs not because I want to make a critical attack on Freud’s theories, but rather to point out to the unbiased reader the significant fact that Freudian psychoanalysis, apart from being a scientific endeavour and a scientific achievement, is a psychic symptom which has proved to be more powerful than the analytical art of the master himself. Freud and Psychoanalysis
As Maylan’s book on “Freud’s tragic complex” 2 has shown, it would not be at all difficult to derive Freud’s tendency to dogmatize from the premises of his own personal psychology —indeed, he taught this trick to his disciples and practised it more or less successfully himself—but I do not wish to turn his own weapons against him, In the end no one can completely outgrow his personal limitations; everyone is more or less im- prisoned by them—especially when he practises psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
748 I find these technical defects uninteresting and believe it is dangerous to lay too much stress on them, as it diverts attention from the one important fact: that even the loftiest mind is most limited and dependent just at the point where it seems to be freest. Freud and Psychoanalysis
ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 325 see by what tortuous paths modern psychology has made its way from the dingy laboratories of the alchemists, via mesmerism and magnetism (Kerner, Ennemoser, Eschimayer, Baader, Pas- savant, and others), to the philosophical anticipations of Scho- penhauer, Carus, and von Hartmann; and how, from the native soil of everyday experience in Liébeault and, still earlier, in Quimby (the spiritual father of Christian Science),3 it finally reached Freud through the teachings of the French hypnotists. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But these aspects are balanced on the other side by equally characteristic negative ones. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At the beginning of the eighteenth century the world saw the truths of Christianity publicly dethroned for the first time, and at the beginning of the twentieth the government of one of the largest countries on earth is making every effort to stamp out the Chris- tian faith as if it were a disease. Freud and Psychoanalysis
A person who no longer believes that a God who knows suffering will have mercy on him, will help and comfort him and give his life a meaning, is weak and a prey to his own weakness and becomes neurotic. Freud and Psychoanalysis
From the soul come the most ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 327 senseless conflicts, yet we also look to it for a solution or at least a valid answer to the tormenting question: why? 754 One does not have to be neurotic to feel the need of healing, and this need exists even in people who deny with the deepest conviction that any such healing is possible. Freud and Psychoanalysis
753 Finally, there are those who are earnestly searching for some- thing, who are thoroughly convinced that the soul is the seat of all psychic sufferings and at the same time the dwelling-place of all the healing truths that have ever been announced as glad tidings to suffering humanity. Freud and Psychoanalysis
The Adlerian school, which grew up side by side with Freud, lays particular stress on the social aspect of the psychic problem and, accordingly, has differentiated itself more and more into a system of social education. Freud and Psychoanalysis
757 Since it has not been established how many primary instincts exist in man or in animals, the possibility at once arises that an ingenious mind might discover a few more psychologies, appar-. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Rather, as if they were fated by an inner necessity, both investigators confessed their ruling principle, putting on record their own personal psychology and hence also their way of observing other people. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Unlike Freud and Adler, whose principles of explanation are essentially reductive and always return to the infantile condi- tions that limit human nature, I lay more stress on a construc- tive or synthetic explanation, in acknowledgment of the fact that tomorrow is of more practical importance than yesterday, and that the Whence is less essential than the Whither. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But I consider it a waste of time and a misleading prejudice to rummage in the past for the alleged specific causes of illness; for neuroses, no matter what the original circumstances from which they arose, are conditioned and maintained by a wrong attitude which is present all the time and which, once it is recognized, must be ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 329 corrected now and not in the early period of infancy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But would any physiol- ogist assert that the body is simple? Or that a living molecule of albumen is simple? If the human psyche is anything, it must be of unimaginable complexity and diversity, so that it cannot ON KRANEFELDT’S “SECRET WAYS OF THE MIND” 331 possibly be approached through a mere psychology of instinct. Freud and Psychoanalysis
lions of years of living development and become fixed in the organism. Freud and Psychoanalysis
766 In this introduction I hope I have conveyed to the reader that the psychological endeavours summed up in the layman’s idea of “psychoanalysis” ramify very much further historically, so- cially, and philosophically than the term indicates. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Can I be credited with sufficient impartiality to rise above my own ideas? Can any man do this? I doubt it. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Another will lay most weight on what is ob- served; he will therefore speak of it as a phenomenon, while remaining conscious of his own receptive attitude. Freud and Psychoanalysis
But it is not a psychology of the healthy mind, and—this is a symptom of its morbidity— it is based on an uncriticized, even an unconscious, view of the world which is apt to narrow the horizon of experience and limit one’s vision. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It was a great mistake on Freud’s part to turn his back on philosophy. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Yet to do so was necessary, as may be inferred from what I have said above; for had he critically examined his own foundations he would never have been able to put his peculiar psychology so naïvely on view as he did in The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
At least, they never find the key to this knowledge. Freud and Psychoanalysis
It is not the children of the flesh, but the “children of God,” who know freedom. Freud and Psychoanalysis
We moderns are faced with the necessity of rediscovering the life of the spirit; we must experience it anew for ourselves. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Studies on Hysteria. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Delivered on the Occa- “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
“Statistical Investigations on Word-Associations and The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud and Psychoanalysis
“On Beginning the Treatment (Further Recommendations on the Technique of Psycho-Analysis I).” Freud and Psychoanalysis
“On Psychotherapy.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
See “Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
“Psycho-Analytic Notes on an Autobiographical Account of a Case of Paranoia (Dementia Paranoides).” Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Mostly translated in Collected Papers, q.v.) “Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
on Familial Agreement in Reaction Type among Uneducated Per- BIBLIOGRAPHY 346 sons.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
(For the poem quoted on p. 315, see Vol. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Alternative source: Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, q.v.) * For details of the Collected Works of C. G. Jung (especially volumes yet unpub- lished, cited here without date) see the end of this volume. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Zurich, On the Nightmare. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(International Psycho-Analytical Library, “Remarks on Dr Morton Prince’s article ‘The Mechanism and Sigmund Freud: Life and Work. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
(Collected Works, 2.*) Freud and Psychoanalysis
In: Two Essays on Analytical Psy- “On Psychological Understanding.” Freud and Psychoanalysis
Two Essays on Analytical Psychology. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Review of “Collected Papers on Analytical Psy- chology,” Proc. Freud and Psychoanalysis
Pr., Freud and Psychoanalysis
*Jung’s views, 240, 330; and hys- terics, 28; of incestuous cohabita- tion, 280; interpreted by rumour, 45; manifest and latent content, 25; meaningfulness of, 25f; no fixed meanings, 236, 238; and number fantasies, 48ff; and par- ticular theories, 280; and past ex- periences, 143ff; prospective func- tion, 200f, 238; psychoanalysis of, see dream-analysis; and reminis- cence, 149; in second stage of analysis, 2oo; sexuality in, 238ff; as subliminal picture of dreamer’s waking state, 240; suggested, 275; symbolism in, 252; technique of elucidation, ‘44; teleological sig- nificance, 201, 214; unconscious origin, 144; undisguised, 280; use in analysis, 273; as wish-fulfilment, 27, 62ff; see also fear; resistance; INSTANCES OF DREAMS (in order of occurrence in text): black-clothed man dragging woman over preci- pice, 291; need to urinate felt in presence of Pope Pius X, 31; girls’ bathing expedition and journey INDEX with teacher, 35ff; season ticket numbered 2477, 48f; gambling on number 152, 5o; analyst’s bill with interest, 50f; “Luke 137,” 53; Jew- ess drinking whisky, 6i; toiling up hill, 62; rocky path and hammer- ing with stone, 64; woman alone in ballroom, theatre, etc., Freud and Psychoanalysis
66f; cats and wild man on rocky path, 6Sf; gnomes in cave, 7of; exhibitionist in grey suit, 172f; girl bitten by wolf while looking for strawber- ries, 2ogf; tall girl who meets policeman, 214; house on fire, 215: stork in fir-wood, 220; fire in hotel, 236; mounting stairs with mother and sister, 237; lady in lascivious situation with Dr Jung, 279; black snake seeking to bite boy’s face, 318; black man on boy’s bed, 318 dream-analysis, 31, 234; method, 144ff, 234 dream-material, 27, 145; many-sided- ness of, 236 dream-thought and content, confu- sion, 62, 64 drives, sexual, plurality of, io8; see also instinct(s) drowning, 221 Dubois, Paul, 15 & n, 184, 231, 259, 270 duplication, of personalities, 40 duty(-ies), i86f; biological, 287, 288; and love, conflict, 267; neglected, and dreams, 238 dyspepsia, 248 Edda, 216 Eddy, Mary Baker, 32625 education: moral, 213; and neurosis, ~i~ psychoanalysis and, ig6f; psy- choanalytic, 79; social, 328 educative method, 15 356 E ego: “place of fears,” 34o; relation to non-ego, 294 egoism: and altruism, 282; childish, 233 élan vital, 248 Electra complex, 154f, i68, 245 electricity, 269 electromagnetism, 124 elephant, 149 emotional attitude, infantile, and neurosis, 137 emotional rapport, lack of, i igf empathy, igo, 264n, 277, 285, 286 encasement, i6~ “end of the world,” 120 energic viewpoint, 247 energy, 124; conservation of, iog, 111, 112, 115, 247, 296; hypotheti- cal idea of, 124; physical, and libido, compared, 124; psychic, 121, 122, 247, 285, 337; single, in physics, 1 1 1 enlightenment, sexual, 8, 219, 224 Ennemoser, J., 326 enthusiasm, 274 enuresis, 256!, Freud and Psychoanalysis
62, 7o of father, 211ff, see also father; and hypnosis, 262; in Ju- daism, 32025 fertilization: chance and assured, 123; child’s theories of, 221 fever, 185 fig-tree, barren, 54 finality, 295 finger-sucking, 106, 212 fire, dream-symbol, 215, 236 firewood, 62 flesh and spirit, balance, 340 Flournoy, Theodore, 55, ~7 folie a deux, ~i6 folklore, 146, 324 “fonction du reel,” 120 food, and mother, 153 Fordham University, 87 Ford, Auguste, 252, 275 forgetfulness, and inhibition, 32 forgetting, 6, 92 foster-children, 168 Frank, Ludwig, 254, 261, 265 freedom, 270, 287 Freud, Sigmund, 40, 56, 64, 74, 76, 85, 88, 104, 105, 122, 130, 132, 137, 148, i6i, i8o, 190, 200, 211, 225, 229, 252, 275f, 290, 324ff; on analy- sis of one’s own dreams, 252; de- velopment of his views, 18ff; “Dora analysis,” gn; and dreams, 25ff, 200f, 240; German criticism of, 57f; and incest complex, 156; and infantile sexuality/sexual trau- mata, 13, 941. Freud and Psychoanalysis
analyse,” ~n; “Charakter und Ana- lerotik,” 76; Collected Papers, g~n; “The Defence Neuro-Psycho- ses,” 12, i3 The Ego and the Id, 340; “Five Lectures on Psycho- Analysis,” 57n; “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” 372, 925, 1472, 17, ,8, 23, 24; “Freud’s Psycho-Analytic Procedure,” 1412; The Future of an Illusion, 335; The Interpretation of Dreams, 14, 17, 25ff, 34, 58, 335; “Jokes and their Relation to the Unconscious,” 34; “Obsessive Acts and Religious Practices,” 32on; “On Beginning the Treatment,” 272n; “On Psy- chotherapy,” 14n; “Psycho-Analy- tic Notes on an Autobiographical Account of a Case of Paranoia,” 1 ign; Psychopathology of Every- day Life, 15o; “Recommendations to Physicians Practising Psycho- Analysis,” 25372; Sammlung klei- ner Schrif ten zur Neurosenlehre, 9.471; Freud and Psychoanalysis
[ii] Woman, 55, with climacteric- neurosis, illustrating search for father-substitute in unsatisfac- tory marriage.—3o6ff Freud and Psychoanalysis
[12] Man, 34, with nervous stom- ach trouble, illustrating effect of 360 masochistic-homosexual rela- tionship to father.—3o8ff Freud and Psychoanalysis
[i3] Woman, 36, with anxiety, de- pression, and guilt.feeling Freud and Psychoanalysis
1970) On the Psychology and Pathology of So-Called Occult Phenomena (1902) On Hysterical Misreading (1904) Cryptomnesia (1905) On Manic Mood Disorder (1903) A Case of Hysterical Stupor in a Prisoner in Detention (1902) On Simulated Insanity (1903) A Medical Opinion on a Case of Simulated Insanity (1904) A Third and Final Opinion on Two Contradictory Psychiatric Diag- noses (igo6) On the Psychological Diagnosis of Facts (1905) Translated by Leopold Stein in collaboration with Diana Riviere STUDIES IN WORD ASSOCIATION (1904—7, 1910) The Associations of Normal Subjects (by Jung and F. Riklin) An Analysis of the Associations of an Epileptic The Reaction-Time Ratio in the Association Experiment SIR HERBERT READ, MICHAEL FORDHAM, AND GER- G. JUXGC. Freud and Psychoanalysis
2. Freud and Psychoanalysis
EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCHES (1973) THE COLLECTED WORKS OF PSYCHIATRIC STUDIES (1957; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE PSYCHOGENESIS OF MENTAL DISEASE (1960) The Psychology of Dementia Praecox (1907) The Content of the Psychoses (igo8/i 914) On Psychological Understanding (1914) A Criticism of Bleuler’s Theory of Schizophrenic Negativism (igi 1) On the Importance of the Unconscious in Psychopathology (1914) On the Problem of Psychogenesis in Mental Disease (1919) Mental Disease and the Psyche (1928) On the Psychogenesis of Schizophrenia (1939) Recent Thoughts on Schizophrenia (1957) Schizophrenia (1958) 4. Freud and Psychoanalysis
On the Psychology of the Unconscious (1917/1926/1943) The Relations between the Ego and the Unconscious (1928) Appendix: New Paths in Psychology (1912); The Structure of the Un- 8. Freud and Psychoanalysis
THE STRUCTURE AND DYNAMICS OF THE PSYCHE (ig6o; On Psychic Energy (1928) The Transcendent Function ([igi6] 1957) A Review of the Complex Theory (1934) The Significance of Constitution and Heredity in Psychology (1929) Psychological Factors Determining Human Behavior (i 937) Instinct and the Unconscious (1919) The Structure of the Psyche (1927/193 1) On the Nature of the Psyche (1947/1954) General Aspects of Dream Psychology (1916/1948) On the Nature of Dreams (1945/1948) The Psychological Foundations of Belief in Spirits (1920/1948) Spirit and Life (1926) Basic Postulates of Analytical Psychology (1931) Analytical Psychology and Weltanschauung (1928/1931) The Real and the Surreal (ig~) The Stages of Life (1930—1931) The Soul and Death (ig~) Synchronicity: Appendix: On Synchronicity (1951) 9. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1969) An Acausal Connecting Principle (1952) UNCONSCIOUS (1959; 2nd ed., Freud and Psychoanalysis
AION ([,g~i] ‘959; 2nd ed., Freud and Psychoanalysis
PART i. THE ARCHETYPES AND THE COLLECTIVE Archetypes of the Collective Unconscious (1934/1954) The Concept of the Collective Unconscious (1936) Concerning the Archetypes, with Special Reference to the Anima 1966) conscious (1916) (new versions, with variants, ig66) 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
PART II. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1970) The Role of the Unconscious (igi8) Mind and Earth (1927/193 1) Archaic Man (1931) The Spiritual Problem of Modern Man (1928/193 1) The Love Problem of a Student (1928) Woman in Europe (1927) The Meaning of Psychology for Modern Man (1933/1934) The State of Psychotherapy Today (1934) Preface and Epilogue to “Essays on Contemporary Events” (1946) Wotan (1936) After the Catastrophe (1945) The Fight with the Shadow (1946) (continued) io. Freud and Psychoanalysis
1~ 1906—1950 VOL. Freud and Psychoanalysis
2 195 1—1961 The Realities of Practical Psychotherapy ([1937] added ig66) (1976; 2nd edn., Freud and Psychoanalysis
To me there was always an unresolved quality to the U.S. govern- ment’s investigation of the first attempt to destroy the World Trade Center, which was also the first time international terrorists had suc- cessfully carried out a bombing operation on American soil. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
My quest to find the mysterious Saudi multimillionaire began in North London. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The quiet suburb of Dollis Hill is favored by Arab im- migrants, who have set up mosques and Islamic schools on its leafy av- enues. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I had called from the United States a few weeks earlier, but Khaled had cut the conversation short. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Khaled conducted me into the tidy sitting room that also served as his office. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Khaled endorsed bin Laden’s critique of the Saudi monarchy and the American presence on the holy land of the Arabian Peninsula. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I pressed Khaled on the matter of the interview, he said that Prologue / 3 there were a number of potential problems. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I assured him we were not—but it is hard for some Middle East- erners to believe that journalists are not on the government payroll, as is sometimes the case in their own countries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the interim he suggested I go and speak to Dr. Saad al-Fagih, another Saudi dissident, for more background on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Certainly al-Fagih favors a conservative Islamic state, but his criticisms of the regime also focus on its corruption and mishandling of the economy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mi had spent more than a decade in Europe and had written exten- sively on Islamist struggles in the Middle East and Asia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Au’s parting comment, delivered matter-of-factly, was that we should speak in code on the phone. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On no account were we to use bin Prologue / 5 Laden’s name, and our trip to Jalalabad, Afghanistan, where he was living, should be referred to as a trip to “meet the man in Kuwait.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I pointed out that CNN’s programs were shown in over a hundred countries, while CBS was broadcast only in the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It came a month later. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We were on. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The cameraman was a former British army of- ficer, Peter Jouvenal, who has probably spent more time inside Afghanistan than any journalist in the world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(He even rented a house in Afghanistan’s war-torn capital, Kabul, where he would go on vaca- tion.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We began our journey in Britain flying from London to Pakistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Recovered from jet lag, I visited the U.S. embassy to get an update on the security situation in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the way in to the embassy I passed through two bulletproof checkpoints. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And in 1988 the U.S. ambas- sador had been killed in a mysterious plane crash while on a trip with the country’s military dictator. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the Afghan war, Peshawar became an Asian Casablanca, awash in spies, journalists, aid workers, and refugees. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Prologue / 7 Our first stop was the Pearl Continental Hotel. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After filling the form out in triplicate, I really did need a drink. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Colonel Walter Irvine, who lost his life in the Nagoroman River when leading the Peshawar Vale Hunt, of which he was the Master.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was the latest in a long list of what might be called “Tall-bans.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The British had difficulty subduing the unruly tribes- men on the frontier, so a deal was struck: the tribes could manage their own affairs, but British law would apply to the road that runs through the Khyber Pass. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the middle of the courtyard sat a little jail where prisoners were kept in conditions that would probably not have pleased Amnesty International. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Prefer to start with a test drive? For fifty dollars they’ll let you fire a bazooka. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Scattered on the peaks wer€ the houses of tribal families, miniature fortresses whose gun ports were not merely decorative. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Shortly after we cleared the border post we passed a graveyard dot- ted with fluttering green flags marking the graves of Arabs who had died fighting the Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Here is where I took part in fighting the Russians,” Mi said, as the mountainous terrain gave way to a lunar landscape. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The plains soon turned into cultivated fields and orchards. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Occasionally the owner could be seen walking through the hotel, a dazed expression on his face. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Our location gave us an interesting window on the Taliban. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The pickups were filled with fierce fighters recognizable by their black or white tur- bans—bringing back the Middle Ages on a fleet of Toyotas. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In my hotel in Jalalabad I met two men who wanted to talk. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Following a perfunctory survey of our gear he announced: “You can’t bring any of this for the interview.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the sun dipped, we drove west on the road to Kabul. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He shouted at us to halt and then exchanged some quick words with the driver before letting us pass on. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No doubt he was suffering from a cold brought on by the drafty Afghan mountains. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He continued on in his soft-spoken but fo- cused manner, an ambiguous, thin smile sometimes playing on his lips: “We declared jihad against the U.S. government because the U.S. gov- ernment. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Throughout bin Laden’s diatribe perhaps a dozen of his followers lis- tened in rapt attention as he went on to clarify that the call for jihad was directed against U.S. armed forces stationed in the Saudi Kingdom. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We have focused our declaration on striking at the soldiers in the Prologue I 19 country of the Two Holy Places.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A year later he would tell ABC News that he made no distinction between American military and civilian targets, despite the fact that the Koran itself is explicit about the protections offered to civilians. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While bin Laden transferred his mil- lions from Saudi Arabia to Sudan to Afghanistan, his followers enthusi- astically embraced the artifacts of globalization. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden aimed to create the conditions for the rebirth of the Khal~fa, where the umma would live under the rule of the Prophet Muhammad in a con- tinuous swath of green from Tunisia to Indonesia, much as the red of the British empire colored maps from Egypt to Burma before World War II. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“It wants to occupy our countries, steal our resources, impose on us agents to rule us. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Israel characterized the attack on the U.N. building as an ac- cident, a claim the U.N. later dismissed.)22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He exulted in the fact that the United States withdrew its troops from the country, pointing to the withdrawal as an example of the “weakness, frailty and cowardice of the U.S. troops.”TM Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the next weeks we wrote and edited the script for our pro- file, which was broadcast on May 12, 1997, in the United States and over a hundred other countries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Prologue / 23 CHAPTER 1 While America Slept States, the air was cool and clear, the sky a limitless, cloudless, azure blue. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No pity for anything on earth, including themselves, and death enlisted for good and all in the service of humanity —Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent which had the same destination. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Only the heroism of passengers who fought the hijackers on United flight 93 prevented its use in another kamikaze attack. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After a struggle, the details of which will never be known, the jet went down southeast of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania at 10:10 A.M., killing all on board. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the East Coast of the United bassy bombings and the attack on the Cole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A terrible irony is that among the World Trade Center victims was John O’Neill, who probably knew more about bin Laden than anyone in the U.S. government: he had led the FBI investigation of the em- While America Slept I 2 5 S eptember 11, 2001, was the kind of morning when everything seemed right with the world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In June the U.S. em- bassy in Yemen was temporarily closed when some of bin Laden’s fol- lowers were arrested with explosives and maps of the area. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The clearest signal that bin Laden plotted more attacks against American targets was a skillfully edited two-hour al-Qaeda recruit- ment tape that circulated widely in the Middle East during the summer—in keeping with bin Laden’s pattern of subtly telegraphing his intentions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
buildings; bin Laden himself lets off some rounds from an automatic rifle. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the tape bin Laden makes his most explicit references yet to al-Qaeda’s role in a series of anti-American operations, including the 1998 bombing of the U.S. embassy in Kenya. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden also rejoices in the attack on the Cole: “Your brothers in Aden hit the Cole. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No single event better illustrates this fusion than the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While America Slept / 2 7 T he al-Qaeda videotape, which was widely distributed on the Inter- net, is a graphic demonstration of how bin Laden and his followers These were not, however, impoverished suicide bombers of the type seen in the Palestinian int~fada. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Instead, they were generally well-educated, technically savvy young men who blended all too well into their various American communities in California, Florida, and Virginia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One of his Afghan training camps during the late nineties was named al-Badr, after a key seventh-century battle fought by the Prophet Muhammad, yet al-Qaeda members training there were tu- tored in the use of high-tech explosives such as RDX and C4. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mem- bers of al-Qaeda perform bayat, a quasi-mediaeval oath of allegiance to their emir, or leader. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Thus, a premodern mes- sage was delivered by postmodern means. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The head of the secretive U.S. National Security Agency said that bin Laden has better technology for communications than the United States.5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They encrypt memos on their Macintosh and Toshiba computers.6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The shura makes executive deci- sions for the group. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Subordinate to it are other committees responsi- ble for military affairs and the business interests of the group, as well as afatwa committee, which issues rulings on Islamic law, and a media group. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Many of these foot soldiers have had little or no contact with bin Laden himself. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Indians, Filipinos, Chechens, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Chinese Uighurs, Burmese, Germans, Swedes, French, Arab-Americans, and African- Americans.2° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Or consider the report by NBC News from December 1998: “U.S. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One such, Study of Revenge: Saddam Hussein’s Unfinished War Against Amer- ica, argues that Iraq probably sponsored the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But the writer goes on to suggest that the bombing of two U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998 could have been a joint operation between Iraq and bin Laden.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the tens of thousands of pages of court filings in the New York trial of four men who conspired to bomb those em- bassies there is simply no evidence of Iraqi involvement. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
to attend a meeting of terrorists planning attacks on tourists in Egypt; and that in Yemen he “controls the principal routes of qat, the hallu- cinogenic leaf which is consumed in the Horn of Africa and the south- ern part of the Arabian peninsula.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Perhaps Labevière was chewing qat himself when he wrote this. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Reporting on bin Laden is also made difficult by the fact that he plays multiple roles. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He is a hero figure on the pedestal of Muslim extremism.”28 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Yet he plugged into the al-Qaeda network many times dur- ing his career as globe-trotting terrorist: training at a bin Laden camp on the Afghan-Pakistan border; working closely with one of bin Laden’s followers in the Philippines; and staying at a bin Laden guest- house in Pakistan.3’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The plots were discovered when Filipino police found their outlines on his laptop computer in his Manila apartment in 1994 and subse- quently interrogated one of Yousef’s co-conspirators, who supplied de- tails of the plan the terrorists code-named Bojinka.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On May 18, 2000, Atta applied for an American visa at the U.S. em- bassy in Berlin. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A senior U.S. counterterror- ism official insisted to me that “no one has drawn any conclusion of any sort about that meeting.”37 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Atta left Prague for Newark on June 3. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He paid $25,000 for his lessons and was subsequently certified to fly single- engine and multi-engine planes. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a remarkable act of chutzpah, they even made in- quiries about securing a loan from the U.S. Department of Agriculture to finance the purchase of a crop duster.~° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A week or so later he and one of his Hamburg friends went drinking at a bar in Hollywood, Florida—a puzzling aspect of the story, since Atta had shunned alcohol for years. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In Atta’s bags, which never made it onto that flight, investigators 36 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Arab media outlets such as Qatar’s al-Jazeera television and London’s Al-Quds Al-Arabi newspa- per relay news about bin Laden all over the Middle East. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Holy War, Inc., thus represents a privatization of terrorism that parallels the movement by many countries in the past decade to convert their state-supported industries to privately held companies. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden’s message also differs qualitatively from the slogans of earlier Arab militants, who were focused on the more strictly political goals of pan-Arabism or the creation of a Palestinian state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Algerian Armed Islamic Group, known by its French initials, While America Slept / 39 GIA, maintains close ties to al-Qaeda, and shows the global reach of Holy War, Inc. During the past decade GIA operated on four conti- nents. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the Internet, Chechen groups maintain Web sites in more than a dozen languages, from Albanian to Swedish.49 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The al-Qaeda recruitment videotape, ac- cessible on the Web in Real Player format, lauds Khattab’s exploits. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Like thousands of his followers, Osama bin Laden would leave the comforts of his home on the Arabian peninsula for the dangers of the Afghan holy war, and from the cru- cible of that conflict he would emerge steeled as a holy warrior. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
like Afghanistan, bin Laden’s adopted home on and off over the past two decades, Hadramawt might as well be in the Middle Ages. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There are few signs of the modern world intruding on its mud-brick houses and impov- erished villages, where donkeys are the commonest form of trans- portation. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
—Osama bin Laden, reflecting on his experience in the Afghan war’ “Death of the martyr for the un~fication of all the people in the cause of God and His word is the happiest, best, easiest and most virtuous of deaths.2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Freya Stark, the redoubtable English travel writer, visited Hadramawt and the bin Laden ancestral village of al-Rubat in the early 1930s. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Other Hadramis traveled north to work for the new company. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He impressed Saud, but also became close to other members of the royal family, es- pecially Saud’s brother, Faisal. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the early 1950s Mohammed needed some trucks for his construction business in a hurry. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A Yemeni cousin of bin Laden’s, Khaled al-Omeri, says Osama’s mother has since remar- ried. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From a young age Osama worked on roads the family was building.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The following year, Bath purchased a plane-leasing company in Houston on behalf of Salem.3° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Salem bought a house in Orlando, where he often vacationed when he traveled to the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By the mid-1990s, the bin Laden group of companies had grown into a colossus whose worth was estimated at $5 billion.37 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
SBG is also the distributor for Snapple drinks and Porsche and Volkswagen cars in the Middle East and is licensed by Disney to pro- duce a wide range of Arabic books based on its animated features. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The influence of these men on bin Laden cannot be underestimated—it’s as if Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman’s brother had taught him about capitalism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Azzam would go on to create the modern world’s first truly international jihadist network, and Muhammad Qutb, himself a well-known Islamist scholar, was the brother of Sayyid Qutb, author of Signposts, the key text of the jihadist movement. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the historian Robert D. Kaplan has pointed out, at least ten times more people died in Afghanistan than in the civil wars that started in Lebanon in 1975, yet “Afghanistan, which on the scale of suffering vastly overshadowed any other military conflict of the 1980s was, quite simply, almost uncon- sciously ignored.”49 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unprovoked, a super- power invaded a largely peasant nation and inflicted on it a total, total- itarian war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A nineteenth-century British account of a battle in the First Afghan War tells you all you need to know about the Afghan fighting spirit: “In the military history of this country there is no darker page than the de- struction of a considerable British force in the terrible defiles between Cabul and Jellalabad in January 1842. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In a 1999 interview, Bin Laden himself said that during the mid-1980s he gave lectures in Saudi Arabia urging attacks on U.S. forces and the boycott of American products.56 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Azzam was both the ideological godfather and the global recruiter par excellence of Muslims drawn to the Afghan jihad; he would exert a strong pull on bin Laden by virtue of his Islamic credentials and greater experience of the world. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
All of these men had a very definite vision of how to conduct a life devoted to holy war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahman also founded a guesthouse in the city, traveling there at least twice during the 1980s7’ In 1985, Rah- man made his first trip into Afghanistan under the aegis of the ultra- Islamist Afghan leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It was built into a cliff. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
None of them was Afghan, and while most were Arabs, they 54 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to Deraz, who said he witnessed the battle of Jaji from a distance of about two miles, the Soviet assault began on April 17, 1987.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Deraz said he met bin Laden, who until that point had avoided journalists, in 1987. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For him, the Afghan war was an extraordinary spiritual experience. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When he crossed the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan he felt his “heart shake” with the feeling of entering a divine place. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From there he moved to the deserts around Kandahar, which saw some of the worst fighting of the war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Fadi, a Sudanese then in his early twenties, fought with bin Laden’s group on the Afghan front lines in 1989. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was also trained to shoot down helicopters and attended courses on the use of explosives. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I was told that I wasn’t safe and should move on.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Her beloved husband was jailed in Pakistan on corruption charges in 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While I was talking with the former prime minister I could feel her mind operating on several levels as she assessed how best to get me on her team. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On November 1, 1989, Bhutto narrowly survived the no-confidence vote.’°5 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A few weeks later, on November 24, bin Laden’s mentor Abdullah The Afghan Jihad: The Making of a Holy Warrior / 6 1 Azzam was assassinated, a crime that remains unsolved. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A car bomb planted at the entrance of the Saba-e-Leil Mosque in Peshawar ex- ploded at midday as Azzam was going to Friday prayers. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Simpson’s Afghan escort turned down the request, and bin Laden was to be found later on a camp bed, weeping in frustration. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The CIA supported the mujahideen by spending the taxpayers’ money billions of dollars of it over the years, on buying arms, ammunition, and equip- ment. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The “Let’s blame everything bad that happens on the CIA” school of thought vastly overestimates the Agency’s powers, both for good and ill. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Letting the Pakistanis run the show made sense during the early years of the war—first of all to preserve the U.S. ability to deny its role in the con- flict, but also because the Pakistanis understood the facts on the ground better than anyone else. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At that point, the U.S. government and the CIA should have put pressure on the Pakistanis to distribute American aid in a manner that better reflected the interests of the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Six months before the Soviet invasion, the United States was already Blowback: The CIA and the Afghan War / 67 providing limited support to Afghans fighting the Soviet-leaning regime of President Nur Mohammed Tarald. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On July 3, 1979, Presi- dent Carter signed a presidential finding that authorized funding for the anticommunist guerrillas.’7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bradsher quotes Pakistan’s dictator General Zia on Hekmatyar: “It was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and it is Pakistan who can equally destroy him if he continues to misbehave.”26 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Indeed, Hekmatyar would play a star- ring role in a comprehensive mujahideen defeat, the disastrous siege of Jalalabad in 1989.29 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By 1990 a State Department report singled out Hekmatyar for killing fel- low Afghans.32 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Hekmatyar’s unsavory reputation and anti-Americanism were hardly secrets during the war against the Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Massoud would be mortally wounded by two Arab assassins posing as television reporters on September 9, 2001, only forty-eight hours before the World Trade Center towers were destroyed—an ominous portent. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Like the attacks on New York and Washington, the operation had Osama bin Laden’s fingerprints all over it.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Massoud’s prowess on the battlefield was incontestable. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And then you have to be very sure of your intended target—exactly which plane you are shooting at and who is on the plane.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Since Napoleon’s armies invaded Egypt in 1798, the story of Muslim relations with the Western powers has been one of the inexorable decline of Muslim military power and the rise of the West, culminating in the British and French defeat of the Otto- mans and colonization of much of the last Islamic empire after World War ~ So the victory against the communists in Afghanistan was an intoxi- cating moral victory: a superpower had been defeated in the name of Allah. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The footage, shot through the windows of a slowly moving car, showed some of the tens of thousands of Americans living in Saudi Arabia.’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But, ladies and gentlemen, it was not just words. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
—Opening statement of federal prosecutor in the Manhattan trial of four bin Laden associates, February 5, 2001 Come upstairs, I have something to show you,” said a Middle Eastern dissident I was visiting in London in 1997. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On his return from the Afghan war in 1989, he was quickly in demand as a speaker in mosques and homes, and one of his principal themes was a call for a boycott of American goods because of that country’s support for Is- rael.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After Hussein’s forces did invade the small, oil-rich state on August 1, 1990, and threaten the security of Saudi Arabia, bin Laden immedi- ately volunteered his services and those of his holy warriors. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Saudis did not take this offer seriously Despite the tens of bil- lions of dollars they had spent on their own army, they turned instead for help to the U.S. government and then-President Bush, who had made his fortune in the oil trade and so understood exactly what was at stake in Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait (whatever rhetoric was employed on The Koran and the Kalashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 77 the theme of a “New World Order”). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(One of them was Timothy McVeigh, who would go on to bomb the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995, murdering 168 Americans—the most deadly terrorist incident in America until the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By the start of 1991, bin Laden was already talking of leaving Saudi Arabia for Sudan, says Egyptian journalist Essam Deraz, who had spent three years on and off with bin Laden in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
People were sleeping on the ground. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
trav- eled from Pakistan to Egypt and Sudan on false documents; to avoid detection as an Islamist militant, he shaved his beard and packed cologne to make it appear that he was interested in women. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Once in Sudan, where al-Qaeda had a cozy relationship with Sudanese intelli- gence, al-Fãdl bought a farm north of the capital, Khartoum, for $250,000 and a salt farm on the coast near Port Sudan for $180,000. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He and bin Laden soon embarked on a con- veniently symbiotic relationship. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the one hand, he built up a business empire by investing in banks and agricultural projects and building a major highway. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda members bought trucks from Russia and tractors from Sb- vakia to be used for the group’s companies, and went on business trips to Hungary, Croatia, China, Malaysia, and the Philippines.20 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden established a nine-room office on McNimr Street in Khar- toum, later opening another office-residence in the Riyadh section of the city. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Fisk re- counts how Sudanese villagers lined up to meet bin Laden, stylishly dressed in a gold-fringed robe, to thank him for building a new high- way from Khartoum to Port Sudan on the Red Sea, a distance of twelve hundred kilometers on the old road that was now shortened to eight hundred kilometers.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Since he has repeatedly dismissed efforts to link him to attacks on American soldiers in Saudi Arabia in 1995 and 1996 and has denied any direct role in the bombings of the U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998, it is surprising that he should take credit, even tangentially, for this particular operation. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The first of those troops, consisting of Navy SEALs and Marines in full battle gear, landed on the beaches of Somalia The Koran and the Katashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 81 during the dark early-morning hours of December 9, only to be greeted by a phalanx of photographers and video crews from the world’s press.27 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By early 1993 Abu Hafs was providing military training and assistance to Somalis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the battle, rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) downed three American Black Hawk helicopters. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the other hand, trial testimony also established that Haroun Fazib, later a key member of al-Qaeda’s Kenya cell, was in Mogadishu in 1993 next door to a building that came under intense American heli- copter fire.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Afghanistan in 1998 he introduced Hamid Mir, a Pakistani journalist, Bin Laden himself has been unambiguous on the subject. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1999 Al-Jazeera television aired bin Laden’s first television interview in Arabic, in which he again claimed his men had fought in Somalia: “Based on the reports we re- ceived from our brothers, who participated in the jihad in Somalia, we learned that they saw the weakness, frailty, and cowardice of U.S. troops. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This multivolume series, thousands of pages long, details every- thing the Afghan Arabs learned in the jihad against the Soviets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Each volume is dedicated to participants in that holy war, although the only ones mentioned by name are the late Abdullah Azzam and bin Laden, “who did not cease to wage jihad and incite jihad to this present day”43 The Encyclopedia contains eight hundred pages on weaponry, includ- ing how to use American Stinger missiles, and 250 pages on how to mount terrorist and paramilitary attacks.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the early 1990s Jamal al-Fadl went to an industrial area of Khartoum, Hilat Koko, where representatives of the group and a Sudanese army officer discussed the manufacture of chemical weapons. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden has since made clear his posture on weapons of mass de- struction: “We don’t consider it a crime if we tried to have nuclear, chemical, biological weapons. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda has also conducted grisly experiments on dogs that were in- jected or gassed with cyanide as a prelude to a possible use of the deadly agent against American targets.5’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to the plea bargain of Ali Mohamed, an al-Qaeda mem- ber who is now a U.S. government witness against the group, the Beirut model was one bin Laden hoped to follow: “Based on the Ma- rine explosion in Beirut.. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Iran shipped to the group explosives designed to look like rocks.59 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda trained mujahideen to go and fight in Bosnia during the early nineties, and bin Laden’s Services Office also maintained an office in neighboring Croatia’s capital, Zagreb.62 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No such constraints, however, were in place against attacks on American military targets in the Kingdom. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On November 13, 1995, a car bomb went off outside the National Guard building, a joint Saudi- U.S. facility in Riyadh. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The next attack on American targets came on June 25, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A bomb in a fuel truck parked outside the The Koran and the Kalashnikov: Bin Laden’s Years in Sudan / 87 Khobar Towers military complex in Dhahran set off a huge explosion that killed nineteen U.S. servicemen and injured hundreds of others. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These include its use of “man-made laws” that are not part of sharia, Islamic law; the indebtedness of the nation; rising un- employment; the lavishness of the palaces built for the royal family; and the estimated $60 billion the government spent on the Gulf War in addition to the vast expenditures it had made on its own inefficient military.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At one in the morning on his first night in camp, Kherchtou was awakened by bursts of gunfire. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It turned out to be not an attack but an exercise de- signed to keep the new recruits on their toes. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then he was trained on a ex- traordinary variety of weaponry: the American M-16 rifle, the Russian AK-47 rifle and PK submachine gun, the Israeli Uzi submachine gun, and anti-aircraft guns. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He also took classes on grenades and was taught how to use such explosives as C3, C4, and dynamite. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They pressured the Pakistanis to crack down on the Afghan Arabs, who were subsequently expelled from the country at periodic inter- vals. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But the militants continued to operate in Pakistan; on November 20, 1995, they mounted a devastating truck bomb attack on the Egyptian embassy in Islamabad, killing fifteen and injuring eighty.94 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bomb- ing was similar to the later assault on the American embassy in Kenya: in both operations, a suicide bomber drove a vehicle packed with ex- plosives, and grenades were thrown to distract security guardsY~ Six months before the attack on the Egyptian embassy, al-Qaeda mem- bers also tried to assassinate Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak while he was attending a conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.~~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The attack on the Egyptian embassy led the Pakistani government to arrest 150 Arabs, including the director of bin Laden’s still function- ing Services Office, the Palestinian Mohammed Yussuf Abbas, who later moved to Saudi Arabia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By 1996 intense pressure had been placed on the Sudanese govern- ment by the United States and Egypt to expel bin Laden, who left Sudan to return to his familiar stamping grounds in Afghanistan.~~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Forcing bin Laden to leave for Afghanistan would turn out to be a lit- tle bit like the German High Command sending Lenin to Russia dur- ing World War I: while the policy might have resulted in short-term gains for the Germans, it set the stage for the creation of Germany’s most implacable enemy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I slept on a bed underneath which were stored many grenades. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He told me that the Saudi government had applied pres- sure on him. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From his new refuge in Afghanistan bin Laden issued a slew of ever more radical pronouncements, beginning with “The Declaration of Jihad on the Americans Occupying the Country of the Two Sacred Places” on August 23, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This call to arms against the continued American military presence in Arabia featured an analysis of Ameri- can policy in the Middle East since Franklin Roosevelt, attacks on the Saudi regime for its corruption and anti-Islamic policies, and a discus- From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The Declaration of War / 93 When bin Laden arrived in Afghanistan in May 1996, accompa- nied by his three wives and many of his children, he was in a sion of the views of Muslim scholars about the proper relations to non- Muslims across the centuries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The latest of these as- saults is the greatest disaster since the death of the Prophet Muham- mad (Peace be upon him)—that is the occupation of the country of the two sacred mosques—the home ground of Islam.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden signed his manifesto with a flourish: “From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush, Afghanistan.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In early 1997, bin Laden gave his first television interview—the one that opens this book—to CNN from one of his hideouts near Jalal- abad. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On February 22, 1998, bin Laden upped the ante considerably when he announced the formation of the World Islamic Front for Jihad against the Jews and the Crusaders. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is using its rule in the Peninsula as a weapon to fight the neigh- boring peoples of Islam. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Here they come today to eradicate the rest of these people and to humiliate its Muslim neighbors. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although the Ameri- cans’ objectives of these wars are religious and economic, they are also to serve the Jewish state and distract from its occupation of the Holy Land and its killing of Muslims therein. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The most evident proof thereof is their persistence to destroy Iraq, the most powerful neighboring Arab state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Fawwaz appeared genuinely surprised by it, in part because of the large num- ber of people who had signed on, but also because of its call for attacks on all Americans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What about the call to expel American troops from the Arabian peninsula? The answer, discomfiting to many Westerners, is that Mus- lim tradition does provide justification for bin Laden’s call. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bernard Lewis, a professor of Middle Eastern history at Princeton University, points out that one of the Prophet’s immediate successors, the Caliph Umar, issued a “final and irreversible decree” that Jews and Christians be evicted from the “holy land of Hijaz,” the region where the holy From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The DecLaration of War / 9 7 cities of Mecca and Medina are located, based on the words of the Prophet: “Let there be no two religions in Arabia.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Of course, that restraint may also have had something to do with the fact that before the discovery of oil Arabia was largely an inhospitable desert inhabited by warring tribes.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
if you are a devoted Muslim, there is a religious obligation not to accept non-Muslims in military form staying in the country, espe- cially the holy land.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the al-Qaeda videotape circulating around the Middle East during the summer of 2001, bin Laden re- peatedly returns to the theme of Muslim civilians under attack in countries from Israel to Iraq, for which he blames the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although he may be well read in the Koran, even his stoutest defenders would have to acknowledge that bin Laden is not a religious scholar and does not have the authority to deliver afatwa on his own. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Four days after the issuance of the Afghanfatwa, bin Laden released a letter that recapitulated the themes of his declaration of war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From the Peaks of the Hindu Kush: The Declaration of War / 99 On March 12, 1998, a conference of about forty Afghan uleina, or clergy, convened to examine the question of what to do about the To further support his position, he cited a well-known medieval Muslim thinker: “Scholars have long agreed that fighting the infidel enemy is an obligation to every Muslim. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Further critical support for bin Laden’s calls for the expulsion of American troops from Saudi Arabia came in June from a prestigious quarter: the imam of the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina, Sheikh Ali al-Hudaifi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden wrote: “The world was awakened last Tuesday by the sound of three underground nuclear Indian explosions... Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The card, printed in Arabic, calls on all Muslims to attack Jews and Christians: “Divide their nation, tear them to shreds, destroy their economy, burn their companies, ruin their welfare, sink their ships and kill them on land, sea and air. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The reasons for these money woes are two. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It also means that attempts by the U.S. government to go after bin Laden’s assets have been largely feel-good measures, with little impact on his finances. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
How do funds get to bin Laden in Afghanistan, a country ravaged by more than two decades of war, when the nearest functioning bank is hundreds of miles away, in neighboring Pakistan? Some monies ar- rive by courier and others arrive through the venerable havala system of interlocking money changers, which has operated for decades all over the Middle East and Asia, handling sums both large and small, on a handshake and trust.38 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On a street running along the Kabul River, dozens of tiny shops do a thriving business, their proprietors sitting cross-legged be- hind vast bundles of afghanis. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When an al-Qaeda-trained terrorist was dispatched from Pa- kistan in 1998 to foment terrorism in the United States, he was given all of $12,000 to do it with. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Their only extravagances were the tens of thousands of dollars they spent on flying lessons and sessions on passenger-jet flight simulators. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On May 28 bin Laden gave an interview to ABC News in Af- ghanistan in which he made it clear that, because of the American mil- itary presence in Arabia, he was calling for the deaths of all Americans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A bomb outrage to have any influence on public opinion now must go beyond the intention of vengeance or terror- ism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Acquaintances describe him as a devout Muslim who prayed five times a day and whose only reading material was the Koran. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But there was more to Odeh than a devout Muslim struggling to make ends meet with his young family. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Distinguishing himself on the battlefield, he then moved on to a month of specialized instruction in “the operation and management of the cell.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A video was shot of him, in which he declared himself a martyr on behalf of the “Army of Liberation of the Islamic Holy Lands.”6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As a result of the threats bin Laden made at the conference, the State Department issued a warning on June 12 that noted: “We take those threats seriously and the United States is increasing secu- rity at many U.S. government facilities in the Middle East and Asia.”7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-’Owhali arrived in Nairobi on August 2, five days before the at- Investigation and Retaliation: The Embassy Bombings / 107 tack, just as the leaders of the Kenya cell were making their plans to leave the country for Afghanistan.’8 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On August 4, they both reconnoitered the embassy.2’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On August 5, two days before the bombings, a fax arrived at the Cairo office of Al-Hayat newspaper from Ayman al-Zawahiri’s Jihad group, now effectively an arm of al-Qaeda.22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the drive to their target, Azzam and al-’Owhali chanted reli- gious poems to keep their motivation up. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The American embassy is on the intersection of two of the busiest streets of downtown Nairobi, a city of about two million. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And the bomb went off in the middle of the morning on a workday. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is as if the device had been placed near Manhattan’s Grand Central Terminal on a Friday morning. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I looked around and I saw like chunks of blood or red kind of meat on the walls. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I saw some legs, a pair of just man’s legs with pants on.”~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bushnell had cabled Washington on December 24, 1997, pointing out the threat of terrorism and the embassy’s extreme vulner- ability because of its location and the lack of setback from the street.3° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This huge procession of people who were bleeding all over one an- other. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There was blood everywhere on the bannister. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Testimony at his trial provides the fullest account of how the bombing was organized. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Around the time bin Laden announced his declaration of war on Americans in the spring of 1998, Mohamed was approached by some- one known as “Hussain” for help with a “jihad job.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed seems typical of the type of person al-Qaeda will recruit to be a go-fer on the ground, once a terrorist mission is under way. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although he admires bin Laden as “a scholar and a leader,” Mohamed has never met with him and learned about his calls for attacks on Americans only from the BBC and CNN.39 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the mosque he was exposed to pictures of the brutalization of Muslims going on in Bosnia and Chech- nya, and he was told he must help those suffering Muslims. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This is probably true, because al-Qaeda works on a cellular basis: you are only told what you “need to know.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed says he was not told by more senior members of al-Qaeda what the target of their attack in Tanzania might be. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mohamed helped grind up the TNT used in the device.40 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They took Odeh aside, and later, having heard on the BBC about the bombing, they asked him: ‘Are you a terrorist?’ Now, most people in that situation would say: ‘Of course not,’ but Odeh didn’t say anything. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Investigation and Retaliation: The Embassy Bombings / 113 The man who walked into the immigration section of Karachi’s bustling airport in southern Pakistan early on the morning of Fri- The same weekend that Odeh was arrested in Pakistan, members of America’s über-elite were gathering several thousand miles to the west in Italy, to celebrate a potent merger of media and politics: the nuptials of Christiane Amanpour, CNN’S intrepid international corre- spondent, and Jamie Rubin, long the debonair public face of the U.S. State Department and a close adviser and friend of Secretary of State Albright. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was in some respects an unusual choice for an appointee in the Clinton ad- ministration: a Republican and a retired Army lieutenant colonel, who had served in Panama as a Special Forces team leader.45 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But how could he be so sure, so soon, that bin Laden was behind the embassy bombings? Although bin Laden had not yet achieved his cur- 114 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The initial charges against bin Laden were the relatively narrow ones, based on his public state- ments, of soliciting violence against American so1diers.~7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
To drive to CIA headquarters from Wash- ington, D.C., you cross the Potomac River and turn on to the George Washington Parkway. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The end of the Cold War required a radical rethinking of the CIA’S modus operandi, and the Agency has now embraced new missions and a culture of relative openness. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(A sign of the times is the well- Investigation and Retaliation: The Embassy Bombings / 1 1 5 appointed gift store on the ground floor of the Agency, where you can buy all manner of tchotchkes, such as CIA coffee mugs and key rings.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Given the history of animosity between the two organizations, this is a useful development. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They had been investigating a bin Laden cell in Kenya for over a year and had already received specific warnings of a possible at- tack on the Nairobi embassy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On August 21, 1997, almost exactly a year before the embassy bombing, an FBI agent accompanied by Kenyan police performed a search of Wadih el-Hage’s house in Nairobi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A computer technician made a “mirror image” of the com- puter’s hard drive,5° on which was found a letter from one of the lead- ers of al-Qaeda’s Kenya cell. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The letter described the existence of the cell and the author’s awareness of bin Laden’s call for attacks on Amer- icans—although the letter writer noted that, as yet, he and his confed- erates were unaware of their exact mission in Kenya, since they were simply “implementers.”5’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On August 12, he was arrested by Kenyan officials for not having proper identification papers, and he was immediately handed over to FBI agents.53 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Just as there had been attacks on U.S. embassies in two countries, there would be attacks against bin Laden-related targets in two countries. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(No doubt Bush administration officials have Operation Infinite Reach very much in mind as they embark on what appears at this writing to be a long-range and multifaceted plan of action in response to the events of September 11.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the clear, hot morning of August 20, 1998, the White House press corps was on Martha’s Vineyard, the holiday island off the coast of Massachusetts. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The big story was done, and now Clinton was on the Vineyard for his summer break. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A senior Pakistani official told me that the United States gave Paki- stan no warning that its airspace would be used for the cruise missile attacks on Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Still, the operation was es- 120 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He had very publicly given a press confer- ence at the Khost camp on May 26 and an extensive interview to ABC News in the same location two days later, nine weeks before the embassy bombings. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden is a fairly shrewd operator, so after spending five years planning the attacks on the U.S. embassies, just about the last place he would be likely to hang his turban is the site from which he had told the world about his plans to attack Americans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In their rage, they turned on the reporter and smashed his satellite phone and cameras. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Taliban officials would not comment on the story, although they did not deny it. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And the camps themselves were made of the stone, timber, and mud typical of Afghan villages, making it easy to quickly rebuild them. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If the attacks on the Afghan camps were essentially a dud, the strike on the alleged chemical weapons plant in Sudan was an in- telligence fiasco, a dress rehearsal for the later inadvertent bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade during the 1999 Kosovo war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Sudanese Information Minister had no problems quickly making connections of the Wag the Dog variety, going on television to de- nounce Clinton as a “proven liar” and a man “with more than a hun- dred girlfriends.”69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A senior U.S. official defended the Sudan attack on the following grounds: bin Laden maintained personnel and companies in Sudan and had brokered discussions between Sudan and Iraq to improve military cooperation; the plant manager was living in bin Laden’s for- mer house; and the facility was under heavy guard by the Sudanese military. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Immediately after the attack, the U.S. government froze $24 mil- lion of Idris’s money in an American bank on the grounds that he might have terrorist links, only to unfreeze the funds eight months later.~” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Instead of issuing him the apology he seemed to deserve, they made further aspersions on his character (off the record, of course).TM Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I visited Pakistan a couple of weeks after the U.S. strikes, two instant biographies about bin Laden were already on sale in the bookshops of Islamabad. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He’s a hero to us, but it is America that first made him a hero.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Osama is now a common name for newly born sons in Pakistan.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He is the courageous one who raised his voice against them. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was clearly a com- mitted soldier: he enrolled in paratrooper training, received a com- mendation for “exceptional performance” on his physical fitness test, and won a badge for his expert use of the M-16 rifle.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If we had a lecture on Islam, rather than me give it, I would have him teach that particular class.”3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to his military record, he also gave an “outstanding” class on Spetsnaz, the elite Soviet “Special Forces” units then deployed in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That was because his expertise was based on personal experience: he’d used a leave from the Army to fight alongside bin Laden’s men. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The second is that his views on the Middle East, delivered in accented but fluent English, were hardly in sync with U.S. policies. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On one videotape his supervisor, De Atkine, asks Mohamed, “Why is Israel a threat to the Arab world? I mean, it only has, like, three mil- lion people”—to which Mohamed replies, “Actually, it’s not the three million people. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“For him to go to Afghanistan as a United States soldier, he would have had to have the approval of his commander, and of course we would not approve that,” Anderson noted.2’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“He told me that he had personally killed the Russian soldier that had the belt on.”22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mo- hamed traveled back and forth to the war zones of Afghanistan, and, in the United States, gave courses on basic military tactics to Islamist militants based in New York.27 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Also recovered from Nosair’s apartment were Arabic bomb-making manuals and Ara- bic writings that referred, somewhat elliptically, to plans to attack the World Trade Center.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1993, using his leather import-export business as a cover, Mohamed went tO Kenya, where he scoped out the U.S. embassy in Nairobi and reported back to bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In September, 1998 All Mohamed’s double life came to an abrupt halt when he was arrested on suspicion of being part of al-Qaeda’s con- spiracy to kill Americans.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Alkhifa Center seemed an unlikely jumping-off point to Par- adise, located as it was on a gritty stretch of Brooklyn’s Atlantic Avenue in a dingy three-story building above the unfortunately named Fu King Chinese restaurant. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahman was very unhappy about this because he wanted to support other causes, and that’s where the tension began.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although el-Hage was not charged with a direct role in the Kenya bombing, he was accused of perjury on the basis of misleading statements he made to the grand jury investigating bin Laden, and also in his testimony about the al-Qaeda conspiracy to kill Americans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the al-Qaeda videotape that appeared on the Internet in the summer of 2001, bin Laden refers to Sheikh Rahman as a “hostage” in Ameri- can prison. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
panied by Ahmad Ajaj, who was immediately arrested at Kennedy Air- port on immigration charges.69 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After a police raid on Wadih el-Hage’s house in Nairobi in 1997, eight boxes of his personal papers were stored at the charity’s office in the city.73 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Interestingly, this was the same modus operandi employed by the al-Qaeda masterminds of the African em- bassy bombings and the attack on the U.S.S. Cole.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda member (and Alkhifa Center regular) Jamal al-Fadi testified at the embassy bombings trial that he saw Yousef at the group’s Sadda train- ing camp on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border sometime between 1989 and 1991.76 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Yousef would later tell an FBI agent that he spent six months in a camp in Afghanistan learning how to make bombs and went on to become an in- structor in the use of explosives.78 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The American Connection: From Brooklyn to Seattle / 137 I The 1993 World Trade Center bombing looks increasingly like a dress rehearsal for al-Qaeda’s devastating attack on the Twin Tow- While living in the Philippines in the early 1990s, he made contact with an Islamist terrorist group, Abu Sayyaf (named for the above- mentioned commander), which had been funded by bin Laden’s brother-in-law Muhammad Khalifa. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The connections between Abu Sayyaf and Yousef were further un- derlined in April 2000 when the group kidnapped fifty people from schools on one of the southern islands of the Philippines and de- manded the release of Yousef from his American prison, where he is now serving a 240-year term.85 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was detained in 1999, and has ap- parently refused to cooperate with authorities on religious grounds.9’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The American plan fell apart at a U.S. border crossing in Washington State on December 14, 1999, when Ahmed Ressam, a thirty-three-year- old Algerian, was arrested on a ferry arriving from Canada.96 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A search of Ressam’s apartment in Montreal yielded a map of California with circles around three airports: Los Angeles, Long Beach, and Ontario.°~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But after he was convicted of terror- ism in April 2001 and found himself facing a possible sentence of 130 years, he began cooperating with authorities, telling them he had planned to bomb Los Angeles International Airport. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
U.S. officials have linked this plot to contemporaneous efforts by al-Qaeda to bomb a U.S. warship in Yemen and various targets in Jordan.’°2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1998 he traveled to Afghanistan to al-Qaeda’s Khaldan camp, meeting first, in Pakistan, with Abu Zubaida, a Palestinian whom American and British officials describe as the chief recruiter for bin Laden’s training facilities and the coordinator of the failed millennium plot to bomb tourist sites in Jordan.’°4 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Ressam received the usual al-Qaeda tutorials on a variety of weapons and ex- plosives, graduating to specialized classes on electronic circuitry for 140 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
bombs. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Ressam’s camp confederates orchestrated ghastly trials in which they injected the poison into canines, on one occasion puffing a dog in a box with a mixture of cyanide and sulfuric acid. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They continued to do so despite pressure from the United Nations, which had just imposed sanctions on the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
B. Yeats, “The Second Coming” 143 Maulvi Hafeezullah, an official in the Taliban’s Foreign Ministry, attacked the pile of chocolate doughnuts with gusto. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although its expression of support was hardly effusive, the United States said publicly that there was “nothing objectionable” in the Taliban’s version of Islamic law.2 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This support can be explained on several grounds, the first of which was simple ignorance. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The United States, which had closed its Kabul embassy for security reasons in 1989, had little idea who the Taliban were.3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(On a visit in 1993 I found the embassy a shuttered concrete monolith, with weeds the size of small trees sprouting from its walls— an apt metaphor for the sad state of the U.S.’s Afghan policy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On Sep- tember 27, 2001, the embassy was torched and gutted by Taliban protesters chanting “Long live Osama.”) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
U.S. officials were hardly unaware that Unocal, a giant American energy firm, was competing to build a multibillion-dollar pipeline through Afghanistan that would link oil and gas fields in Central Asia with ports on the Indian Ocean—a desir- able plan, as it would steer the pipeline clear of Iran.4 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban seemed likely to provide a secure environment in which the Unocal pipeline might finally move ahead. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I had applied to him for a visa to Pakistan a year before and had received a disquisition on the likelihood of militant Islamists taking over the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On October 12, 1999, soldiers closed the nation’s airports and seized the national television station, which began to broadcast a continuous loop of listless folk dancing.’° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Three channels on my hotel tele- vision were broadcasting the same live feed from Saudi Arabia, show- ing hundreds of thousands of men circumambulating the Kaaba, Islam’s holiest site, a cuboid several stories tall containing the Black Stone sacred to both the pre-Islamic Arabs and the world’s Muslims.’7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On sale at my local bookshop were Western magazines with leg- ends like “Oral Sex: How to Really Enjoy it” and “Seven Ways to Give True Believers: The Taliban and bin Laden / 147 A s I flew to Islamabad I reflected on the interesting similarities be- tween Pakistan and Israel. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Despite the Ramadan observances, Pakistan does have a secular side. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Several tables away a woman chaffing with her husband immediately pulled her veil over her face and kept it there for fifteen minutes until I had left. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For fear of attacks by Islamist militants, the club closed at 10:30 P.M. each night. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The unidentified terrorists represented only a small percentage of those willing to defend bin Laden: he enjoys a cultlike status there. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One such piece, in the weekly Wujood, had a lurid and patently absurd account of 150 Palestinian commandos, trained in Israel and the United States, standing by to snatch or kill the Saudi exile.’9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I have always found watching a group of Muslim men at prayer a moving experi- ence. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahimullah’s unprepossesing office was usually full of visiting journalists, local politicians, and supplicants of every va- riety, all looking for help or advice and all of whom he greeted with un- failing humor and patience. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The military had also tried to recruit prominent Pakistanis to assist their government; Rahimullah had been approached about sitting on an important policy panel. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rahimullah confirmed my sense that the Taliban were not neces- sarily the ardent fans of bin Laden that their public statements sug- gested, “I have privately heard some criticism,” he said. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban had imposed their ultra-purist vision of Islam on much of the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The women, too, wore well-cut suits and high-heeled shoes and—to the surprise of many of our group—no chadris, as the voluminous, shroud-like veil that Muslim women wear is called in this part of the world.”~” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
So extreme a movement could only have emerged in a country that had undergone the traumas of two decades of war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unlike the Khmer Rouge, the Taliban have not created a totalitarian regime that murdered a million of their own citizens. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban called it the rule of sharia, and were convinced that once it was properly implemented Afghans would become virtu- ous and the perfect society would be created. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The verse does goes on to instruct women to dress modestly: “not to display their adornments (except such as are normally revealed); to draw their veils over their bosoms and not to display their finery except to their husbands, their fathers, their hus- band’s father, their sons, their step-sons, their brothers, their brother’s sons, their sister’s sons, their women-servants, and their slave-girls, and children who have no carnal knowledge of women.”46 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In Herat, the World Food Program (WFP)was supporting a three-year medical ed- ucation program for more than a hundred women, approved by local au- thorities in May1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
AWFP official said such a project simply could not have been embarked on before. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Still, the Taliban’s human rights record remained dismal. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the question of how he supported himself, he was evasive, saying that as a clergyman he would pray for people’s headaches to disappear. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The rabbi wrapped things up after about fifteen minutes, observing that he did not want neighbors on his street reporting that he was meeting with foreigners. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This was confirmed in numerous small ways during my trip. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Resources 160 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Afghanistan would clearly not be in need of a contingency plan for the looming Y2K problem.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Pukhtunwali puts an enormous premium on two concepts: nuzlmastiya, “the obligation to show hospitality to all visitors without any hope of renumeration or favor,” and nanawati, the offering of asylum.50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The leading modern au- thority on Afghanistan defines the obligation of nanawati this way: “to fight to the death for a person who has taken refuge with me no matter what his lineage.”M Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The hardest line I heard was from Maulvi Hafeezullah of the For- eign Ministry, who, unprompted, embarked on a fifteen-minute dia- tribe against the U.S. policy on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We can live on grass, we don’t need Pepsi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These sanctions have turned Afghans who were not necessarily pro-Taliban and have brought them closer to the government. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban’s decision-making process has all the transparency of Leonid Brezhnev’s Politburo, but one thing is certain: the last word on policy belongs to Mullah Omar, the man who led the band of religious students that seized the city in 1994 and who went on to consecrate his leadership by wrapping himself in the Cloak of the Prophet, one of Afghanistan’s holiest relics, publicly displayed only three times in the past century.50 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During the mid-eighties, the Soviets had launched some of the most devastating attacks of the war on Massoud’s forces in the Panj- shir, and Dr. Abdullah’s clinic was busy—too busy. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
With Massoud’s assassination on September 9, 2001, Dr. Abdullah is now playing a critical role in the American effort to garner intelli- gence about bin Laden and in the planning of potential military opera- tions against him and the Taliban. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While he is their guest and they are not eager to hand him over to the United States, he has also been a headache for the movement’s leader- ship, who do not appreciate the repeated calls for violence against True Believers: The Taliban and bin Laden / 163 Exactly how close are bin Laden and the shadowy Mullah Omar? There were widely circulated rumors of a marital alliance between Americans that are complicating their already difficult quest for inter- national recognition. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In June 2001, Mullah Omar said that any fatwas by bin Laden are “null and void,” as he does not have the religious authority to issue them.65 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
There is less to this than meets the eye, because Afghan clergy have already issued fatwas supporting bin Laden’s positions on such matters as the presence of American troops in Saudi Arabia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(The Pakistanis were the most visible ofa polyglot group of Chechens, Kashmiris, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Bangladeshis, Egyptians, Algerians, Libyans, Yemenis, Chinese Uighurs, Burmese, and even Mrican-Americans.)~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
ing camps operating in Afghanistan in 2000. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As the Taliban have failed to close those camps, President George W. Bush is very much on the record saying he will do their work for them. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In sum, most of the Taliban’s military training camps continued to function despite the denials of Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed Mut- tawakil, who told CNN in January 2000, less than accurately, “We don’t need any camps or any other people to be trained. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In March 2001, Taliban soldiers, who had already disfigured the statues in past years, were dispatched to fin- ish the job once and for all with artillery and explosives.7’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban also made it increasingly difficult for inteinational aid agencies to work in their devastated country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In August 2001, the gov- ernment arrested twenty-four aid workers, both Afghans and Western- ers, including two Americans, on charges that they were proselytizing for Christianity, a crime punishable by prison or expulsion for the Westerners and death for the Afghans.72 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bombers had the presence of mind to stand up and wave at the crew on the deck of the warship before detonating the charge that would deliver them, they believed, to Paradise.3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Back on earth, the blast blew a forty-by-sixty-foot hole in the reinforced steel hull of the Faith is Yemeni, wisdom is Yemeni. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
—Osama bin Laden speaking about the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole on an al-Qaeda recruitment videotape, 2001 167 On the sweltering, slightly overcast morning of October 12, 2000, two Yemeni men drove their Nissan truck to a beach near the Cole, killing seventeen American sailors, injuring thirty-nine others, and inflicting a quarter-billion dollars’ worth of damage. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The victory of islam had come, and the victory [we scored] in Yemen will continue. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It probably shouldn’t have been. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And that should be a cause for concern. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unlike landlocked Afghanistan, Yemen sits on the Arabian Sea and its approaches to the strategically vital Suez Canal: it is one of the best places in the Middle East from which to make a statement against the West. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A battered orange pickup screeched to a halt beside us 168 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The leader of the young gunmen offered Omar Sharif his weapon as recompense, an offer declined on the grounds that the matter would then have to be taken up by their respective sheikhs and could develop into a major hassle. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A somewhat silly movie, Rules of Engagement, released a few months before the Cole bombing, stars Samuel L. Jackson as a heroic Marine officer unfairly charged with the massacre of Yemeni civilians. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In January 2001, a plane carrying the American ambassador to Yemen was hijacked by a self-described pro-Iraqi activist, who was subsequently overpowered. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I first tried qat, it seemed like chomping on a lump of sodden, bitter grass. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No wonder every Yemeni male from the prime minister on down is an ardent ad- vocate of the “chew.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although it was only six weeks after the bombing of the Cole, peo- ple smiled and waved at me as I strolled the streets of the old city But directly opposite my hotel was an overpass on which the single word “Osama” had been sprayed in red letters—a reminder of the purpose of my visit. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While Yemen is the poorest country on the Arabian Peninsula, the streets of San’a are choked with Mercedes and Toyota Land Cruisers: somebody is making the riyals.9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden, meanwhile, financed a training facility in Yemen’s southern Abayan province.’3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
According to the U.S. indict- ment against him, from 1992 onwards bin Laden’s al-Qaeda group is- suedfatwas that called for attacks on American military targets in the country.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The victorious northern Yemen government was grateful to the holy warriors and doled out government jobs in the newly reunified coun- try.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Thabit also stressed that the Islah party was committed to democracy, which made it unpop- ular with the Afghan Arabs and other Islamists. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One of the Yemeni tribal leaders consulted about bin Laden’s arrival was Sheikh bin Shajea, whom I was on my way to interview. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After our aforementioned encounter with the hitchhikers-cum- kidnappers, we drove on towards bin Shajea’s fortress. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
No business could be conducted before sitting down to a vast spread of lamb, chicken, sal- ads, soups, and a dessert of Yemeni honey (supposedly an aphrodisiac) slathered over a dome of pastry, all of which the sheikh insistently heaped on my plate. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The meeting with the envoys, two Saudi and two Yemeni clerics, lasted three hours. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The story of the IAA provides a fascinating window on the jihadist groups based in Yemen and their connections both to officials in the Yemem government and to militants outside the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Khalid al-Mihdar, a member of Abu Hassan’s tribe, and possibly a relative, would play an important role in the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the front hall was a notice pleading for donations to the Muslims in Chechnya: “The Russians are bombing our brothers, using chemical The Holy Warriors of Yemen / 1 7 7 weapons.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Nor did I ask about the welfare payments he draws from the British government that he so despises. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Discussion groups on its Web site make this clear. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
During this period, Abu Hamza appeared on a satellite channel broadcast all over the Middle East and called for the killings of “nonbelievers” in Yemen.52 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It is these contacts with Yemeni militants, including Abu Hassan, that have led the Yemen government to cast Abu Hamza as the mastermind of the Islamic Army of Aden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
These eight Britons, between seventeen and thirty-three years of age, grew up in the Midlands or the London area. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Yemeni government contends that the Brits were linked to Abu Hassan’s IAA and that some of their num- ber were planning a veritable festival of Christmas bombing attacks in Aden—on an Anglican church, on the British consulate, on an Ameri- can de-mining team, and on the Mövenpick hotel (bombed six years before by bin Laden’s group).59 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“We were driving along in five Toyota four-wheel-drive vehicles on a desert road just past a market town when a pickup truck pulled up between two of our vehicles. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The kidnappers said they were also protesting the recent Operation Desert Fox, when over the course of seventy hours beginning December 17 the United States had launched more than four hundred cruise missile at- tacks and dropped more than six hundred bombs on Iraqi targets.~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“I grabbed the barrel of the gun of one of the kidnappers, who had been shot, and we had a tug-of-war over his AK-47 and I ripped it out of his arms.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Yemeni government, which had never in dozens of previous kid- nappings launched a rescue attempt, had forgotten to mention its plans to Western diplomats in Yemen.67 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Ruth Williamson, a gentle Scottish health-care worker, was executed by one of the hostage takers.7’ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Also killed was Margaret Whitehouse, an English primary-school teacher who, forced to act as a human shield, went to her death “as though she were going on a Sunday walk” and died in front of her husband.72 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The bombers would employ C4, a high- explosive material manufactured by a relatively small group of countries including the United States and Iran. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It’s one of the world’s outstanding natu- ral harbors, a series of white-sand inlets over which loom craggy cliffs; a sea of the deepest blue recedes into the distance, where giant oil tankers are anchored. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The harbor is made up of two curling peninsulas that embrace the bay like lobster claws. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On one is Little Aden, an area of tidy, modest houses, many built by the British, who seized Aden in 1839 only to relinquish it in 1967. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They con- structed a wall of corrugated metal about fifteen feet high around the 184 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Richard Clarke, the U.S. national coordinator for counterterrorism, told The Washington Post that the attack on The Sullivans was to have taken place at roughly the same time that a group of Jordanian mili- tants with ties to bin Laden planned to bomb the Radisson hotel in Amman, where groups of American tourists visited an area of the Jor- dan River associated with St. John the Baptist.9° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Their meeting was videotaped by the aptly named Jihad Media, and the tape is of interest to U.S. investigators for several reasons. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the dozens of pictures that exist of him, he had never before been seen to wear a Yemeni dagger. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Marc Nieto, a twenty-four- year-old from Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, who worked on the Cole’s enormous engines, was one of the victims. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He had only two weeks left in his six-year naval career and had proposed to his girlfriend, Jamie DeGuzman, also a sailor on the Cole, as they steamed toward Yemen.’°3 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As had happened in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center and the 1995 attack on the Oklahoma City federal building, the first confused reports suggested that the Cole explosion might have been some sort of accident. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the other hand, U.S. officials in Washington awakened in the early morning by the news had—at least unofficially—few doubts about the real nature of the explosion.’05 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dispatched to Yemen were FBI agents who had tracked bin Laden for years.’°7 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When I ar- rived I understood. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Former deputy Prime Minister al-Anesi’s reaction to the bombing was typical of many Yemenis’: “There was no justification for the Cole bombing. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
At a press conference, he explained that the Cole blast was the result of “an explosive device on a water-borne delivery vehicle.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One of the assembled hacks shouted out: “You mean—a bomb on a boat,” to general hilarity.hbo Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
By the end of November, however, the two governments had signed an agreement allowing American agents to sit in on interrogations and submit fol- low-up questions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
How had the U.S. government let things get so out of hand? After all, the deal to refuel in Yemen was inked after the United States had heard from a highly credible source that an attack on a warship in the area was in the works. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The section on Yemen is instructive. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A year later, in the next “Pat- terns” report, the section on Yemen gave credit to its government for signing “a number of international antiterrorist conventions” and “in- cremental measures to better control its borders, territory, and travel documents,” but went on to say that the “government’s inability to ex- ercise authority over remote areas of the country continued to make the country a safe haven for terrorist groups.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In April 1999, the State Department issued its annual “Patterns of Global Terrorism” report. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We checked out the security situation in Aden and the problems were lower than in other possible refueling places like Jeddah and Djibouti. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The length of attendance ranges from six months to seven years, the number of students fluctuating from seven hundred to eight thousand depending on the time of year.”6 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The sheikh also denied reports that graduates of his academy had gone on to fight in holy wars in Afghanistan, Kashmir, and Chech- nya, insisting that his school harbors no “terrorist or radical cells.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
where they have massacred more than 5,000 Mus- lims. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moreover, Yemeni sources says guns are commonplace at Dammaj. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Awaiting her is a dinghy, bob- bing in the Osama bin Laden’s father passed on to his youngest son. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The last word on the subject should go to one of bin Laden’s few relatives still left in al-Rubat. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Khaled al-Omeri is a thirty-year-old ‘~ The Holy Warriors of Yemen / 193 The investigation of the U.S.S. Cole attack had essentially ground to a halt by the summer of 2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
To see the region is to understand the conservative religious culture that cousin who owns a cramped food shop on Bin Laden Street. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Omen ducked direct questions about his most famous relation, but when asked about his view on jihad—a word that, as I’ve said, means not only holy war but any kind of religious struggle—he pointed proudly at his three-year-old son and said, “This is myjihad.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Al-Qaeda’s global scope is further under- lined by calls made from bin Laden’s satellite phone, a notebook- computer-sized device purchased from a New York—based company in 1996 for $7,500. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Yasser al-Sirri is a London- based Egyptian dissident accused of attempting to assassinate Egypt’s prime minister in 1993.’~ Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If I was taken aback by the focus on al-Sirri, I could well under- stand the country’s vigilance about Islamist militants. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
For the last quarter-century, the Egyptian Jihad group has been engaged in an all- out war on the state. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The U.S. indictment against bin Laden says that al-Qaeda “effectively merged” with Jihad in 1998, but that’s a little misleading, since the Egyptian group might well have been the more valuable property While bin Laden is now the public face and money- bags of al-Qaeda, all its key members are Egyptian and all its ideology and tactics are based on Egyptian models. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One cannot underestimate the influence of Qutb on the jihadist groups in Egypt and, by extension, on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Jthad must be used “to establish the reign of God on earth and eliminate the reign of man.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
shaking the hand of Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin in front of President Jimmy Carter on the White House lawn in 1979—he effec- tively signed his own death warrant.28 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On Oc- tober 6, 1981, a twenty-four-year-old army lieutenant named Khalid Is- lambouli sprayed Sadat with machine-gun bullets as the president was reviewing a military parade.3° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Once out of jail, al-Zawahiri relaunched Jthad as the “Vanguards of Conquest,” a nom de guene it has continued to employ on occasion.36 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Hewas accompanied byAli Mohamed, the former U.S. Army sergeant who was by then advising al-Qaeda on military matters. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Leaders of the Islamic Group, realizing they were alienating any shred of popular support they once held, announced a cease-fire with the government in 1998—a move that al-Zawahiri has emphatically rejected. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He seemed poised and articulate—but quiet.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He was ill and my appointment was, canceled, but I did have the experience of sharing his waiting room with a woman dressed not only in the head-to-toe covering of the hejab but, in a mark of ultra-fundamentalist zeal, black gloves—items of apparel that are hard to imagine the Prophet recommending in the searing heat of Arabia. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On my next visit, al-Zayyat was still nursing a bad cold but agreed to talk about al-Zawahiri and the history of the militant groups. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
That view was confirmed by multiple sources, among them Hamid Mir, a Pakistani journalist who has written an Urdu-language biogra- phy of bin Laden, and Abdel Bari Atwan, the editor of Al-Qude Al-A rabi. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Another military advisor to al-Qaeda is the Egyptian-American soldier Au Mohamed, now impris- oned in the United States. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Two sons of Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, the spiritual leader of the Egyptian Islamic Group, are also prominent within al-Qaeda.49 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
AbdelAbdel-Bary, a lawyer who represented Jthad in Egypt and worked closelywith al-Zawahiri.TM Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In July 1999, Abdel-Baiy was arrested on charges that he was part of bin Laden’s conspiracy to kill Americans.56 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I phoned him, on a tip, in the middle of the arrest; when I arrived at his house, the man who answered the door was a forensic technician dressed in a reflective silver bodysuit, complete with a helmet and visor. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He resembled nothing so much as an astronaut who had touched down on Khaled’s quiet suburban street. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
But he had always expressed surprise at bin Laden’s calls for attacks on Americans: although he stopped short of condemning them, he wouldn’t condone them either. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the mid-nineties, Khaled set up in Kenya a car-importing business, on the board of which sat Abu Ubaidah al-Banshiri, at the time al-Qaeda’s military commander; Khaled was later identified by a U.S. government informant in Kenya as an al-Qaeda member.6° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
It’s true that there are damaging aspects of the U.S. case against Khaled. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Phone records show him to have been in regular contact with al-Qaeda at times when bin Laden was issuing calls for violence against Americans, and Khaled did play a role in disseminating those calls to the media. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The in- formant who told the government that Khaled was a member of al-Qaeda might simply have been wrong. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The manual covered such topics as how to conduct tenorist op- erations, how to counterfeit curr~ncy, and how to organize safe houses.06 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As a group of men set up video equipment to screen scenes from Russia’s bloody blitzkrieg in Chechnya, a young man showed me pam- phlets with titles such as “Jihad in America?” On the walls of the hall, posters announced CLINTON: THE MOST WANTED TERRORIST and JEW- ISH OCCUPIERS: KILL THEM WHEN YOU SEE THEM. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A sign on the wall showed a Star of David with a skull and crossbones slapped on top of it. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The stakes are high in this conflict: India and Paki- stan have twice gone to war over the beautiful region of mountains and lakes, and leaders on both sides have made saber-rattling com- ments about nuclear weapons.68 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In July 2001, a summit meeting in New Delhi between India and Pakistan foundered acrimoniously on the Kashmir issue.7° Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The ties between al-Qaeda and the Kashmiri terrorist group Harakat ul-Mujahideen (HUM) became clear in late August 1998, when the United States rained cruise missiles on al-Qaeda’s military training camps in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
was on its way to Kandahar, and he emphasized that if any of the pas- sengers was harmed he would order his troops to storm the plane. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
We passed through mountainous desert regions and the occasional adobe village in which the only signs of modernity were the loudspeakers on the roofs of the mosques. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then we drove through the night, south toward Kandahar, arriving at the airport on the morning of December 27. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Taliban’s foreign minister, Wakil Almad Mut- tawakil, told them via radio that a high-level delegation from Delhi On the plane, Jeanne Moore, a California psychotherapist in her The GlobaL Network: Around the WorLd in Eighty Jihads / 209 Bin Laden has looser but still strong connections with other jihadist organizations around the world, among them Kashmiri groups she had received a sharp blow to the head with a gun butt when she made a slight noise, and she had heard one of the hijackers, known as “Doctor,” beating up a couple of passengers. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
From the control tower, Foreign Minister Muttawakil kept up a constant round of negotiations. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He argued that those conditions were “un-Islamic.” Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Welcome to the Islamic Emirate of Afghani$tan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
They had been on the plane for five days and their diet had consisted of bread, rice, and beans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The toilets on the plane overflowed and stank; the plane’s engines had been running for days and now kept breaking down—which meant no heat or air conditioning.77 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On Thursday, December 30, the Taliban made another show of force. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
This time, an armored personnel carrier rolled onto the tarmac, and a tank took up a position on a hillock a quarter-mile away. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On the plane, Moore remembered the hijackers telling the passengers: “Do not make a sound. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On Thursday night the final deal was struck. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Muttawakil summoned reporters on Friday morning and said a deal had been made but that the actual release of the passengers would be an extremely delicate and potentially dangerous situation. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Those absurd theories are excellent illustrations of the fact that, on the subject of Kashmir, com- mon sense all too often takes a vacation on the Indian subcontinent. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The road was linered with car wrecks, but going back on this narrow mountain pass would have been as foolhardy as going forward. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Then, as if on cue, we did a long, slow skid toward a stone embankment and ended up wedged between a metal guard rail and a stone wall, inches away from a sheer drop of a hundred feet into a grove of snow-covered pines. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
What do they believe? That the world just runs automatically?” We drove very slowly along the snow-packed mountain road through little towns dominated by green-roofed mosques. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Locals huddling under the eaves of buildings laughed gleefully as they took in our sorry, smashed-up cab. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Inside, perhaps a dozen young men armed with AK-47s milled about. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The official—who pointedly asked to remain anonymous—ush- ered me into a room lavishly decorated with pictures of tanks, ma- chine guns, and RPGs. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Half of Kashmir lies on the Indian side of the border, but the majority of Kashmiris are Muslims and wish to secede from predominantly Hindu India. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The latest flare-up began in the late eighties—partly out of frus- 214 / HOLY WAR, INC. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He also denied that the group had any links to bin Laden—which was odd, since the leader of HUM, Fazil Rahman, had only a year before publicly announced that HUM fighters had been killed in the American cruise missile attacks on bin Laden’s camps in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The HUM official was more candid about the group’s future plans, noting that it had recently formed fidayeen— martyr squads—to send into India on suicide missions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Another is Tehrik-e-Jihad, the leader of which lives not far from HUM’S head- quarters on another quiet Muzaffarabad street. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Born on the Indian side of Kashmir, Wani attended Kashmir Uni- The Global Network: Around the World in Eighty Jihads / 2 15 versity in Srinagar, where he majored in economics. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On my arrival at Lashkar’s office I was greeted by its spokesman, Abdullah Muntazir, a diminutive twenty-four-year-old whose thick beard makes him appear much older. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Calls for a holy war against India fall on fertile soil in Pakistan—not just in Azad Kashmir, but all over the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Approximately 5 percent of the Philippines’ more than fifty million inhabitants are Muslim, most of them found on the second largest island, Mindanao, but many scattered around hundreds of smaller islands in the south. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Among the Western tourists kidnapped was American Guillermo Subero, who was on a diving trip in the country. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Two of the highest-profile groups are the powerful Moro Islamic Liberation Front—which trained with al-Qaeda in the early nineties but signed a cease-fire agreement with the Philippine government in the summer of 2001—and the much smaller Abu Sayyaf, which split off from the Moro Front in 1991.86 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The latter group was founded by Abdurajik Janjalani, who adopted the name Abu Sayyaf—”Bearer of the Sword”—as a tribute to bin Laden’s ally Rasool Sayyaf, with whom he fought during the Afghan war against the communists.87 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Those plots were foiled when an explosives experiment in Yousef’s Manila apart- ment backfired; he left behind a laptop that detailed the entire opera- tion. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A century and a half later, nothing much has changedY~ The Russians tried to subdue the unruly Chechens in two wars, one that lasted from 1994 until 1996, and another that has gone on sporadically from 1999 until now. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On a videotape made around that time, Khattab says: “I don’t know how many Russian troops are there. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I just know that many will be killed, many will be taken prisoner, and there will be much 102 Khattab added to his fearsome reputation when a series of bombs blew up apartment buildings across Russia in September 1999, killing nearly three hundred people, attacks which authorities blamed on him and his partner in holy war, Basayev. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
One of the most feared soldiers in this war goes by the nom de guerre Khattab and is said to have developed a “father-son” relation- ship with bin Laden while fighting the Soviets as a teenager in Afghanistan. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
On September 11, that complacency was exploded. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Shareef don’t like it Rock the Casbah Rock the Casbah —Osama bin Laden, in a videotaped statement first aired on October 7, 2001 —from “Rock the Casbah,” The Clash 221 The subtitle of this chapter is “Around the World in Eighty Jihads”— and, to borrow an old adage, what goes around comes around. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The As I was completing this book in August 2001, at the beginning of a new century, the United States seemed secure. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If bin Laden and cans. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden is not some “AY-rab” whc woke up one morning in a bad mood, his turban all in a twist, only tc decide America was THE ENEMY. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In all the tens of thousands of words that bin Laden has uttered on the public record there are some significant omissions: he does not rail against the pernicious effects of Hollywood movies, or against Madonna’s midriff, or against the pornography protected by the U.S. Constitution. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The hijackers who came to America did not attack the, headquarters of a major brewery or AOL—Time Warner or Coca-Ctola, nor did they attack Las Vegas or Manhattan’s West Village or even the Supreme Court. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
After all, he revels in attacks on American targets. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In Kashmir it seems that Muslims, with the aid of Pakistan, are fighting to free themselves from the yoke of Hindu India; but on closer inspec- tion most Kashmiris are engaged in a nationalist struggle for inde- pendence and are opposed both to Indian rule and to the militant Islamists from Pakistan and elsewhere who have come to their aid.9 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(That said, the reverse is taking place in Israel and the Palestinian Authority, where the collapse of the peace process has empowered hard-liners on both sides of the conflict.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Myths grew up around the Assassins, particularly in the West, where it was believed that the Assassins smoked hashish before they went off on their murderous missions. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Eight centuries later, in a peculiar echo of the Assassins, al-Qaeda’s Mohamed Atta would go on a drinking binge days before guiding American Airlines flight 11 into the North Tower of the World Trade Center.) Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden and company have focused less on acts of assassination—although they did try to kill Hosni Mubarak in 1995—than on acts of mass destruction, but it is terrorism all the same. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Although the Assassins were a splinter group of the Shia minority in the Afterword / 227 Muslim world, and bin Laden preaches a neo-fundamentalist Sunni Islam, in practice both groups are opposed to the Sunni establishment and the West. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The United States has had no presence inside Afghanistan since it closed its embassy in Kabul over a decade ago, so on-the-ground infor- mation about bin Laden and the Taliban will have to come from sev- eral sources. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Northern Alliance can field be- tween 15,000 and 30,000 troops if the United States and its allies em- bark on a land war. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
(Some more senior Special Forces officers may have attended at least one or two of Mi Mohamed’s lectures on Afghanistan at Special Forces headquar- ters in Fort Bragg in 1989. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The official added that the price tag on a Stinger was around $100,000—a sum that, however depleted bin Laden’s resources, is well within his budget. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Many people regarded bin Laden’s declaration of war on the 230 / Afterword I United States in 1996 as a bit of tub-thumping rhetoric, but with every passing year it is clear that he really is at war with the United States, delivering blows both unexpected and of escalating ferocity. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Bin Laden’s own statements have always been the best predictor of his future actions and on this subject his words are chilling and unequivocal: “We don’t consider it a crime if we tried to have nuclear, chemical, biological weapons.”22 Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
As we have seen, in the late nineties al-Qaeda opera- tives conducted primitive chemical weapons research using cyanide gas on animals. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Also, while researching a story on the sale of nuclear material in 1997, I was approached through an intermediary by an Afghan selling what he claimed was bomb-grade uranium from one of the countries of the former Soviet Union. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Wherever bi.n Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
While he may not have been privy to the details of that operation, he certainly would have known that something spectacular was coming. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unlike other U.S. ene- mies, such as Iraq, bin Laden and his men are not willing to negotiate or to surrender. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
If al-Qaeda is to be buried in that unmarked grave, the most effec- tive plan beyond eliminating the leadership of the group is to shut But I hate to focus on bin Laden, there are a lot of people out Afterword / 233 down permanently the Afghan training camps where the foot soldiers of Holy War, Inc. learn their deadly skills. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In the meantime, we can be certain that al-Qaeda is planning an- other attack on an American target in a place no one expects. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In 1997, I returned to Afghanistan with Peter Arnett and Peter Jouvenal to interview bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
He gave this book a thorough reading, and it has benefited from his insights and ob- servations. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Phil Hirschkorn of New York’s CNN bureau repeatedly helped me with his encyclopedic knowledge about bin Laden and his associates. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A special thanks to the talented journalist Nurith Aizenam, who many years ago at CNN worked on the early reporting of this book. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
My sister Katherine put me up in London on numerous occasions while I was reporting there and was always ready to help me out. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Leo Chamberlain, O.S.B., who between them propelled me toward New College, Oxford, to read history under the auspices of Eric Christiansen and Dr. Penry Williams. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dr. Saad al-Fagih, Abdel Bari Atwan, Rahimullah Yusufzai, Ismail Khan, and Jamal Ismail gave unstintingly of their time and knowledge. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
And thanks to Bruce Hoffman, one of the world’s leading authorities on terrorism and the editor of Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Tif Loehnis performed major surgery on my inchoate pro- Acknowledgments / 241 posal, provided a great deal of moral and editorial support, and be- came a great friend. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
When Tif moved to London to set up Janklow’s office there, Tina Bennett took over and gave me enormous help and sage advice, right upto the point that she was about to deliver her first child, William. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Thanks also to Richard Morris, Svetlana Katz, and Carl Parsons. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Rachel’s extraordinary focus and discipline made up for my own lacunae in these areas, and she brQught a keen intellect and rapier wit to the editing process. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Western diplomat, interview by author, Islamabad, Paldstan, September 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
on August 14, 2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Report Disputes Israel on Shelling,” Los Angeles Times, May 8, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Yossef Bodansky, Bin Laden: The Man who Declared War on America (Rose- yule, California: Forum Press, 1999), p. 3. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
F Saud resigned on November 2, 1964. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Jerry Urban, “Feds Investigate Entrepreneur Allegedly Tied to Saudi,” Hous- ton Chronicle, June 4, 1992. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
10. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
p. 302: the plane crash occurred on August 17, 1988. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
I arrive at this figure by taking both Bearden’s and Yousaf’s estimates that 20 percent of CIA funding went to Hekmatyar and applying it to the $3 billion fig- ure that the CIA spent on funding the Afghan resistance.Yousaf Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Jack Wheeler, Freedom Research Foundation Director, testimony before Con- gressional Task Force on Afghanistan, February 25, 1985. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Mirwais Jail was killed on July 29, 1994 40. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Unless otherwise indicated, all information on Osama bin Laden in this chapter is from a private communication with a Middle Eastern source. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
12. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
U.S. State Department White Paper, 1996. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Tran- script at www.terrorism.comlterrorism/BinLadinTranscript.shtml. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
pp. 82—83; “Truck Bomb Kills 19 U.S. Troops in Saudi Arabia; Moslem Militants Suspected; U.S. Vows to Seek Out Perpetrators,” Facts on File, June 27, 1996, p. 441 (Al). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
64. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
M-Qaeda recruitment videotape, summer 2001, accessed on August 14, 2001 at www.moonwarrjors.com Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
30. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Donald G. McNeil, Jr., “Assets of a Bombing Suspect: Keen Wit, Religious Soul, Angry Temper,” New Yot* Times, October 6, 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Ibid., Februazy28, 2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
7. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
In an interview bythe author, a Pakistani official said that the government believed there would be a meeting at the camp on the twentieth. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Robert Fisk, “Anti-Soviet Warrior Puts His Army on the Road to Peace: The Saudi Businessman Who Recruited Mujahideen Now Uses Them for Large Scale Building Projects in Sudan,” The Independent (U.K.), Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Fury on Two Continents: What a Difference the News Makes: Clinton as Commander in Chief,” New York Times, August 21,2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Sheila MacVicar, ABC News, February 10, 1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Andrew Duffy, “Ressam Part of Terror ‘Cell,’ Expert Testifies: Montreal Ring Forged and Smuggled Passports, Says French Judge,” Ottawa Citizen, April 3, 2001; “Bomb Plot Focused on Los Angeles International Airport,” Associated Press, May 30,2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
U. S.A. v. Usama bin Laden, Summation by Ken Karas, May 1 and 3, 2001; Tes- timonyofEssam al Ridi, February 14,2001. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
The Swedish Committee for A~hanistan, “Afghanistan, Aid and the Taliban: Challenges on the Eve of the 21~t Century” (Stockholm, 1999), p. 62. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
61. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Of the 1,200, 109 are Pakistanis, two are Yemenis, two are Chinese, and one is a British citizen of Pakistani parentage. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
59. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Dr. Abdullah, interview by author, Peshawar, Pakistan, September 8, 1998. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
56. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
70. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Notes / 275 6. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
All told me that Ayman al-Zawahin has had a profound influence on bin Laden. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
A1-Qaeda recruitment videotape, accessed on August 14, 2001, at www.moon- Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
“Suspected Militants on Trial in Egypt; 107 Face Charges Tied to Alleged Roles in Outlawed Group,” Associated Press, February 2, 1999. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
44. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
21. Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden
Moral PREFACE had dis- xi course was excluded from the world of science, even of social science. Just and Unjust Wars
Or rather, any precision it achieved had an entirely subjective refereñce: it was the domain of the poet and the literary critic. Just and Unjust Wars
And when I talk of crimes, I am describing violations of the general principles or of the par- ticular code: so men and women can be called criminals even when they cannot be charged before a legal tribunal. Just and Unjust Wars
The moral world of war is shared not because we xiv PREFACE PREFACE arrive at the same conclusions as to whose fight is just and whose unjust, but because we acknowledge the same difficulties on the way to our conclusions, face the same problems, talk the same language. Just and Unjust Wars
Readers upset by my failures might usefully treat the cases as if they were hypothetical—invented rather than researched—though it is important to my own sense of my enter- prise that I am reporting on experiences that men and women have really had and on arguments that they have really made. Just and Unjust Wars
In choosing experiences and arguments for discussion, I have relied heavily on World War II in Europe, the first war of which I have memories and the paradigm, for me, of a justified struggle. Just and Unjust Wars
Here I only want to say that my presentation of the moral theory of war is focused on the tensions within the theory that make it problematic and that make choice in wartime difficult and painful. Just and Unjust Wars
I am especially grateful to Judith Jarvis Thompson, who read the entire manuscript and made many valuable suggestions. Just and Unjust Wars
During a quarter at Stanford University and for several years at Harvard, I taught a course on the just war, and learned while I was teaching—from colleagues and students alike. Just and Unjust Wars
An early version of chapter 12, on terrorism, appeared in The New Republic in 1975. Just and Unjust Wars
And one urges silence on the law when one is engaged in activities that would otherwise be called unlawful. Just and Unjust Wars
The Melians, on the other hand, are too weak to conquer. Just and Unjust Wars
Their words, writes Dionysius, “were appropriate to oriental monarchs . Just and Unjust Wars
The example bears out Francis Bacon’s assertion that “there is that justice imprinted in the nature of men that they enter not upon wars (whereof so many calamities do ensue) but upon some, at least specious, grounds and quarrels.” Just and Unjust Wars
He then went on to argue, as he had to do given his position, that in Mytilene there were no “others.” Just and Unjust Wars
And each of these claims has its own entailments, leading me deeper and deeper into a world of dis- course where, though I can go on talking indefinitely, I am severely constrained in what I can say. Just and Unjust Wars
“When armies fight, there is on one side, or both a running away; yet when they do it not out of treachery, but fear, they are not esteemed to do it unjustly, but dishonorably.” Just and Unjust Wars
Let us consider a Hobbist example. Just and Unjust Wars
When we charge a man with treason, we have to tell a very special kind of story about him,. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is not to say that its terms are meaningless. Just and Unjust Wars
And we might go on to argue, in the case of 15 the general, that such a man has no business fighting or leading others in battle, that he ought to know that his army’s right flank, say, is vulnerable, and ought to worry about the danger and take steps to avoid it. Just and Unjust Wars
Even when world views and high ideals have been abandoned—as the glorification of aristocratic chivalry was abandoned in early modern times—notions about right conduct are remarkably persistent: the military code survives the death of warrior idealism. Just and Unjust Wars
It involved a shat- tering of personal and conventional restraints (the latter well- established by i4i~), and Holinshed goes to some lengths to explain and excuse it, stressing the king’s fear that the prisoners his forces held were about to rejoin the fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
had fallen upon the English baggage, and were doing execution on the unarmed followers of the camp,’ who fled before them. Just and Unjust Wars
Henry, seeing the enemy on all sides of him, began to entertain apprehensions from his prisoners; and he thought it necessary to issue a general order for putting them to death; but on discovering the truth, he stopped the slaughter, and was still able to save a great number. Just and Unjust Wars
It is from them that we learn that many of the English knights refused to kill their prisoners—not, chiefly, out of humanity, rather for the sake of the ransom they expected; but also “think- ing of the dishonor that the horrible executions would reflect on themselves.”1’ Just and Unjust Wars
English writers have focused more, and more wor- riedly, on the command of the king; he was, after all, their king. Just and Unjust Wars
Even given that account, our opinions might differ, depending, on the allowance we i8 THE MORAL REALITY OF W~u~ Against “Realism” were willing to make for the stress and excitement of battle. Just and Unjust Wars
It is as a matter of fact morally problematic, because it accepts the risks of cruelty and injustice. Just and Unjust Wars
Harry Truman’s flat statement th,at he never lost a night’s sleep over his decision to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima is not the sort of thing political leaders often say. Just and Unjust Wars
They usually find it preferable to stress the painfulness of decision-making; it is one of the burdens of office, and it is best if the burdens appear to be borne. Just and Unjust Wars
If they don’t, they lie about it. Just and Unjust Wars
I am not sure whether the moral reality of war is wholly coherent, but for the moment I need not say anything about that. Just and Unjust Wars
We have made it so, not arbitrarily, but for good reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is necessary to say more than that, for our ideas about war in general and about the conduct of soldiers depend very much on how people get killed and on who those people are. Just and Unjust Wars
What re- sults is a “reciprocal action,” a continuous escalation, in which neither side is guilty even if it acts first, since every act can be called and almost certainly is pre-emptive. Just and Unjust Wars
Somewhere between these two, I suppose, we begin to say, all’s fair, anything goes, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the social and històrical conditions that “modify” war are not to be considered as accidental or external to war itself, for war is a social creation. Just and Unjust Wars
The social practise of duelling includes and accounts for only those acts of violence specified in the rulebook or the customary code. Just and Unjust Wars
As both anthopological and historical accounts suggest, they can de- cide, and in a considerable variety of cultural settings they have decided, that war is limited war—that is, they have built certain notions about who can fight, what tactics are acceptable, when battle has to be broken off, and what prerogatives go with victory 24 T~ MoRAL, REALITY OF WAR The Crime of War into the idea of war itself.* Just and Unjust Wars
Limited war is always specific to a time and place, but so is every escalation, including the escalation beyond which war is hell. Just and Unjust Wars
City-states and principalities had to rely on such men because the political culture of the time did not allow for effective coercion. Just and Unjust Wars
Mercenaries are professional soldiers who sell their services on the open market, but there are other professionals who serve only their own prince or people and, though they may earn their bread by soldiering, disdain the name of mercenary. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, professional soldiers 27 are sometimes exactly like those aristocratic warriors who relish battle, driven more by a lust for victory than by patriotic convic- tion, and then we may well be unmoved by their deaths. Just and Unjust Wars
What is important here is the extent to which war (as a profession) or combat’ (at this or that moment in time) is a per- sonal choice that the soldier makes on his own and for essentially private reasons. Just and Unjust Wars
He denies this on the grounds that a soldier’s life is not merely his own. Just and Unjust Wars
Green goes on to argue, more plausibly, that in his own society it makes little sense to talk of soldiers fighting voluntárily: war is now a state action. Just and Unjust Wars
The chapter on “The Right of the State over the Individual in War” in Green’s Principles of Political Obligation, provides an especially clear description of the ways in which moral responsibility is mediated in the modern state; I have relied on it often in this and later chapters. Just and Unjust Wars
The rules of war by and large protect only the subset, for reasons I will have, to consider later on. Just and Unjust Wars
The tyranny of war is a peculiarly complex relation because co- ercion is common on both sides. Just and Unjust Wars
In contemporaiy international law, their crime is called aggression, and I will consider it later on under that name. Just and Unjust Wars
It is the men and women on the other side who are most likely to recognize and resent the tyranny of war; and whenever they do that, the contest takes on a new significance. Just and Unjust Wars
Sherman was claiming to be innocent of all those actions (though they were his own actions) for which he was so severely attacked: the bom- bardment of Atlanta, the forced evacuation of its inhabitants and the burning of the city, the march through Georgia. Just and Unjust Wars
Sherman’s argument expresses the anger that is commonly di- rected against those who begin a war and inflict its tyrannies on the rest of us. Just and Unjust Wars
But that disagreement is intense and heated only because we agree on the moral stakes. Just and Unjust Wars
When we focus exclusively on the fact of aggression, we are likely to lose sight of that responsibility and to talk as if there were only one morally relevant decision to be made in the course of a war: to attack or not to attack (to resist or not to resist). Just and Unjust Wars
Chivalry marked off knights from meie ruffians and bandits and also from peasant soldiers who bore arms as a necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
Compared to the serfs on the ground, these were aristocrats indeed: they fought in accordance with a strict code of There was a great recoil, The blood was bitter to the bone The trigger to the soul. Just and Unjust Wars
While it may be an example of what Marxists call “false consciousness” that they do not blame the ruling class of their own or of the enemy country, the fact is that their condemnation focuses most immediately on the men with whom they are engaged. Just and Unjust Wars
That is why enemy wounded are often left to die and prisoners are killed—like murderers lynched by vigilantes—as if the soldiers on the other side were personally responsible for the war. Just and Unjust Wars
Though there is no license for war-makers, there is a license for soldiers, and they hold it without regard to which side they are on; it is the first and most important of their war rights. Just and Unjust Wars
But it is wrong to cut the throats of their wounded or to shoot them down when they are trying to surrender. Just and Unjust Wars
persisted to this day. Just and Unjust Wars
He concentrated, like the professional he was, on “the soldier’s task of fighting.” Just and Unjust Wars
“It was Rommel who burned the Com- mando Order issued by Hitler on 28 October 1942, which laid down that all enemy soldiers encountered behind the German line were to be killed at once. Just and Unjust Wars
But the knowledge required by Catholic doctrine is hard to come by; and in case of doubt, argues the best of the Schoolmen, Francisco de Vitoria, subjects must fight—the guilt falling, as in Henry V, on their leaders. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument that I have made on behalf of soldiers was first made on behalf of states—or rather, on behalf of their leaders, who, we were told, are never willful criminals, whatever the character of the wars they begin, but statesmen serving the national interest as best they can. Just and Unjust Wars
However, the rules of engage- ment have not been replaced but expanded and elaborated, so that we now have both a ban on war and i code of military con- duct. Just and Unjust Wars
War is a “legal condition which equally permits two or more groups to carry on a conflict by armed force.”12 Just and Unjust Wars
That disappearance seems to be heralded by the United Nations Charter, where the word “war” does not appear but only “aggression,” “self-defense,” “international en- forcement,” and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
It is also, and for our purposes more importantly, a moral condition, involving the same permissiveness, not in fact at the level of sovereign states, but at the level of armies and individual soldiers. Just and Unjust Wars
The case is the same with all other rules of this kind: that soldiers be preceded into battle by a herald carrying a red flag, that fighting always be broken off at sunset, that ambushes and surprise attacks be pro- hibited, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Depending on one’s social or cultural perspective, killing them may appear wanton, unchivalrous, dishonorable, brutal, or mur- derous. Just and Unjust Wars
I shall attempt to do both these things later on. Just and Unjust Wars
The rules actually observed or violated in this or that time and place are necessarily a complex product, mediated by cultural and religious norms, social structures, formal and informal bargaining between belligerent powers, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
here is an example from an ancient Indian text, according to which the following groups of people are not to be subjected to the exigencies of battle: “Those who look on without taking part, those afflicted with grief . Just and Unjust Wars
those who are asleep, thirsty, or fatigued or are walking along the road, or have a task on hand unfinished, or who are proficient in fine art.” Just and Unjust Wars
In- deed, criticism is a crucial part of the historical process through which the rules are made. Just and Unjust Wars
It is the work of men and women (with moral princi- ples in mind) adapting to the realities of war, making arrange- ments, striking bargains. Just and Unjust Wars
The all- important task would be to win. Just and Unjust Wars
Every viÿlation of the territorial integrity or political sovereignty of an independent state is called aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
But there is a reason for the refusal. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, we are inclined to think that the failure to defend those rights is never due to a sense of their un- importance, nor even to a belief (as in the street-challenge case) that they are, after all, worth less than life itself, but only to a stark conviction that the defense is hopeless. Just and Unjust Wars
It is enough to say that they are some- how entailed by our sense of what it means to be a human being. Just and Unjust Wars
But this is consent of a special sort. Just and Unjust Wars
“Contract” is a metaphor for a process of association and mutuality, the ongoing character of which the state claims to protect against external encroachment. Just and Unjust Wars
If no common life exists, or if the state doesn’t defend the common life that does exist, its own defense may have no moral justification. Just and Unjust Wars
But most states do stand guard over the community of their citizens, at least to some degree: that is why we assume the justice of their defensive wars. Just and Unjust Wars
One of the issues here is that of the moral standing of a peace treaty signed, as most peace- treaties are signed, under duress, but I shall not focus on that. Just and Unjust Wars
‘When bar- barian tribes crossed the borders of the Roman Empire, driven by conquerors from the east or north, they asked for land to settle on and threatened war if they didn’t get it. Just and Unjust Wars
But what if the land is not actually empty but, as Thomas Hobbes says in Leviathan, “not sufficiently inhabited”? Hobbes goes on to argue that in such a case, the would-be settlers must “not exterminate those they find there but constrain them to inhabit closer together.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
But I would suggest that Hobbes is right to set aside any consideration of terri- torial integrity-as-ownership and to focus instead on life. Just and Unjust Wars
The comparison of international to civil order is crucial to the theory of aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
As we experience it, that society might be likened to a defective building, founded on rights; its superstructure raised, like that of the state itself, through political conflict, cooperative activity, and commercial exchange; the whole thing shaky and un- stable because it lacks the rivets of authority. Just and Unjust Wars
It is unlike domestic society in that every conflict threatens the structure as a whole with collapse. Just and Unjust Wars
But that only means that the “citizens” of international society must rely on themselves and on one another. Just and Unjust Wars
No war, as medieval theologians explained, can be just on both sides.1° Just and Unjust Wars
There are, however, wars that are just on neither side, because the idea of justice doesn’t pertain to them or because the antag- onists are both aggressors, fighting for territory or power where * I shall say nothing here of the argument for nonviolent resistance to aggression, according to which fighting is neither desirable nor necessary. Just and Unjust Wars
picture to yourselves a slave-owner who owned roe slaves warring against a slave-owner who owned ~oo slaves for a more ‘just’ distribution of slaves. Just and Unjust Wars
Clearly, the appli- cation of the term ‘defensive’ war in such a case . Just and Unjust Wars
6o THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Law and Order in International Society Hence we need a theory of aggression rather than a zoological ac- count. Just and Unjust Wars
The theory of aggression can then be summed up in six propositions. Just and Unjust Wars
Though states are founded for the sake of life and liberty, they can- not be challenged in the name of life and liberty by any other states. Just and Unjust Wars
As with domestic crime, the argument here focuses narrowly on actual or imminent bound- ary crossings: invasions and physical assaults. Just and Unjust Wars
In the Korean War, this participation was authorized by the United Nations, but even in such cases the actual decision to join the fighting remains a uni- lateral one, best understood by analogy to the decision of a private citizen who rushes to help a man or woman attacked on the street. Just and Unjust Wars
Once the aggressor state has been militarily repulsed, it can also be punished. Just and Unjust Wars
Public opinion tends to focus on the concrete reality of war and on the moral meaning of killing and being killed. Just and Unjust Wars
We can get a clear view of the necessary links by reflecting on the work of one of Bismarck’s contemporaries and on one of the wars at which the German chancellor connived. Just and Unjust Wars
The “First Address” of the Interna- tional on the Franco-Prussian War, drafted by Marx on behalf of the General Council, took the same view: “On the German side, the war is a war of defense” (though Marx went on to ask, “Who put Germany to the necessity of defending herself?” and to hint at the true character of Bismarckian politics).2’ Just and Unjust Wars
In the “Second Address” of the International, Marx accurately described the war after Sedan as an act of aggres- sion against the people of the two provinces and against the terri- torial integrity of France. Just and Unjust Wars
It has little in common with Marx’s philosophic pronouncements on morality and little in common with the reflections on international politics that fill his letters. Just and Unjust Wars
In these latter roles, his world-historical view of the significance of war was less important ‘than the particular judgments he was called upon to make. Just and Unjust Wars
The moral issues are muddy, and it would not be difficult to argue that the struggle was in fact an aggressive war on both sides, rather than on each in succession. Just and Unjust Wars
But that suggests less the desirability of surrender than the critical importance of collective security and resistance. Just and Unjust Wars
Or, to turn the argument around once more, all these constitute aggressive acts on the part of whoever begins them and justify forceful resistance, as their equivalents would in the homes and streets of domestic society. Just and Unjust Wars
Preventive wars, commercial wars, wars of expansion and conquest, religiòus crusades, revolutionary wars, military interventions—all these are barred and barred abso- lutely, in much the same way as their domestic equivalents are ruled out in municipal law. Just and Unjust Wars
Pre- 74 - Anticipations Anticipations emption on this view is like a reflex action, a throwing up of one’s arms at the very last minute. Just and Unjust Wars
I want to begin at the far end of the spectrum, where danger is a matter-of judgment and political decision is un- constrained, and then edge my way along to the point where we currently draw the line between justified and unjustified attacks. Just and Unjust Wars
It has been the original of innumerable and fruitless wars.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
It requires of the * The line is from David Hume’s essay “Of the Balance of Power,” where Hume describes three British wars on behalf of the balance as having been “begun with justice, and even, perhaps, from necessity.” Just and Unjust Wars
The argument is utilitarian in form; it can be summed up in two propositions: (1) that the balance of power actually does pre- serve the liberties of Europe (perhaps also the happiness of Euro- peans) and is therefore worth defending even at some cost, and (z) that to fight early, before the balance tips in any decisive way, greatly reduces the cost of the defense, while waiting doesn’t mean avoiding war (unless one also gives up liberty) but only fighting on a larger scale and at worse odds. Just and Unjust Wars
This is also plausible enough, but it is important to stress that the position to which we are asked to fall back is not a prepared position, that is, it does not itself rest on any utilitarian calculation. Just and Unjust Wars
- - The War of the Spanish Succession Writing in the 1750s, the Swiss jurist Vattel suggested the following criteria for legitimate prevention: “Whenever a state has given signs of injustice, rapacity, pride, ambition, or of an imperious thirst of rule, it becomes a suspicious neighbor to be guarded against: and at a juncture when it is on the point of receiving a formidable augmentation of power, securities may be asked, and on its making any difficulty to give them, its designs may be prevented by force of arms.”5 Just and Unjust Wars
Long before those years, Louis XIV had given Europe evident signs of injustice, rapacity, pride, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
But we also need an objective standard, as Bacon’s phrase “just fear” suggests. Just and Unjust Wars
It is a question of moral security. Just and Unjust Wars
Preventive war looks to the past and future, Webster’s reflex action to the immediate moment, while the idea of being under a threat focuses on what we had best call simply the present. Just and Unjust Wars
In the early hours of the war, the Israelis did not acknowledge that they had sought the advantages of sur- prise, but the deception was not maintained. Just and Unjust Wars
Per- haps this is why the Egyptians fell back in their more formal arguments upon the claim that a state of war already existed be- tween Egypt and Israel and that this condition justified the military moves they undertook in May 1967.~ Just and Unjust Wars
The crisis apparently had its origins in reports, circulated by Soviet officials in mid-May, that Israel was massing its forces on the Syrian border. Just and Unjust Wars
The falsity of these reports was almost imme- diately vouched for by United Nations observers on the scene. Just and Unjust Wars
Nevertheless, on May 14, the Egyptian government put its armed forces on “maximum alert” and began a major buildup of its troops The only limitation on this right has to do with internal, not external legitimacy:* a state (or government) established against the will of its own people, ruling vio- lently, may well forfeit its right to defend itself even against a foreign invasion. Just and Unjust Wars
The Egyptian military buildup continued, and on May 22, President Nasser announced that the Straits of Tiran would henceforth be closed to Israeli shipping. Just and Unjust Wars
That meant that their closing would constitute a casus belli, and the Israelis had stated at that time, and on many occasions since, that they would so regard it. Just and Unjust Wars
In a major speech on May 29, Nasser made that justification much easier by announcing that if war came the Egyptian goal would be nothing less than the destruction of Israel. Just and Unjust Wars
On May 30, King Hussein of Jordan flew to Cairo to sign a treaty placing the Jordanian army under Egyptian command in event of war, thus associating himself with the Egyptian purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
Nasser would almost certainly have regarded it as a great victory if he could have closed the Straits and main- tained his army on Israel’s borders without war. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it would have been a great victory, not only because of the economic block- ade it would have established, but also because of the strain it would have placed on the Israeli defense system. Just and Unjust Wars
their large army of long-term regulars on the Israeli border and keep it there indefinitely; the Israelis could only counter their 83 deployment by mobilizing reserve formations, and reservists could not be kept in uniform for very long . Just and Unjust Wars
After the fighting was over, Israel published documents, captured in its course,, that included plans for an invasion of the Negev; but these were probably plans for a counter-attack, nce an Israeli offensive had spent itself in the Sinai, or for a first strike at some later time. Just and Unjust Wars
Israel’s leaders sought a political resolution of the crisis—the opening of the Straits and a demobilization of forces on both sides—which they did not have the political strength or support to effect. Just and Unjust Wars
The Israeli mood was very different, suggesting what it means to live under threat: rumors of coming disasters were endlessly repeated; frightened men and women raided food shops, buying up their entire stock, despite government an- nouncements that there were ample reserves; thousands of graves were dug in the military cemeteries; Israel’s political and military leaders lived on the edge of nervous exhaustion.11 Just and Unjust Wars
Rather, we weigh and evaluate their actions on the basis of criteria like those I have tried to describe. Just and Unjust Wars
85 The principle that states should never intervene in the domestic affairs of other states follows readily from the legalist paradigm and; less readily and more ambiguously, from those conceptions of life and liberty that underlie the paradigm and make it plausible. Just and Unjust Wars
We are to treat states as self-determining communi- ties, he argues, whether or not their internal political arrangements are free, whether or not the citizens choose their government and openly debate the policies carried out in their name. Just and Unjust Wars
No one can, and no one should, do it for them. Just and Unjust Wars
It is this arena and the activities that go on within it that we want to protect, and we protect them, much as we protect individual integrity, by marking out boundaries that cannot be crossed, rights that cannot be vio- lated. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet the ban on boundary crossings is not absolute—in part because of the arbitrary and accidental character of state bound- aries, in part because of the ambiguous relation of the political community or communities within those boundaries to the govern- ment that defends them. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence utilitarian principles apply to them, and imperial bureaucrats legitimately work for their moral improvement. Just and Unjust Wars
Despite Mill’s very general account of self-determination, it isn’t always clear when a community is in fact self-determining, when it qualifies, so to speak, for noninter- vention. Just and Unjust Wars
No doubt there are similar problems with individual per- sons, but these are, I think, less severe and, in any case, they are handled within the structures of domestic law.* Just and Unjust Wars
International society can no longer be divided into civilized and barbarian halves; any line drawn on developmental principles leaves barbarians on both sides. Just and Unjust Wars
It would be more exact, from Mill’s standpoint, to formulate the relevant principle in this way: always act so as to recognize and uphold communal autonomy. Just and Unjust Wars
An imperial army invaded Hungary, and the nationalists fought back. Just and Unjust Wars
Writing ten years later, Mill argued that the British should have responded to this intervention with an intervention of their own.6 Just and Unjust Wars
I have argued that “the land follows the people” (chapter ~). Just and Unjust Wars
It is perfectly possible to concede the justice of the Millian position, and yet opt for nonintervention on what are currently called “world order” principles.8 Just and Unjust Wars
Even if counter-interventioti is “honorable and virtuous,” it is not morally required, precisely because of the dangers it in- volves. Just and Unjust Wars
A state contemplating in- tervention or counter-intervention will for prudential reasons weigh the dangers to itself, but it must also, and for moral reasons, weigh the dangers its action will impose on the peòple it is designed to benefit and on all other people who may be affected. Just and Unjust Wars
An inter- vention is not just if it subjects third parties to terrible risks: the subjection cancels the justice. Just and Unjust Wars
But it should be said that this deference to third party rights is not at the same time a deference to the local political interests of the great powers. Just and Unjust Wars
The argument has been succinctly put by Montague Bernard, whose Oxford lecture “On the Principle of Non-intervention” ranks in importance with Mill’s essay: “Of two things, one: the interference in the case supposed either turns the 96 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION I Interventions —as in the case of the Spanish Civil War, where the noninter- it cannot accurately be described as law enforcement. Just and Unjust Wars
The official American ver- sion—that the struggle began with a North Vietnamese invasion of the South, to which the United States responded in accordance with its treaty obligations—follows the legalist paradigm closely, but is on its surface unbelievable. Just and Unjust Wars
Some military re- sponse is probably required at such moments if the values of inde- pendence and community are to be sustained. Just and Unjust Wars
The Geneva Agreement of 1954, ending the first Vietnamese war, established a temporary frontier between the North and the South, and two temporary governments on either side of the line, pending elections scheduled for 1956.’~ Just and Unjust Wars
But I shall not dwell on this loss, nor on the fact that some sixty states never- theless recognized the sovereignty of, the new regime in the South and opened embassies in Saigon. Just and Unjust Wars
But that time was ill-used in South Vietnam, and the continuing dependence of the new regime on the U.S. is damning evidence against it. Just and Unjust Wars
There is no independent moral or political agent on the other safety of individuals ) are as insignificant politically as obligations, to oneself are insignificant morally. Just and Unjust Wars
And that fact must raise the most serious questions about the American defense: for counter-intervention is morally possible only on behalf of a government (or a movement, party, or whatever) that has already passed the self-help test. Just and Unjust Wars
Why were the communists able, and the govern- 99 ment unable, to “impersonate” Vietnamese nationalism? The character and scope of the American presence probably had a great deal to do with this. Just and Unjust Wars
It is also important that North Vietnamese moves did not similarly brand those they benefited as foreign agents. Just and Unjust Wars
Counter-intervention is a balancing act. Just and Unjust Wars
Though an event like the Nazi holo- caust is without precedent in human history, murder on a smaller scale is so common as to be almost ordinary. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand— or perhaps for this very reason—clear examples of what is called “humanitarian intervention” are very rare.’8 Just and Unjust Wars
But they each have a further significance because of the atrocities committed by the Spanish and the Pakistani governments. Just and Unjust Wars
The Israeli raid on Entebbe airport in Uganda (July 4, 1976) seems likely to become a classic case. Just and Unjust Wars
102 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION Interventions having to do, first, with American investment in Cuban sugar, a matter of interest to a section of the financial community; and second, with the sea approaches to the Panamanian Isthmus where the canal would one day be, a matter of interest to the in- tellectuals and politicians who championed the cause of American expansion. Just and Unjust Wars
The judgments we make in cases such as this don’t hang on the fact that considerations other than humanity figured in the gov- ernment’s plans, or even on the fact that humanity was not the chief consideration. Just and Unjust Wars
As a result of the American victory, the reconcentrados were able to return to their homes. Just and Unjust Wars
The crucial question is a differënt one. Just and Unjust Wars
The people are oppressed, presumably, because they sought some end—religious tolerátion, national freedom, or whatever—unaccept- able to their oppressors. Just and Unjust Wars
The Indian invasion of East Pakistan (Bangladesh) in 1971 iS a better example of humanitarian intervention—not because of the singularity or purity of the government’s motives, but because its various motives converged on a single course of action that was also the course of action called for by the Bengalis. Just and Unjust Wars
ence explains why the Indians were in and out of the country so quickly, defeating the Pakistani army but not replacing it, and im- posing no political controls on the emergent state of Bangladesh. Just and Unjust Wars
Faced with a movement for autonomy in what was then its eastern province, the government of Pakistan, in March, 1971, literally turned an army loose on its own people—or rather, a Punjabi army loose on the Bengali people, for the unity of east and west was already a broken thing. Just and Unjust Wars
The army was not entirely without direction; its officers carried “death lists” on which ap- peared the names of the political, cultural, and intellectual leaders of Bengal. Just and Unjust Wars
There was also a systematic effort to slaughter the fol- lowers of these people: university students, political activists, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
“It is idle to argue in such cases that the duty of the neighboring people is to look on quietly.”26 Just and Unjust Wars
I shall not say very much about Pakistani oppression in Bengal. Just and Unjust Wars
That doesn’t require them, on their view, to deny the (occasional) need for intervention. Just and Unjust Wars
What one looks for in num- bers is detachment from particularist views and consensus on moral rules. Just and Unjust Wars
Would the rest of the members of the U.N. be compelled to stand by and watch this operation merely because [the] requisite decision of U.N. organs was blocked and the operation did not involve an “armed attack” on any [member state] . Just and Unjust Wars
Since the constraints are often ignored, it is sometimes argued that it would be best to insist on an absolute rule of nonintervention (as it would be best to insist on an absolute rule of a nonanticipation). Just and Unjust Wars
The deaths that occur in their course, on both sides, are morally comprehensible— which is not to say that they are not also the products of military stupidity and bureaucratic snafu: soldiers die senselessly even in wars that are not senseless. Just and Unjust Wars
On the conventional military view, the only true aim in war is “the destruction of the enemy’s main forces on the battlefield.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
These will also be the limits of a just war. Just and Unjust Wars
It is commonly said of just war theory, however, that it does not in fact draw this line at any point short of destruction and overthrow, that the most extreme military argument and the “moralist” argument coincide in requiring that war be fought to its ultimate end. Just and Unjust Wars
Their most heroic efforts, after all, can only bring a particular war to an end; they cannot end war. Just and Unjust Wars
They can save democracy from a particular threat, but they cannot make the world safe for democracy. Just and Unjust Wars
111 The worst of those “injuries.. Just and Unjust Wars
What it does mean, he went on, is that “if we are bound, we arc bound by our own consciences to civilization. Just and Unjust Wars
We are not bound to the Germans as the result of a bargain struck.”° Just and Unjust Wars
They refused to compromise with the Nazi re- gime because they planned to put its leading members on trial for their lives. Just and Unjust Wars
To wage war with such a goal in mind, Kecskemeti argues, is to succumb to “the pedagogic fallacy,” that is, to try to build a peaceful post-war world “on the undying memory of a just chastisement.” Just and Unjust Wars
But these patterns are not simply diplomatic artifacts; they have a moral dimension. Just and Unjust Wars
But when we crossed the old line, we also took on a more radical purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
But it would be strange for Americans to answer that question in the affirmative, since we had formally branded the North Korean attempt to unify the country by force a criminal aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
Secre- tary of State Acheson seems to have felt the difficulty when he told the Senate (during the MacArthur hearings) that unification i i8 THE THEORY OF AGGRESSION War’s Ends, and the Importance of Winning had never been our military objective. Just and Unjust Wars
We aimed only “to round up the people that were putting on the aggression.” Just and Unjust Wars
In this instance, we would have to balance the costs of continued fighting against the value of punishing the aggressors. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence the rights and limits fixed by the argument for justice: resistance, res- toration, reasonable prevention. Just and Unjust Wars
And better, within the confines of the argument, for justice, means more secure than the status quo ante helium, less vulnerable to territorial ex- pansion, safer for ordinary men and women and for their domestic * The list can be extended to include the temporary occupation of enemy ter- ritory, pending a peace settlement or for some period of time stipulated in the settlement. Just and Unjust Wars
Be- cause of the collective character of states, the domestic conven- tions of capture and punishment do not readily fit the requirements of international society. Just and Unjust Wars
The wars that result from this resistance are the responsibility of those governments and armies; the hell of war is their crime. Just and Unjust Wars
And if it isn’t always true that their leaders ought to be punished for their crimes, it is vitally im- portant that they not be allowed to benefit from them. Just and Unjust Wars
If they can rightly be resisted, they should also be successfully resisted. Just and Unjust Wars
If we are to judge what goes on in the course of a battle, then, “we must treat both combatants,” as Henry Sidgwick has written, “on the assumption that each believes himself in the right.” Just and Unjust Wars
These deaths are nothing more than the inevitable consequence of puttipg deadly weapons into the hands of undisciplined soldiers, and armed men into the hands of stupid or fanatical generals. Just and Unjust Wars
On Sidgwick’s view, a good general is a moral man. Just and Unjust Wars
He is like General Roberts at the battle of Paardeberg (in the Boer War), who called off the frontal assaults on the Boer trenches ordered by Kitchener, his second in command, saying that the loss of life “did not appear . Just and Unjust Wars
Now, what sorts of acts are these, and what are the grounds for forbid- ding them, if Sidgwick’s criteria don’t apply? I will have to explain later on how “military necessity” is taken into account in framing the prohibitions; I am concerned now with their general character. Just and Unjust Wars
They are subject to a set of restrictions that rest in part on the agreements of states bùt that also have an independent founda- tion in moral principle. Just and Unjust Wars
When we abstract from the utility of particular outcomes, focus exclusively on jus in bello, utilitarian calculations are radically constrained. Just and Unjust Wars
Meanwhile, it is worth dwelling for a moment on the precise nature of the general endorsement. Just and Unjust Wars
The utility of fighting limited wars is of two sorts. Just and Unjust Wars
Human Rights The Rape of the Italian Women The importance of rights may best be suggested if we look at an historical example placed, as it were, on the margin of Sidgwick’s argument. Just and Unjust Wars
These were mercenary troops who fought on terms, and the terms included license to rape and plunder in enemy territory. Just and Unjust Wars
What is it we object to in the license given those Moroccan soldiers? Surely our judgment does not hang on the fact that rape is only a trivial or inefficient “spur” to masculine courage (if it is a spur at all: I dóubt that brave men are the most likely rapists). Just and Unjust Wars
And she ap- plies her argument to a case very much like ours: “if a young girl is being forced into a brothel she will not talk about her rights. Just and Unjust Wars
in character, as if the ban on rape or on the deliberate killing of civilians were nothing more than a piece of kindness.10 Just and Unjust Wars
But the ban on rape and murder is a matter of right. Just and Unjust Wars
Napoleon, especially in his later years, was given to statements of this sort, and they are not uncommon in the literature on war. Just and Unjust Wars
(Alfred H. Burne, The Art of War on Land, London, 1944, p. 8.) Just and Unjust Wars
The war convention rests first on a certain view of combatants, which stipulates their battlefield equality. Just and Unjust Wars
But it rests more deeply on a certain view of noncombatants, which holds that they are men and women with rights and that they cannot be used for some military purpose, even if it is a legitimate purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
And then it cannot be what is due to the victims but only what is necessary for the battle that determines our judgments of wartime conduct. Just and Unjust Wars
noncombatant distinction plausible in terms of the theory, that is, to provide a detailed account of the history of individual rights under the conditions of war and battle—how they are retained, lost, exchanged (for war rights) and recovered. Just and Unjust Wars
It does not take into account that few soldiers are wholeheartedly committed to the business of fighting. Just and Unjust Wars
Naked Soldiers The same tale appears again and again in war memoirs and in letters from the front. Just and Unjust Wars
We knew we must have passed the German outposts some- where on our left rear. Just and Unjust Wars
“Look here—I’m not going to fire on a man alone, like that. Just and Unjust Wars
Because he is funny, naked, and so on, my enemy is changed, as Lussu says, into a man. Just and Unjust Wars
The standards of permissibility rest on the rights of individuals, but they are not precisely defined by those rights. Just and Unjust Wars
In the nineteenth century, an effort was made to protect one type of “naked soldier”: the man on guard duty outside his post or at the edge of his hues. Just and Unjust Wars
It is the weaker side that persistently refuses to fix any limits on the vu1- nerability of enemy soldiers (the extreme form of this refusal is guerrilla war), pleading military necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
Wars have indeed been fought in this way, but the arrange- ments have never been stable, because they give a systematic ad- vantage to the army that is larger and better equipped. Just and Unjust Wars
That is the core of what the Germans call kriegsraison, reason of war. Just and Unjust Wars
Even if one grants the right of states and armies and individual soldiers to reduce their risks, a particular course of action would be necessarý to that end only if no other course improved the odds of battle at all. Just and Unjust Wars
Vast numbers of workers must be mobilized before an army can even appear in the field; and once they are engaged, soldiers are radically dependent on a continuing stream of equip- ment, fuel, ammunition, food, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
On the one side are a class of people, loosely called “munitions workers,” who make weapons for the army or whose work directly contributes to the business of war. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other side are all those people who, in the words of the British philosopher G. E. M. Anscombe, “are not fighting and are not engaged in supplying those who are with the means of fighting.”° Just and Unjust Wars
Under the naval code, for example, mer- chant seamen on ships carrying military supplies were once regarded as civilians who had, despite the work they were doing, a right not to be attackëd, for it was possible (and it sometimes still is) to seize their ships without shooting at them. Just and Unjust Wars
It is not a retained but a war right, and rests only on the agreement of states and on the doctrine of military necessity. Just and Unjust Wars
The history of submarine warfare nicely illustrates this 146 THE WAR CONVENTION i Noncombatant Immunity and Military Necessity process, through which groups of civilians are, as it were, incorpo- rated into hell. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence battle is especially pure, a combat between combatants, with no one else involved—just what we in- tuitively want war to be. Just and Unjust Wars
They could not surface bèfore firing their torpedoes, for their ships were lightly armed above decks and highly vulnerable to ramming; they could not provide prize crews from their own small number, unless they, too, were to return to port; nor could they take merchant seamen on board, for there was no room. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence their policy was to “sink on sight,” though they did accept some responsibility to assist survivors after the ship was down. Just and Unjust Wars
“Sink on sight” was espe- cially the policy of the German government. Just and Unjust Wars
But the judges refused to convict on this charge. Just and Unjust Wars
The issue clearly was rescue and nothing else; despite the “bind- ing rule” of international law, the policy of “sink on sight” was not challenged by the court. Just and Unjust Wars
On October i, ~ the Admiralt~ announced [that] British merchant ships had been ordered to ram U-boats if possible. Just and Unjust Wars
The “Laconia order” reached much further than this, however, for it suggested that seamen helpless in the sea, unlike wounded soldiers on land, need not be helped once the battle was over. Just and Unjust Wars
In view of this, the judges declared that “the sentence of Doenitz is not assessed on the ground of his breaches of the international law of sub- marine warfare.”17 Just and Unjust Wars
It was torpedoed and sunk off the west coast of Africa by a U-boat whose commander did not know who its passengers were (liners were used extensively by the Allies as troopships). Just and Unjust Wars
When Doenitz learned of the sinking, and of the identity of the people in the water, he ordered a massive rescue effort involving, initially, a number of other submarines.hi Just and Unjust Wars
I shall carry on [the rescue effort].” Just and Unjust Wars
But what degree of care should be taken? And at what cost to the individual soldiers who àre in- volved? The laws of war say nothing about such matters; they leave the cruelest decisions to be made by the men on the spot with reference only to their ordinary moral notions or the military traditions of the army in which they serve. Just and Unjust Wars
Occasionally one of these soldiers will write about his own decisions, and that can be like a light going on in a dark place. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, he would have been justified on other grounds, too, as we shall see. Just and Unjust Wars
This, then., Just and Unjust Wars
Within fifteen minutes, several fighter planes arrived, “diving down upon the hillside with their rockets.” Just and Unjust Wars
a platoon from Baker Company began working their way through the scrub just under the ridge of the hill.” Just and Unjust Wars
Even if the proportions work out favorably, in particular cases or over a period of time, we would still want to say, I think, that the patrol must be sent out, the risk accepted, before the big guns are brought to bear. Just and Unjust Wars
Simply not to intend the death of civilians is too easy; most often, under battle cQnditions, the intentions of soldiers are focused nar- rowly on the enemy. Just and Unjust Wars
What can this mean? Do civilians have a right not only not to be attacked but also not to be put at risk to such and such a degree, so that imposing a one-in-ten chance of death on them is justified, while imposing a three-in-ten chance is unjustified? In fact, the degree of risk that is permissible is going to vary with the nature of the target, the urgency of the moment, the available technology, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
* The case is the same in domestic society: when the gas company works on the lines that run under my street, I have a right that its workmen observe very strict safety standards. Just and Unjust Wars
But if the work is urgently required by the imminent danger of an explosion on a neighboring street, the standards may be relaxed and my rights not violated. Just and Unjust Wars
* Since judgments of “due care” involve calculations of relative value, urgency, and so on, it has to be said that utilitarian arguments and rights arguments (relative at least to indireçt effects) are not wholly distinct. Just and Unjust Wars
In 1943, the heavy water plant at Vemõrk in occupied Norway was destroyed by Norwegian com- mandos operating on behalf of the British S.O.E. (Special Oper- ations Executive). Just and Unjust Wars
British and Norwegian officials debated whether to make the attempt from the air or on the ground and chose the latter approach because it was less likely to injure civil- ians.26 Just and Unjust Wars
There are, of course, additional moral as well as emotional reasons for paying that respect and accepting its costs in the case of one’s own people or one’s allies (and it is no accident that my two examples involve attacks on occu- pied territory). Just and Unjust Wars
After Titus himself, there are only two candidates: the political or military leaders of the city, who have refused to surrender on terms and forced the inhabitants to fight; or the inhabitants them- selves, who have acquiesced in that refusal and agreed, as it were, to run the risks of war. Just and Unjust Wars
What of the attackers? I assume that they offer surrender on terms; that is simply the collective equivalent of quarter and should always be available. Just and Unjust Wars
In the long history of siege warfare, this question has a specific form: should civilians be allowed to leave the city, saving themselves from starvation and re- lieving pressure on the collective food supply, after it has been 164 THE WAR CONVENTION War Against Civilians: Sieges and Blockades invested? More generally, isn’t locking them into the besieged city morally the same as driving them in? And if it is, shouldn’t they be let out, so that those that remain, to fight and starve, can really be said to have chosen to remain? During the siege of Jerusalem, Titus ordered that any Jews who fled the city were to be crucified. Just and Unjust Wars
He did not push them through the gates of the city before he locked them in. Just and Unjust Wars
But I want to turn now to a modem example, for these questions were directly addressed by the Nuremberg courts after World War II. Just and Unjust Wars
The Right to Leave The Siege of Leníngrad When its last road and rail links to the east were cut by advanc- ing German forces, on September 8, 1941, Leningrad held over three million people, of whom about 200,000 were soldiers.9 Just and Unjust Wars
The Germans were never able to link up with Finnish forces either on the western or eastern shores of Lake Lagoda, and so there remained an evacuation route to the interior of Russia, at first by boat across the lake, and then as the waters froze, progressively by foot, sled, and truck. Just and Unjust Wars
It was possible for civilians on foot to filter through the lines and, as desperation grew within the city, thousands attempted to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
The German command re- sponded to these attempts with an order, first announced on Sep- tember 18, and then repeated two months later, to stop the escapes at all costs. Just and Unjust Wars
They cited Professor Hyde, an American authority on international law: “It is said that if the commander of a besieged place expels the non-combatants, in order to lessen the number of those who consume his stock of provisions, it is lawful, though an extreme measure, to drive them back so. Just and Unjust Wars
Suppose that large numbers of Russian civilians, con- vinced that they would die if they returned to Leningrad, had persisted in the face of artillery fire and advanced on the German lines. Just and Unjust Wars
The only justifiable practiçe, I think, is indicated in the Talmudic law of sieges, summed up by the philosopher Maimonides in the twelfth century (whose version is cited by Grotius in the seven- teenth): “When siege is laid to a city for the purpose of capture, it may not be surrounded on all four sides, but only on three, in order to give an opportunity for escape to those who would flee to save their lives . Just and Unjust Wars
How is it possible to “surround” a city on three sides? Such a sentence, it might be said, could only appear in the literature of a people who had neither a state nor an army of their own. Just and Unjust Wars
There is, for one thing, important work to do, and there are shared reasons for doing it. Just and Unjust Wars
Besieged cities are arenas for a collective heroism, and even after ordinary love of place gives out, the emotional life of the threatened city makes departure difficult, at least for some of the citizens.’° Just and Unjust Wars
The last two of these are the most important, though I will want to qualify them later on. Just and Unjust Wars
I don’t see, how- ever, that it is different in kind from other handicaps imposed by the war convention. Just and Unjust Wars
It doesn’t make siege operations entirely im- practical, only somewhat more difficult—given the ruthlessness of the modern state, one has to say, marginally more difficult; for the presence of large numbers of civilians in a besieged city is unlikely to be allowed to interfere with the provisioning of the ar~T1y; and, as the Leningrad example suggests, the death of large numbers of civilians is unlikely to be allowed to interfere with the defense of the city. Just and Unjust Wars
But these are acceptable consequences, and they are only “detrimental” to the plans of the siege com- mander if he has not planned for them in advance. Just and Unjust Wars
Wars, the Romans fought in the same way.’8 Just and Unjust Wars
The impossibility of free exit rules out any direct attack on the civilian population. Just and Unjust Wars
the enemy depends for his supplies on the surplus of cereals, etc., Just and Unjust Wars
But it is not the case that the army lives off the civilian surplus; more likely, civilians are forced to make do with what is left after the army has been fed. Just and Unjust Wars
It was not thought legally or morally justifiable, how- ever, to extend this interdiction to the trade of an entire country. Just and Unjust Wars
And it is interesting, secondly, because the acquittal of the British depends so radically on the indictment of the Germans. Just and Unjust Wars
The Germans re- sponded by placing civilian hostages on the trains. Just and Unjust Wars
But the civilians on the trains were not in their normal place; they had been radically coerced; and responsibility for their deaths, even if these deaths were actually inflicted by the French, lay with the German commanders. Just and Unjust Wars
On this point, see Robert Nozick’s discussion of “innocent shields of threats” in Anarchy, State and Utopia, ~. 35. Just and Unjust Wars
This is the ambush prepared behind political or moral rather than natural cover. Just and Unjust Wars
An example is provided by Captain Helmut Tausend, of the German Army, in Marcel Ophuls’ documentary film The Sorrow and the Pity. Just and Unjust Wars
We tend to deny, today, that individuals are automatically subsumed by the decisions of their government or 177 the fate of its armies. Just and Unjust Wars
For if citizens of a defeated state still have a right to fight, what is the meaning of surrender? And what obligations can be imposed on conquering armies? There can be no ordinary public life in occupied territory if the occupa- tion authorities are subject to attack at any timç and at the hands of any citizen. Just and Unjust Wars
The heroes of the resistance put it in jeopardy, and we must weigh the risks they impose on others in order to understand the risks they must accept themselves. Just and Unjust Wars
Their strategy is framed in terms of the war convention: they seek to place the onus of indiscriminate warfare on the opposing army. Just and Unjust Wars
Even when they kill civilians, they are able to make distinctions: they aim at well~known officials, notor- ious collaborators, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
For if they don’t make war on noncombatants, it also appears that they don’t make war on soldiers: “What happened in that potato field was murder.” Just and Unjust Wars
And, curiously enough, as the guerrilla units grow larger and more stable, their members are likely to put on uniforms. Just and Unjust Wars
The paradigm worked out by guerrilla publicists (together with their enemies) focuses precisely on what is morally difficult about guerrilla war—and also, as we shall see, about anti-guerrilla war. Just and Unjust Wars
To be eligible for the war rights of soldiers, guerrilla fighters must wear “a fixed distinctive sign visible at a distance” and must “carry their arms openly.”1° Just and Unjust Wars
When the people rise en masse, they are not required to put on uniforms. Just and Unjust Wars
That is not because of the surprise, simply, but because of the kind and degree of deceit involved: the same sort of deceit that is involved when a public official or party leader is shot down by some political enemy who has taken on the appearance of a friend and šupporter or of a harmless passer-by. Just and Unjust Wars
The French partisan attack perfectly illustrates this, and it has to be said, I think, that the killing of those German soldiers was more like assassination than war. Just and Unjust Wars
Hence they are radically dependent on the villagers, even when they don’t succeed in mobilizing them for “people’s war.” Just and Unjust Wars
Their enemies say that the guerrillas rely on terror to win the support or at least the silence of the villagers. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is more plausible to make exactly the opposite argument: that the war rights the people would have were they to rise en masse are passed on to the irregular fighters they support and pro- tect—assuming that the support, at least, is voluntary. Just and Unjust Wars
Guerrillas take on a similar identity whenever they stand in a similar or equivalent relationship, that is, whenever the people are helpful and complicitous in the ways I have described. Just and Unjust Wars
In practice, the nature of this exposure, and its degree, are going to be determined by the government and its allies. Just and Unjust Wars
So the burdens of decision are shifted by the guerrillas onto their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, the rights of the people come into play earlier on, and I must try now to give them some plausible definition. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers can do no more when what they are doing is police work; for the status of the hostile civilians is no different. Just and Unjust Wars
The attack on the village near Route i8 looks as if it was in- tended to minimize only army casualties. Just and Unjust Wars
But in this case, the trouble and risk are of a sort very different from anything encountered on the front line of a conventiónal war. Just and Unjust Wars
Enormous risk was attached to com- plicity in guerrilla war, but this was a risk that could only be im- posed ‘on whole villages; no further differentiation was possible. Just and Unjust Wars
If you 189 refuse to let the Vietcong use your villages and hamlets as their battlefield, your homes and your lives will be saved. Just and Unjust Wars
None of this, of course, would reflect on the value of the rules themselves, unless the ineffectiveness were somehow intrinsic to them or to the situa- tion in which they were applied. Just and Unjust Wars
Only now the peasánts were not warned before an air-strike was called on their village. Just and Unjust Wars
They were killed in their villages because there was no room for them in the swamped pacifi- cation camps. Just and Unjust Wars
Anti-guerrilla war is a terrible strain on conventional troops, and even if they are both disciplined and careful, as they should be, civilians are certain to die at their hands. Just and Unjust Wars
The increased risk re- sults from the intimaçies I have already described; I would suggest now that it is the only result of those intimacies, at least in the moral realm. Just and Unjust Wars
It is important to say something now about the possible shape of those attacks, though I cannot talk about them like a military strategist; I can only report on some of the things that strategists say. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus a British expert on counter-insur- gency writes that the use of “heavily armed helicopters” against peasant villages “can only be justified if the campaign has deteri- orated to the extent where it is virtually indistinguishable from or at least some kind of supporter.”24 Just and Unjust Wars
I doubt that it can be justified even then, but I want to stress again what this expert has grasped: that counter- insurgency requires a strategy and tactics of discrimination. Just and Unjust Wars
Since the villages are not (or should not be) destroyed when they are stormed, and since the villagers are not resettled, it is always possible for the guerrillas to return once the specially as- sembled task force has moved on. Just and Unjust Wars
For it is an axiom of the war convention (and a qualification on the rules of war) that if attack is morally possible, counter-attack cannot be ruled out. Just and Unjust Wars
In the theory of war, as we have seen, considerations of Jus ad helium and jus in bello are logically independent, and the judgments we make in terms of one and the other are not necessarily the same. Just and Unjust Wars
As the carriage drew near, the young revolutionary, a bomb hidden under his coat, noticed that his victim was not alone; on 198 THE WAR CONVENTION Terrorism his lap he held two small children. Just and Unjust Wars
One of them described the capture at his trial: “We were being followed by the constable on his motorcycle. Just and Unjust Wars
Characteristically (and not foolishly), lawyers have frowned on assassination, and political officials have been as- signed to the class of nonmilitary persons, who are never the legiti- mate objects of attack.’ Just and Unjust Wars
A bomb planted on a streetcorner, hidden in a.bus station, thrown into a cafe or pub— this is aimless killing, except that ‘the victims are likely to share what they cannot avoid, a collective identity. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor can assassins claim any rights, even on the basis of the strictest adherence to its principles. Just and Unjust Wars
Political killing imposes risks quite unlike those of combat, risks whose character is best revealed by the fact that there is no such thing as benevolent quarantine for the duration of the political struggle. Just and Unjust Wars
All three were treated exactly like the IRA militants, also captured, who were held responsible for the deaths of ordinary citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, the NLF campaign did press against the limits of the notion of officialdom as I have been using it. Just and Unjust Wars
“We were’ told,” a Vietcong guerrilla re- ported to his American captors, “that in Singapore the rebels on certain days would dynamite every 67th streetcar . Just and Unjust Wars
And yet “just assassinations” are at least possible, and men and women who aim at that kind of killing and renounce every other kind need to be marked off from those who kill at random—not as doers of justice, necessarily, for one can disagree about that, but as revolutionaries with honor. Just and Unjust Wars
That is why the people under attack are so unlikely to believe that compromise is possible with their enemies. Just and Unjust Wars
Revolutionaries champion a new conception, about which there is unlikely to be wide agreement. Just and Unjust Wars
Saying this, I do not mean to defend assassina- tion. Just and Unjust Wars
Violence and Liberation Jean-Paul Sartre and the Battle of Algiers But there is another argument which, because of the currency it has gained, must be taken up here, even though it has no immediate analogue in wartime debates. Just and Unjust Wars
In his usual fashion, with a certain zest for Hegelian melodrama, Sartre is here describing what he takes to be an act of psychological liberation. Just and Unjust Wars
It is most often a vile politics, as vigilante justice is most often a bad kind of law enforcement; its agents are usually gang- sters, and sometimes madmen, in political dress. Just and Unjust Wars
Allied armies were fighting in Normandy; partisan’ groups, or- ganized now into the French Forces of the Interior and in touch with both the Allies and the Gaullist Provisional Government in Algeria, operated on a large scale in many parts of the country. Just and Unjust Wars
But I shall not focus on this exception to the general rule of reprisals, for it does not open up the larger question, whether the deliberate killing of innocent men and women should ever be declared lawful or morally justified. Just and Unjust Wars
The case of the FF1 prisoners is useful because it provides a classic example of reprisal, and one in which our sympathies are likely to be engaged, at least initially, on the side of the “reprisers.” Just and Unjust Wars
The usual response has been to adjust the calculations so that they yield different and more con- ventionally acceptable results.°’ Just and Unjust Wars
In wartime, after all, innocent people are often attacked and killed in the name of utility, in order, it is said, to shorten the war, save lives, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, the rules must be commonly recognized, on both sides of the battle- line, if the special character of reprisals is to be maintained. Just and Unjust Wars
If’ it is wrong, and for the deepest reasons, to kill innocent people, how can it be right to kill them? lii treatises on international law, the defense of reprisal is always qualified, first by a great show of reluctance and anxiety, and secondly by some words about the extremity of the case.’2 Just and Unjust Wars
If the notion of last resort were taken seriously, it would limit reprisal in a radical way. Just and Unjust Wars
Then, surely, they should be put on trial, not shot out of hand. Just and Unjust Wars
Even children are not “precluded” from serving that power: they will grow up to be soldiers, munitions workers, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Moreover, though nuclear deterrence rests only on threats, and the acts threatened are of such a nature that moral men and women might well refuse at the final moment to carry them out, no one is prepared in advance to admit to inhibitions. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, the ban on the use of poison gas. Just and Unjust Wars
But that is true only if reprisal fails to restore the old limits. Just and Unjust Wars
In the case of peacetime reprisals, what is at issue is the attack itself. Just and Unjust Wars
Most of the Palestinian raids have been the work of terrorists, not guerrillas; that is, following the argument of the last two chapters, they have been directed randomly against civilian targets: against farmers working near the border, buses on country roads, village schools and houses, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, the Israeli raid on Khibye:18 Following the killing of a woman and her two children in a village near Lod Airport, the Israelis launched a night attack against the Jordanian village of Khibye on 14 October 1953 . Just and Unjust Wars
But what if no civilians had died, or, as in most on-the-ground Israeli re- prisais, only ‘a small number, killed in the course of a firefight with 217 Jordanian regulars? What are we to say Of the raid itself, of the Jordanian soldiers killed in its course (who had no part in the murder of Israeli civilians), of the houses destroyed? This is not a standard military operation, though it is the most common form of peacetime reprisal. Just and Unjust Wars
Though the terrorist raid is aimed at civilians, the reprisal must not be so aimed. Just and Unjust Wars
On December 26 of that year, two terrorists attacked an Israeli plane preparing for takeoff at Athens Airport.’9 Just and Unjust Wars
They were traveling on Lebanese documents. Just and Unjust Wars
The killing of civilians is an affront to humanity, but attacks on military installations and the destruc-’ tion of civilian property pose a more narrow and direct challenge to the state. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, that is the purpose of the attacks; and the vulnerability of soldiers, on the one hand, and of airplanes, boats, buildings, and so on, on the other, hangs on the vulnerability of the sovereign state. Just and Unjust Wars
But this argument hangs on the liability of the state, and that remains a matter of dispute. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor, I think, does the effect extend to private homes, which seem to share in the innocence of their inhabitants (unless they have been used as terrorist bases). Just and Unjust Wars
Israel insisted that the Lebanese government had an obligation to prevent the use of its territory as a base for terrorist raids. Just and Unjust Wars
This position rests not only on the general claim of the UN to declare the (positive) law, but also on its readiness and ability, at least some of the time, to enforce the law itself. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor is there any evidence that individual members of the UN, however they vote on ritual occasions, are prepared to renounce reprisals when the lives of their own citizens are at stake. Just and Unjust Wars
It is better, I think, to defend the limits than to try to abolish the practice. Just and Unjust Wars
“We are not the Duke of Sung,” he declared in one of his lectures On Protracted War (1938), “and we have no use for his asinine ethics.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
They are at most “rules of thumb,” general precepts of honor (or utility) to be observed only until observing them comes into conflict with the requirements of victory. Just and Unjust Wars
The very existence of a community may be at stake, and then how can we fail to consider possible outcomes in judging the course of the fighting? At this point if at no other, the restraint on utili- tarian calculation must be lifted. Just and Unjust Wars
“For there are peoples,” as Simone Weil has written, “[who] have never recovered after having once been conquered.”7 Just and Unjust Wars
And there is nothing asinine about this principle: the very lives of men and women are at stake. Just and Unjust Wars
There is only a line, not entirely distinct but meant simply to mark off the one from the other. Just and Unjust Wars
I shall focus on it in the chapters that follow, but try at the same time to suggest the inadequacies and dangers of the sliding scale. Just and Unjust Wars
Since neutral rights constitute a kind of noncombatant immunity, they might have been taken up earlier on. Just and Unjust Wars
In any prospective or on-going con- flict between two other states, they are free to opt for what might be called the condition of “thirdness.” Just and Unjust Wars
The fourth seems to me the right argument. Just and Unjust Wars
These duties can be summed rip very simply, although in- ternational law on this subject is elaborate and detailed: they re- quire a strict impartiality toward the belligerents, without ref- erence to the justice of their cause or to any sentiments of 234 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality neighborliness, cultural affinity, or ideological agreement.2 Just and Unjust Wars
It is not only fighting on one or another side that is prohibited, but every sort of official discrimination. Just and Unjust Wars
This is a help that cannot be helped; it derives from the very existence of the neutral state, its geography, economy, language, religion, and so on, and could only be interdicted by the most rigorous coercion of its citizens. Just and Unjust Wars
Perhaps he has a right to avoid if he can the quarrels of his neighbors, but what about their troubles? We have to ask again: can he stand and watoh a neighbor being assaulted on the street? Might not the neighbor say at such a time, “You’re either for me or against me”? As a revolutionary slogan, that sentence suggests, perhaps, an unwarranted pressure and a threat of retal- iations to come. Just and Unjust Wars
In both political and moral life, the “neuter” is not a person one instinc- tively likes. Just and Unjust Wars
case at hand, its message is simpler and less objectionable. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely a strict neutrality here, a refusal to dis- criminate in any way in favor of the victim, would be disquieting and strange. Just and Unjust Wars
For there may well be a majority of states and an overwhelming predominance of force at least potentially available on behalf of a staté under attack, thought to be the victim of aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
Ruination is to be avoided, but is this only the ruination of states? When a state joins a war, it risks its survival to this or that degree, depending on the nature of the conflict, the power of its allies, and the readiness and fighting capacity of its army; and these risks may be acceptable or not. Just and Unjust Wars
Like other provisions of the war convention, it repre- sents a limit on the coerciveness of war. Just and Unjust Wars
But they won’t always be in a position to respond, and if they are not, the measures may be morally required. Just and Unjust Wars
237 state but at some larger ideological or imperial goal. Just and Unjust Wars
Why should such a campaign be resisted only by its first victims, when in fact many other states will be threatened if the initial resistance fails? Or consider the common argument that aggression anywhere threatens everyone. Just and Unjust Wars
This argument, however, rests uneasily on “imaginings” about which there is no general agreement and which often look pain- fully implausible after the fact. Just and Unjust Wars
But they and their people are entitled to act on it. Just and Unjust Wars
And this is so even if one grants that the war began with an act or a series of acts of aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
They can always refuse to do so, imagining in their turn that their own country and the whole world are in no real danger. Just and Unjust Wars
The value of that reluctance will be apparent if we look at two cases in which neutral rights were wrongly violated: first, on the plea of necessity, and second, with the argument more 239 justice, more right. Just and Unjust Wars
The belliger- ent power believes itself pressed by the exigencies of a just war. Just and Unjust Wars
The neutral state is firm in its rights: its citizens are not bound to sacrifice themselves to someone else’s exigencies. Just and Unjust Wars
A French attack on our flank on the lower Rhine might have been disastrous. Just and Unjust Wars
First, there is the instrumental or strategic level: the attack on Belgium was necessary, it is being argued, if German de- 240 Gentlemen, that is a breach of international law. Just and Unjust Wars
And on the best con- struction of the German cause, that was certainly not the case; what was at stake was Alsace-Lorraine, Germany’s African colonies, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
So the argument fails on both levels. Just and Unjust Wars
It would have to succeed on both, I think, before the violation of Belgian neutrality could be defended. Just and Unjust Wars
He rejects every kind of deceitfulness; He does not pretend that the Belgians have failed in their duty of impartiality. Just and Unjust Wars
He does not claim that the French have already violated Belgian neutrality or even that they are threatening to do so. Just and Unjust Wars
He does not argue that Belgium cannot rightly stand aside in the presence of (French) aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
He wants to override it, however, not at the last minute but at the very first, and not when Germany’s survival is in danger but when the dangers are of a more ordinary kind. Just and Unjust Wars
The German invasion was almost universally condemned (by many Germans, too). Just and Unjust Wars
On balance, this policy favored the 242 DILEMMAS OF WAR Aggression and Neutrality Germans, even though most of Norway’s normal trade was with the Allied powers, especially Britain. Just and Unjust Wars
For the Germans depended on Norway for a very large part of their iron ore supply. Just and Unjust Wars
The ore was mined at Gallivare in northern Sweden, and during the sum- mer months it was shipped out of the Swedish town of Lulea on the Baltic Sea. Just and Unjust Wars
The French were also disinclined to wait for an attack on their own soil. Just and Unjust Wars
Sir Edward Spears writes of Prime Minister Daladier that “his views on mili- tary matters were confined to keeping warlike operations as remote from France as possible.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
The League of Nations, which had said nothing about the German attack on Poland, now condemned the Russians for waging an aggressive war. Just and Unjust Wars
“We have more to gain than to lose,” Churchill argued, “by a German attack on Norway.” Just and Unjust Wars
to press my point by every means and on all occasions.” Just and Unjust Wars
He de- fended his proposal with a moral argument focusing on the nature and long-term goals of the Nazi regime. Just and Unjust Wars
He obviously believes that the Norwegians ought to be involved in the struggle against Germany, not only because their involvement would be good for Britain, but also be- Hugo Grotius, who generally favors the sliding scale, is particularly clear on the* question of neutrality: “From what has been said we can understand how it is permissible for one who is waging a just war to take possession of a place situated in a country free from hostilities.” Just and Unjust Wars
He sets three conditions, the first of which does not quite fit the Norwegian case: “that there is not an imaginary but a real danger that the enemy will seize the place and cause irreparable damage.” Just and Unjust Wars
But Churchill might have argued that the Germans ënjoyed all the benefits of seizure without the effort. Just and Unjust Wars
In an emergency, neutral rights can be overridden, and when we override them we make no claim that they have been diminished, weakened, or lost. Just and Unjust Wars
Here again is the two-level argument, and in this case the argu- ment works on the second level: the moral necessity is clear (I will try to explain why this is so in the next chapter). Just and Unjust Wars
We judge it less harshly than thc German attack on Belgium, not only because of what we know ol the character of the Nazi regime, but also because we look back ori the events of the next months which so quickly brought Britain te the brink of national disaster. Just and Unjust Wars
But it has to be stressed again that Churchill had no foresight of that disaster. Just and Unjust Wars
Then the ques. Just and Unjust Wars
The final British decision was made late in March, and the Leads were mined on April 8. Just and Unjust Wars
It is defined by two criteria, which correspond to the two levels on which the concept of necessity works: the first has to do with the imminence of the danger and the second with its nature. Just and Unjust Wars
But since people at war can rarely agree on the seriousness of the dangers they face (or pose for one another), the idea of closeness is sometimes made to do the ~ob alone. Just and Unjust Wars
Thus British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, writing in 1932 about the dangers of terror bombing:’ Will any form of prohibition of bombing, whether by convention, treaty, agreement, or anything you like, be effective in war? Frankly, I doubt it, and in doubting it, I make no reflection on the good faith of either ourselves or any other country. Just and Unjust Wars
Can we make the same demand on political leaders, acting not for themselves but for their countrymen? That will de- pend upon the dangers their countrymen face. Just and Unjust Wars
That is what I am going to assume, at any rate, on behalf of all those people who believed at the time and still believe a third of a century later that Nazism was an ultimate threat to everything decent in our lives, an ideology and a practice of domination so murderous, so degrading even to those who might survive, that the consequences of its final victory were literally beyond calculation, immeasurably awful. Just and Unjust Wars
the sur- vival and freedom of political communities—whose members share a way of life, developed by their ancestors, to be passed on to their children—are the highest values of international society. Just and Unjust Wars
Nazism challenged these values on a grand scale, but challenges more nar- rowly conceived, if they are of the same kind, have similar moral consequences. Just and Unjust Wars
And the British policy had further consequences: it was the crucial precedent for the fire-bombing of Tokyo and other Japanese cities and then for Harry Truman’s decision to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Just and Unjust Wars
In November, after the Ger- man raid on Coventry, “Bomber Command was instructed simply to aim at the center of a city.” Just and Unjust Wars
First of all, it appears possible, as one scholar has recently argued, that Churchill deliberately pro- voked the German attacks on London—by bombing Berlin—in order to relieve pressure on R.A.F. installations, until then the majõr Luftwaffe target.7 Just and Unjust Wars
On the contrary, if tonight the people of London were asked to cast their votes whether a convention should be entered into to stop the bombing of all cities, the overwhelming majority would cry, “No, we will mete out to the Germans the measure, and more than the measure, that they have meted out to us.” Just and Unjust Wars
Needless to say, the people of London were not in fact asked to vote on such a convention. Just and Unjust Wars
We must concentrate now on the military justifications for terror bombing, which were presumably paramount in Churchill’s mind, whatever he said on the radio. Just and Unjust Wars
debate had been beclouded by emo- tion on one side of the argument, on the part of those who as a matter of moral principle objected to making war on civilians.”2 Just and Unjust Wars
In fact, of course, navigational devices were rapidly improved as the war went on, and the bombing of specific military targets was an important part of Britain’s total air offensive, receiving top priority at times (before the June 1944 invasion of France, for example) and cutting into the resources allowed for attacks on cities. Just and Unjust Wars
My own action is determinate, of course, only as to its direct cQnsequences, while the rule that bars such acts is founded on a conception of rights that transcends all imme- diate considerations. Just and Unjust Wars
For we had special commitments to the French; we were fighting on their behalf (and sometimes the bombers were flown by French pilots). Just and Unjust Wars
Since then the enormous injuries inflicted on the German Army and manpower by the Russians, and the acces- sion of the manpower and munitions of the United States, have rendered other possibilities open. Just and Unjust Wars
that the severe, ruthless bombing of Germany on an ever-increasing scale will not only cripple her war effort . Just and Unjust Wars
So the raids continued, culminating in the spring of 194 5—when the war was virtually won —in a savage attack on the city of Dresden in which something like ioo,ooo people were killed.’9 Just and Unjust Wars
The argument used between 1942 and 1945 in defense of terror bombing was utilitarian in character, its emphasis not on victory itself but on the time and price of victory. Just and Unjust Wars
There is much else that we might plausibly want to preserve: the quality of our lives, for example, our civilization and morality, our collective abhorrence of murder, even when it seems, as it always does, to serve some purpose. Just and Unjust Wars
I have said that such acts can probably be ruled out on utilitarian grounds, but it is also true that utilitarianism as it is commonly understood, indeed, as Sidgwick himself understands it, encour- ages the bizarre accounting that makes them (morally) possible. Just and Unjust Wars
It shattered “the immunity of civilians, one of the things that have made war possible,” and so it made war less likely in the future. Just and Unjust Wars
We can recognize their horror only when we have acknowledged the personality arid value of the men and women we destroy in committing them. Just and Unjust Wars
Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus, New York, 1968, Vol. Just and Unjust Wars
Orwell assumes that civilians had really been immune in the past, which is false. Just and Unjust Wars
In any case, I doubt that his argument would lead anyone to begin bombing cities. Just and Unjust Wars
In 1945, American policy was fixed on the demand for the unconditional surrender of Japan. Just and Unjust Wars
For the Americans had adopted in Japan the British policy of terrorism: a massive incendiary raid on Tokyo early in March 1945 had set off a fire- storm and killed an estimated ioo,ooo people. Just and Unjust Wars
They had over two million soldiers available for the fighting, and they believed that they could make the invasion so costly that the Americans would agree to a nego- tiated peace. Just and Unjust Wars
The capture of Okinawa in a battle lasting from April to June of 1945 had cost almost 8o,ooo American casualties, while virtually the entire Japanese garrison of 120,000 men had been killed (only io,6oo prisoners were taken) .~ Just and Unjust Wars
The military estimate of casualties was based not only on the belief that the Japanese would fight almost to the last man, but also on the as- sumption that the Americans would accept nothing less than un- conditional surrender. Just and Unjust Wars
- 268 DILEMMAS OF WAF 17 The Problem of Immoral Threats Truman used the atomic bomb to end a war that seemed to him limitless in its horrors. Just and Unjust Wars
This is the basic form of nuclear deter- rence. Just and Unjust Wars
That contrast should alert us to what is wrong with Ramsey’s analogy. Just and Unjust Wars
Here Ramsey has put the case very well: “Whatever is wrong to do is wrong to threaten, if the latter means ‘mean to do’ . Just and Unjust Wars
Nevertheless, we intend the killings under certain circumstances. Just and Unjust Wars
We need not dwell on the nature of the Soviet regime in order to understand the virtues of this argument. Just and Unjust Wars
on the possible effectiveness (or the dangers) of such an arrangement. Just and Unjust Wars
But would we carry it out? George Kennan has recently given what must be the moral response:9 Let us suppose there were to be a nuclear attack of some sort on this country and millions of people were killed and injured. Just and Unjust Wars
For the debate among the strategists focused on the attempt (though this was rarely made explicit) to fit nuclear war into the structure of the war convention, to apply the argument for justice as if this sort of conflict were like any other sort. Just and Unjust Wars
They were treated on analogy with poison gas, though 275 the prohibition on their use was never legally established. Just and Unjust Wars
Until the late 195os, the tendency of most people was to regard the atomic bomb and its thermonuclear successors as forbidden weapons. Just and Unjust Wars
But now the strategists sug- gested (rightly) that the crucial distinction in the theoiy and prac- tice of war was not between prohibited and acceptable weapons but between prohibited and acceptable targets. Just and Unjust Wars
But this picture of limited nuclear war is worked out in graphic detail in a novel by Joe Haldeman (The Forever ‘War, New York, i974), where the fighting goes on not at sea butin outer space. Just and Unjust Wars
There remains the possibility that the new technology of war sim- ply doesn’t fit and cannot be made to fit within the old limits. Just and Unjust Wars
The prospect that they would be maintained and the war extended over time is so frightening to those countries on whose soil such wars are likely to be fought that they have generally opposed the new strategies and insisted upon the threat of massive retaliation. Just and Unjust Wars
Now there is no limit on the number of people whose deaths we can threaten, so long as those deaths are to be caused “collaterally” and not b taking direct aim. Just and Unjust Wars
As we have seen before, the idea of proportionality, once it is worked on a bit, tends to fade away. Just and Unjust Wars
And then the entire burden of Ramsey’s argument falls on the idea of death by indirection. Just and Unjust Wars
But its standing is undermined here by the fact that Ramsey relies so heavily on the deaths he sup- posedly doesn’t intend. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely anyone designing such a strategy must accept moral respon- sibility for the effects on which he is so radically dependent. Just and Unjust Wars
Ramsey presses on. Just and Unjust Wars
I am not sure exactly what that means, and Ramsey (for once) seems re- luctant to say, but presumably it would allow us to hint at the possibility of massive retaliation without actually planning for it or intending to carry it out. Just and Unjust Wars
For if we “be- come convinced,” he writes, “that in the matter of deterrence a number of things are wicked which are not,” then, seeing no way of avoiding wickedness, we will “set no limits on it.”4 Just and Unjust Wars
But it is persuasive in the case of nuclear warfare 282 DILEMMAS OF WAR Nuclear Deterrence only if one can describe plausible and morally significant limits, and that Ramsey has not done; nor have the strategists of “flexible response” been able to do it. Just and Unjust Wars
Within those limits there are wars that can and will and perhaps even should be fought, and to which the old rules apply with all their force. Just and Unjust Wars
So the readiness to murder is balanced, or should be, by the readiness not to murder, not to threaten murder,. Just and Unjust Wars
Much of the debate about aggression and war crimes, however, has focused on the latter issue, not the former. Just and Unjust Wars
Consider, for example, the view of a contemporary law professor who be- lieves that the “essentials” of “the question of war crimes” can be set forth “with tolerable clarity and brevity,” so long as one caveat is accepted: “I shall make no attempt to say what is immoral— not because I believe morality unimportant, but because my views on it are entitled to no more weight than Jane Fonda’s or Richard M. Nixon’s, or yours.”1 Just and Unjust Wars
The same assertion can be made on behalf of mili- tary officers, except when the crimes they commit are passionate or selfish. Just and Unjust Wars
It might be made, too, on behalf of revolutionary militants who kill innocent people for the sake of the cause (not because of any personal grudge), even though the cause has no official but only a putative connection to the national interest. Just and Unjust Wars
Aggression perpetrated is as soon Denied, and insult rubbed into the injury By cunning agents trained in these affairs, With whom it’s touch-and-go, don’t tread-on-me, I-dare-you-to, keep-off, and kiss-my-hand. Just and Unjust Wars
Often enough, despite the cunning agents, the theory is readily applied. Just and Unjust Wars
Nuremberg: “The Ministries Case” In an important article on responsibility for crimes of war, Sanford Levinson has analyzed the Nuremberg verdicts, focusing especially on the trial of Ernst von WJeizsaecker, who was State 292 THE QUESTiON OF RESPONSIBILITY The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens Secretary of the German Foreign Ministry from 1938 to 1943, second only to von Ribbentrop (one of the “inner circle”) in the foreign policy hierarchy. Just and Unjust Wars
But the court rejected this argument because of the risks such action would have entailed and also because it might have led to greater German losses on the battlefield.7 Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, von Weizsaecker’s alternative ac- 293 tions, though they satisfied the judges, may have amounted to less than we require. Just and Unjust Wars
The SS had formally requested the Foreign Ministry’s opinions in regard to its policy on the Jewish question. Just and Unjust Wars
Apparently he thought his silence the price of his office, and he wanted to retain his office so that he “might be in a position to initiate or aid in attempts to negotiate peace” and so that he might continue to pass on information to Hitler’s under- ground opponents. Just and Unjust Wars
If von Weizsaecker was bound to resign in protest, I don’t see why lesser officials with similar knowledge were not similarly bound. Just and Unjust Wars
Von Weizsaecker’s case invites us to reflect on one further prob- lem. Just and Unjust Wars
Later he came to regret through the tax system, and through the economic system gen- the murder and turned on his courtier, Hubert de Burgh, who had erally, among all the citizens, often over a period of time extending carried it out.12 Just and Unjust Wars
ishing” to the aggressor state and is often described in those terms, It might be better to say of loyal citizens who watch their govern- ment or army (or their comrades in battle) doing terrible things With reference to the actual fighting, as I have already argued civilians on both sides are innocent, equally innOcent, and nevei that they feel or should feel ashamed rather than responsible—un- less they actually are responsible by virtue of their particular partici- legitimate military targets. Just and Unjust Wars
On this or that occasion he has been silent when he should have spoken out. Just and Unjust Wars
Cray suggests the right standard, though he goes on’ very quickly to insist that wc can never apply it to anyone but ourselves. Just and Unjust Wars
RESPONSIBILITY The Crime of Aggression: Political Leaders and Citizens The American People and the War in Vietnam If the argument in chapters 6 and 11 is right, the American war in Vietnam was, first of all, an unjustified intervention, and it was, secondly, carried on in so brutal a manner that even had it initially been defensible, it would have to be condemned, not in this or that aspect but generally. Just and Unjust Wars
Our actual assignments will vary a great deal, de- pending on the precise nature of the democratic order, the place of a particular person in that order, and the pattern of his own political activities. Just and Unjust Wars
Imagine, for example, a small community where all the citizens are fully and accurately informed about public business, where all of them participate, argue, vote on matters of communal interest, and where they all take turns holding public office. Just and Unjust Wars
(See the essay on “Conscientious Objection” in Obliga. Just and Unjust Wars
But what would we think of a group of citizens that didn’t vote? Had they voted, let’s say, the war might have been avoided, but they were lazy, didn’t care, or were afraid to come down on one side or the other of a hotly disputed issue. Just and Unjust Wars
Let’s assume that none of this would have been terribly dangerous to them, but they chose not to take these measures because their opposition to the war wasn’t all that strong; they thought it unjust but were not horrified by the prospect; they hoped for a quick victory; and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
These are not immoral arguments, though they reflect badly on the society within which they are made. Just and Unjust Wars
“Free action in the communal sphere” is a possi- bility for men and women in such a state only in the formal sense that serious governmental restraint, actual repression, doesn’t exist. Just and Unjust Wars
Surely many of these people were morally complicitous in our Vietnam aggression. Just and Unjust Wars
The real moral burden of the American war fell on that subset of men and women whose knowledge and sense of possibility was made manifest by their oppositional activity. Just and Unjust Wars
And this self-torture bred a kind of self-righteousness vis-a-vis the others, an endemic failing on the Left, though understandable enough under condi- tions of aggressive war and mass acquiescence. Just and Unjust Wars
These, at least, are encom- passable tasks, and they are morally required of the men and women who are trained to perform them. Just and Unjust Wars
Nor is it dangerous to perform them, in a ‘democratic state, waging war in a distant country. Just and Unjust Wars
A small detachment of troops on a special mission or cut off from its main force takes prisoners “under such circumstances that men cannot be spared to guard them . Just and Unjust Wars
Conscripts impose risks on innocent people; they are themselves the immediate source of the danger and they are its effective cause. Just and Unjust Wars
and said, ‘Here you are, sergeant, I sur- said, ‘Thank you, sir,’ and took the glasses with War Crimes: Soldiers and Their Officers under his arm and shot the officer straight through his head. Just and Unjust Wars
He is not, indeed, a machine that can just be turned off, and it would be inhumanly righteous not to look with sympathy on his plight. Just and Unjust Wars
This is a crucial aspect of what is called “command responsibility,” and I will take it up in detail later on. Just and Unjust Wars
He is also bound to act so as to prevent such killings in the future. Just and Unjust Wars
Now, it has been argued on behalf of these soldiers that they acted, not in. Just and Unjust Wars
In this war, the argu- ment goes on, they had been encouraged to kill without making careful discriminations—encouraged to do so by their own officers and driven to do so by their enemies, who fought and hid among the civilian population.8 Just and Unjust Wars
Their blood be on your heads.’ Just and Unjust Wars
They kept repeating the words - - - ~Their blood be on your heads.’” Just and Unjust Wars
Gray reports soldiers insisting on this special kind of freedom: “When I raised my right hand and took the [army oath], I freed my- self of the consequences for what I do. Just and Unjust Wars
In his play The Measures Taken, Bertolt Brecht describes militant commu- nists as “blank pages on which the Revolution writes its instruc- tions.”11 Just and Unjust Wars
If they are not machines that can just be turned off, they are also not machines that can just be turned on. Just and Unjust Wars
On the spot he was charged with treason by the officer in charge and was placed with the hostages, where he was promptly executed by his comrades. Just and Unjust Wars
The officer in charge is responsible, and those among his superiors who determined on the policy of killing hostages. Just and Unjust Wars
And in rear areas as well as at the front, there are ways of responding to an order short of obeying it: postponement, evasion, deliberate misunder- standing, loose construction, overly literal construction, and so on. Just and Unjust Wars
On both sides of a war, unity is reflex- ive, not intentional or premeditated. Just and Unjust Wars
Officers take on immense responsibil- ities, again unlike anything in civilian life, for they have in their control the means of death and destruction. Just and Unjust Wars
They plan and organize campaigns; they decide on strategy and tactics; they choose to fight here rather than there; they order men into battle. Just and Unjust Wars
First, in planning their campaigns, they must take positive steps to limit even unintended civilian deaths (and they must make sure that the numbers killed are not dis- proportionate to the military benefits they expect). Just and Unjust Wars
It is important to insist on such measures because, as this example clearly shows, the pro- portionality rule often has no inhibitory effects at all. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, unless Bradley worked his way through the sorts of possibilities I have listed, it also cannot be said that he intended not to kill them. Just and Unjust Wars
In cases such as the COBRA campaign, the relevant individuals stand higher in the hierarchy; it is on General Bradley that we rightly focus our attention, and on his superiors. Just and Unjust Wars
On the other hand, no evidence was presented to show that Yamashita had ordered the violence 319 and murder nor even that he had known about any of the specified acts. Just and Unjust Wars
There is no sure rule against which to measure the conduct ,f General Bradley. Just and Unjust Wars
The strategy of the American war in Vietnam, as I have already argued, tended to put civilians at risk in unacceptable ways, and ordinary soldiers could hardly ignore the implications of that strategy. Just and Unjust Wars
Soldiers and states- men live mostly on this side of the ultimate crises of collective sur- vival; the greater number by far of the crimes they commit can neither be defended nor excused. Just and Unjust Wars
The difficulty is that we some- times have no choice but to fight for it. Just and Unjust Wars
Their military élan might well fade, their morale erode, under the strains of civilian hostility and of an on-going struggle in which they never experienced the release of an open fight. Just and Unjust Wars
Indeed, it is attractive precisely because it is not millennial, but conceivable in the world we know. Just and Unjust Wars
They will be hostile, certainly, but no soldiers will die at their hands or at the hands of partisáns who have their secret support. Just and Unjust Wars
And yet, if their resistance is to be broken decisively and quickly, the soldiers will ‘have to be prepared to kill them. Just and Unjust Wars
it is very doubtful whether non-violent resistance would have availed against a Tartar conqueror in the past, or against a Stalin in more recent times. Just and Unjust Wars
When one cannot count on the moral code, nonviolence is either a disguised form of surrender or a minimalist way of uphold- ing communal values after a military defeat. Just and Unjust Wars
Nonviolent resistance, on the other hand, is possible on a significant scale only if civilians are already mobilized and prepared to act together. Just and Unjust Wars
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Thucydides, trans. Just and Unjust Wars
and Peter Paret, On War (Princeton, 1976). Just and Unjust Wars
~. John Ruskin, The Crown of Wild Olive: Four Lectures on Industry and War (New York, 1874), pp. 90—91. Just and Unjust Wars
(Washington, D.C., 1917): On the Law of War, trans. Just and Unjust Wars
Fight Continue After the Battle?” in Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War and Citizenship (Cambridge, Mass., Just and Unjust Wars
On War, trans. Just and Unjust Wars
aggression closely follows the paradigm: see the Report of the Special Committee on the Question of Defining Aggression (1974), General Assembly Official Records, Quoted in Desmond Young, Rommel: The Desert Fox (New York, 1958), Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe (New York, 1948), pp. 156-57. Just and Unjust Wars
For a critique of this analogy, see the two essays by Hedley Bull, “Society See Vitoria, On the Law of War, p. 177. Just and Unjust Wars
Association on the Franco-Prussian War,” in Marx and Engels, Selected Works (Moscow, 1951), 1,443. Just and Unjust Wars
John Westlake, Chapters on the Principles of International Law (Cambridge, England, 1894), p. 120. Just and Unjust Wars
ginning and Carrying on the Present War (1711), in Prose Works, ed. Just and Unjust Wars
“On the Principle of Non-Intervention” (Oxford, i86o), p. zi~ii. Just and Unjust Wars
“On the Principle of Non-Intervention,” p. i6.i~. Just and Unjust Wars
“A Few Words on Non-Intervention” in J. S. Mill, Dissertations and Dis- See Irving Howe, ed., Just and Unjust Wars
On the connection between Wilson’s “world view” and his desire for a compromise peace, see N. Gordon Levin, Jr., Woodrow Wilson and World Politics: America’s Response to War and Revolution (New York, 1970), pp. 43, 51ff. Just and Unjust Wars
Dissent 189 (1961); De Sica’s film Two Women is based on an incident from this period in Italian history. Just and Unjust Wars
For an example of the “morality” of the feud, see Margaret Hasluck, “The The story is told in Ignazio Silone, “Reflections on the Welfare State,” & On the Law of War, pp. 184—85. Just and Unjust Wars
Marion Rawson (New - - 343 7. Just and Unjust Wars
I have been helped in thinking about these questions by Charles Fried’s dis-24. Just and Unjust Wars
consistently opposed terrorist tactics: see, for example, Strategy, pp. 349—50 (on terror bombing). Just and Unjust Wars
Race, War Comes to Long An, p. 83, which suggests that it was precisely the best public health officers, teachers, and so on who were attacked—because they constituted a possible anti-communist leadership. Just and Unjust Wars
- the laws of war are too deeply rooted in humanity and morality to be discussed on the footing of contract alone, except it may be some parts of no great importance which con- vention might have settled otherwise than it has.” Just and Unjust Wars
See Kalshoven on “non-belligerent reprisals,” pp. 287ff. Just and Unjust Wars
On the Law of War, p. i8o. Just and Unjust Wars
The case would be even worse if the bomb were used for political rather than military reasons (with the Russians rather than the Japanese in mind): on this point, see the careful analysis of Martin J. Sherwin, A World Destroyed: The Atomic Bomb and the Grand Alliance (New York, 1975). Just and Unjust Wars
Reflections on the Revolution in France (Everyman’s Library, London, i9 io), p. 75. Just and Unjust Wars
On War, p. 138.14. Just and Unjust Wars
On the difficulties of surrender in the midst of a modem battle, see John 19 War Crimes: Soldiers and Their Officers 351 7. Just and Unjust Wars
Seymour Hersh, My Lai ~: A Report on the Massacre and its Aftermath (New York, 1970); see also David Cooper, “Responsibility and the ‘System’” in Individual and Collective Responsibility: The Massacre at My Lai, ed. Just and Unjust Wars
On strict liability, see Feinberg, Doing and Desèrving, pp. 223ff. Just and Unjust Wars
But an enemy state might threaten to bomb rather than invade, on this pos- sibility, see Adam Roberts, “Civilian Defense Strategy,” in Civilian Resista7zce as a National Defense, ed. Just and Unjust Wars
The New War on Terror A THOUSAND WORDS THE COMMANDERS THE BATTLE GROUND THETERRORISTS 'World View': The Arab Allies Who Created Out Foes 18 Stress: After the Trauma by Geoffrey Cowley Outlook Business as Usual No More by Daniel McGinn ‘Capital Gains’: Fallout on Wall Street by Jane Bryant Quinn ... 24 Surveillance: What Pnce Security? by Sharon Begley Peace Movement:VoicesofDissentAmid Calls for War 60 33 34 Town Portrait: Local Heroes of Sept. 11 by Jerry Adler This Week Online My Turn Letters 38 PSYCHOLOGY ECONOMY DEPARTMENTS 12 4 6 9 by George F. Will Perspectives ‘The Last Word’ 50 54 .57 Newsweek October 1, 2001
Lessons From the Last Century’s Great War NEWSWEEK: Are there parallels between what Churchill faced during World War II and what George W. Bush is now lacing? matter what the president JOHN LUKACS, author, ‘Five Days In London’: No. Churchill war is something between faced an entire powerful nations or states. Newsweek October 1, 2001
24-28 WAR ON TERROR: Log on every day : for updated coverage from our : correspondents around the globe about the terror investigation : and response. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thne in to MSNBC for AMERICA ON ALERT, ongoing coverage featuring : NEWSWEEK correspondents. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Soldiers with Uzis patrol intersections. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Talk With Foreign Editor Michael Hirsh on America’s military op- tions and strategies. Newsweek October 1, 2001
This crisis we now face, no says, is not a war. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It’s not the firstwar ofthe 21st century. Newsweek October 1, 2001
A Special Tribute In”TheSpiritofAmeri- ca:’ acommemorative issue, we’ll tellthe sto- ries ofthosewho made adiflèrence in the days following the Sept. II terrorattack—from or- dinarycitizensandres- cuerstogloballeaders. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The impact ofthe catastro- phe on the world ofart and en- tertainment was instantaneous and seismic. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On Broadway attendance plummeted, and shows closed their doors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Clancy’s “The Sum of All Fears” pened,” said one New York On Oct. 3 a special episode of —were put on hold. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But, like life, the CW must go on. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Calm, detennined, generous; the next Greatest Generation? ofthem, John Lennon’s “Imag- me,” on Friday night’s telethon.) Newsweek October 1, 2001
Wewatchedthe had only one, inadequate point c.w. Blames attack on pro-choicers, gays, ACLU. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Swiss “Ter- ror USA” taskforce has blocked one account that maybe con- nected to the financing ofthe at- tacks on the United States, and in London, several more ac- counts have been frozen. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The first thing l didwasget atattoo on each hand: onewas a treble clef, the otherwas the insignia forSilvertoneguitars. Newsweek October 1, 2001
If you asked me to describe myselfthen, Iwouldhave told you Iwas amusician, a poet, an artist and, on a somewhatpolitical level, awoman, a lesbian and a Jew. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On Sept. 11, all that changed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Now I have anAmerican flag on myback- pack, I cheer atthe fighterjets as theypass overhead and I am calling myselfa patriot. Newsweek October 1, 2001
When Igotoffthe subway, thefirst thing I sawwere photocopied posters ofthe missing hanging on the walls ofthe station. Newsweek October 1, 2001
There were color pictures ofmen and worn- en ofevery shape and size, race and religion, lyingonthebeach,playingwith theirchil- dren on the living-room floor or dancing andlaughingwithhusbands,wives or lovers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
When I fi- nally reached my building, I saw a police barricade that stretched down the block and was draped with posters on both sides. Newsweek October 1, 2001
J Just weeks ago, I thought of myself as a musician rect attack on our country, I felt they were confusing revenge with justice. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I’ve come to accept the idea ofa focused war on terrorists as the best way to ensure our country’s safety. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Now I’m putting to- gether an informational packet for students on our foreign policy toward the fism is the only answer. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Since I live in Arizona and have never been to New York, I can only imagine what life is now like there, after watching TV reports. Newsweek October 1, 2001
How- ever, I believe history will also record it as a black day for international terrorism. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Tora!” Newsweek October 1, 2001
We are the kindest people on earth and the slowest to anger. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Osama bin Laden, Sheik Omar Abdel-Rah- man, Hizbullah, Hamas, the Taliban, Iran, Iraq and all the rest, you are on notice— your days are numbered. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The horror that took place on Sept. 11 was a tragedy that I had hoped Jordan would never witness. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I walked into class and saw on the TV screen the World Trade Center on fire. Newsweek October 1, 2001
DID ANY OF US BELIEVE OUR EYES ON Sept. 11? Buildings exploded, innocent lives were lost and a country “changed, changed utterly," as Yeats wrote in “Easter 1916?’ NewYorktook the hit for all ofus, but from KATHY BEANE JODI WILLIAMS DECATUR, ALA. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Better Business Bureau’s Wise Giving Alliance offers tips on spotting scams at give.org, Newsweek October 1, 2001
I CAN THINK OF NOTHING MORE UN- American thanJerry Falwell’s spouting his venomous “religious” rhetoric on how the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon are God’s revenge for sin. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Thrector, Program on Justice and Peace 852-2100 or mail checks to MercyCorps, Dept. Newsweek October 1, 2001
JUDY LITTLET0N HOUSTON, TEXAS “Every nation in every region now has a decision to make: “He was afraid offlying?’ Mohamed al-Amir Atta,fatherofsuspected hijacker MohamedAtta, on why he believes his son was not involved in the attacks, despite evidence to the contrary “It’s time for action, not words.”Bush Newsweek October 1, 2001
spokesman Ari Fleischer, on America’s war strategy “Lice, dirt, blood.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bill Clinton, on the war against terrorism either you are with us or you are with the terrorists.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
Bernadette Artus, an employee oftheNew York CityLandmarksPreservation Commission, on thegap where the World Thide Center usedto be “These terrorists don’t function in a vacuum. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Secretary ofDefense Donald Rumsteld, on ways to winthe war “IfI see someone come in and he’s got a diaper on his head and a fan belt around that diaper on his head, that guy needs to be pulled over and checked. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Writer Todd Hanson, on how thesatiricalnewspaper The Onion will attempt to address the attacks this week “Sleepingwould be aluxury. Newsweek October 1, 2001
resident Francine Lovett, on her reaction to the attacks “You try to assume a normal life that you can work yourself back into. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Artist Richard Serra, on why he has remained in his lower Manhattan loft without electricity orwater MOMENT OF StLENCE Before delivering the speech of his life, the president pauses to gather himself in a room near the House chamber PHOTOGRAPH BY PF BENTLEY/PFPIX.COM Newsweek October 1, 2001
President George w. Bush, speakingto the nation duringajointsession of Congress 2001 LU(KOVICH—ATLANTA CONSTITUTION “It hurts to even look in that direction.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
They function in a country. Newsweek October 1, 2001
For the next half hour, as he steeled himself to launch the country on a lengthy, perilous mission to purge terrorism from the world, Bush shared his bur- dens and hopes. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“A lot ofpeople could have been killed .. . Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Pray for wisdom, In a prayer meeting strength, clear thinking,” he prior to his speech said, and joined hands with the circle as they did so. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But except for would answer an American call from militants, were wary of aiding the At home, the shock of the plane-bomb gulf war and Truman’s YE Day high of 87% attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon gave way to a mounting toll of country seemed determined to meet of complex items, practically barking out death, economic damage and anxiety about the long-term impact on psyches and civil liberties. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Federal Re- serve chairmanAlan Greenspan told congressional leaders in a somberprivate meetingthatthe $10 trillion-a-year economy would recover—but not any time soon. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“We are in a fight for our principles,” he declared to Congress, “and our first responsibility is to live by them?’ The challenges were daunting, but the Islamic states, facing their own threats Bush’s current approval rating—86%——is exceeded only by his them—and eager to embrace the disci- orders plined and confident leadership Bush dis- lonely. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ridge, whom Bush has known since 1980, would take control of the new home- land effort. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Mr. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Then again, it was Evans who, long ago in west Texas, introduced Bush to Bible study. Newsweek October 1, 2001
With T. TRENT GEGAX in Washington has happened’ After the hijackers sliced into the second tower and the Pentagon, Powell ordered his plane back to Washington. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The gulf-war hero who on Sept. 10 seemed the loneliest moderate in Bush’s tight-leaning White House, the sole internationalist in a crowd of America- firsters, is atcenter stage ofthe country’s new war. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Cool under fire, the quintessential crisis manager, Powell finds himself the go-to guy,joined by critical players who once seemed ideological foes— especially Vice President Dick Cheney, a gulf- war comrade who also knows a thing or two aboutbuilding multinational coalitions. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Powellis holdingoffa slew ofhard-liners pressing for tougher, broader action, start- ing with a strike on Saddam Hussein to accompany the imminent attacks on Af- ghanistan. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On an organizational 1ev- el, the still-murky war is also being prose- cuted with the kind of steely clarity and message control favored by the secretary of State. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Absent from any formal decision- making role are Bush’s political advisers, who have sometimes muddied foreign poli- cy by worrying over how U.S. involvement in Mideast politics might affect the Jewish vote, or by bringing the NRA into talks on a small-arms treaty. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Among the promises : to share intel- ligence, crack down on terrorist front or- ganizations and allow borders to be crossed, possibly even for small, quiet raids on terror cellsbyU.S. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Washington has also won global support for strikes on Afghanistan that could begin in weeks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Despite quiet worries about U.S. unilateralism and some demands for deals—Arab states, for in- stance, want to see more U.S. pressure on Israel—support for American retaliation against Afghanistan has remained deep. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Something terrible ly operating team that first clicked at a day- long series ofmeetings at Camp David on Sept. 15. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It also believes that Saddam’s weapons ofmass destruction could be used against America next. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The world, in- NewYork digs out; sailing toward a possible war zone, pilots talkon the deck of the carrier (right) ships and planes to the region, that may be its’deepest fear. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It’s not even clear how helpful the Northern Alliance will be, since its charis- matic leader, Ahmed Shah Massoud, was as- sassinated, allegedly by bin Laden opera- tives, two days before the attacks on America. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Says a former senior Clinton-administration of- ficial, “Musharrafbasically went on TV and said, ‘Oh, Osama! Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Pakistanis aren’t on your side anymore! Newsweek October 1, 2001
As a result, Wash- ington is plying Musharraf—who took power in a coup and a few months ago couldn’t get the U.S. president on the phone—with a broad range of support. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ifthe attack on Afghanistan bogs down, Powell may have to concede ground on Iraq. Newsweek October 1, 2001
ON WEDNESDAy, SEPT. Newsweek October 1, 2001
26, AT NOON, EDT, FOR A LIVE TALK WITH MICHAEL HIRSH • TURKEY • u.A.E. . Newsweek October 1, 2001
LEBANON S RUSSIA . Newsweek October 1, 2001
SYRIA Won’t support milItary action . Newsweek October 1, 2001
BYJEFFREY BARTHOLET MuIIah’s Mind outlawed, even most Afghans have never I ing required to get the title mullah, but caught a glimpse of Mullah Omar and don’t know what he looks like. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Nor, if I Islam. Newsweek October 1, 2001
T HE ONLY KNOWN PHOTO OF MULLAH MOHAMMED seemed all but inevitable. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Roughly 48 hours be- fore the attack on the World Trade Center, two Arabs posing as journalists killed the North- ern Alliance’s top general, Ah- med Shah Massoud. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Musharraf was defending his decision to give “full support” to American reprisals against Osama bin Laden and his allies in neighboring Afghanistan. Newsweek October 1, 2001
MushanaI58, standssquarelyontheside of secularisrn. Newsweek October 1, 2001
That con- jures up some scary possibili- siding ties. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the general wasn’t worried only about fanat- icsinthestreets. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Gen. Hamid Gul, ISI chief during the Soviet war, is now a Mus- lim revivalist and unabashedly Musharrat, pro-Taliban. Newsweek October 1, 2001
President Bush explained that the war against terrorism will be fought on many fronts. Newsweek October 1, 2001
One ofthem must be political pressure on our closest Arab allies to change theirways and actively fight the virulent currents that are capturingArab culture. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Those govern- ments that have chosen to walk ever so slowly on it—being modern and tolerant andeasingup onthepolice apparatus—are actually in better shape politically. Newsweek October 1, 2001
If Afghanistan is the target, the burden of the fighting willlikely fall on several elite forces. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Choppers: The cut- ting edge MH-53J “Pave Low” heli- copter can fly at night and in bad weather, “fast-rop- ing” 30 troops at a time to the ground. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ifthe fighting on the ground becomes especially intense, the 82d Airborne could also be called in. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Agents are trying to break the coded communications. Newsweek October 1, 2001
17, U.S. immigration au- askedto be trained on a 747flightsimulator. Newsweek October 1, 2001
he suddenlyquitin mid-May, before showingup atanother flight schoolin Eagan, Minn. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Itwas all too fishyto one Moussaouiwas a suspected terroristwho had al- ofthe instructors, who tipped offthe Feds. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ten days may seemlike a was sittingin the Sherburne CountyJailwhen some leisurelypace for investigators racing against time al-Shehhi had no trouble dodging U.S. actly fits theprofile ofthe suicide hijackers, but he mayor maynothavebeen partoftheplot. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“The Ameri- can peoplewouldbe surprised to learn how manyofthese people there are,” says atop U.S. official. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Fast but, in the new age ofterror,notfastenough. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In the bureaucracy of spying, 24-hour or 48-hour time lags After Kahane’s are not unusual. Newsweek October 1, 2001
box cutters stuffed into the seat ofa Sept. 11 flight out of Boston— cial. Newsweek October 1, 2001
intelligenceintercepted doubt plotting his next atrocity. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the slow business ofmopping up the poison spread by bin Laden through the Islamic world was almostpitithlly underscored after the . Newsweek October 1, 2001
Catching footsoldiers andlieutenants will not be enough to stop evengreatercataclysms. Newsweek October 1, 2001
. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But the warn- ings never quite filtered down to the cops and G-men on thestreets ofNewYork. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The international jihad arrived in America on the rainynightofNov. Newsweek October 1, 2001
5, 1990, when Nosairwalked into a crowded ballroom at the New York Marriott on 49th Street and shot and killed Rabbi Meir Kahane, a mind- less hater who wanted to rid Israel of “Arab dogs” began arriving in the United States—many with passports arranged bythe CIA. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The new immigrants a little slower on the uptake. Newsweek October 1, 2001
most ofthe evidence, nor were the documents translated—that is, untii a van with a 1,500- pound bomb blew up in the underground garage ofthe World Trade Center on Feb. 26, 1993. Newsweek October 1, 2001
On nate the pope and blow up no fewer than 11 U.S. airliners. Newsweek October 1, 2001
At least in Sudan, it was easier to keep an eye on bin talked about flying a plane filled with explosives into the CIA Laden’s activities. Newsweek October 1, 2001
By the mid-’90s, countertenor experts at the FBI and CIA had begun to focus on Osama bin Laden, the son ofa Saudi billion- aire who had joined the Mooj in Afghanistan and become a hero as a battlefield command- er. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Op- clear to intelligence analysts that extremists all over the Middle erating under a dozen aliases, Yousefwas a frightening East viewed bin Laden as a modern-day Saladin, the Islamic war- new figure, seemingly stateless and sinister, a global rior who drove out the Crusaders a millennium ago. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Setting up a avenging angel. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But, safely CIA needs more human spies. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Italso reveals someofthedifficulties ofworking agents—HUMINT (human intelligence) in spy jargon. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But that answer may gloss over a more significant point—that case officers, made cautious by scandal, no longer dare to launch operations that could get them hauled before a congres- sional inquisition. Newsweek October 1, 2001
agent was able to obtain soil samples outside the Al Shifa pharmaceutical plant that showed traces of EMPTA—a precursor chemical used in deadly VX gas. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Clinton administration was later mocked for this showy but meaningless response. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Although a 1976 executive order bans assassinations of for- eign leaders, there is no prohibition on killing terrorists—or, for that matter, from killing a head of state in time of war. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The Canadian Security Intelligence Service is believed to have fatfiles on the GIA, but like many secret services, the CSIS does not share its secrets readily with other services, at home or abroad. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Some U.S. investigators believe that bin Laden was using Canada as a safe base for assaults on the United States. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Ressam later told investigators thathe hadjust returned from one of bin Laden’s Afghan training camps, where he learned such skills as feedingpoison gas through the airvents ofoffice buildings. Newsweek October 1, 2001
While renting buildings in Vancouver, Ressam and his confederates frequently changed the names on the leases, apparentlyto lay a confusing paper trail. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Embassies were shuttered, war- ships were sent to sea, troops were put on the highest state of alert in the Persian Gulf. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Inhindsight, theRessam caseofferedcluestoanotherbin Ladentrademark: the ability of Al Qaeda-trained operatives to hide their tracks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It now appears that the same men who masterminded the Cole bombing may be tied to the devastating Sept. 11 assault on the United States. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Accord- ing to intelligence sources, Khallad helped coordinate the attack on the Cole. Newsweek October 1, 2001
One was Fahad al-Quso, who, itlater turned out, was assigned to videotape the suicide attack on the Cole (not all of Al Qaeda's men arejames Bond: al-auso botched thejob when he overslept). Newsweek October 1, 2001
Another was Khalid al-Midhar, who was traveling with an associate, Nawaf al-Hazmi, on a trip arranged by an organization known to U.S. intelligence as a “logistical center” and dependent on foreign inteffigence services to roll up terror net- works in their own countries. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Sincejanuary 2000 the CIA has been aware ofa man named Thwfiq bin Atash, better known in terrorist circles by his nom de guerre “Khallad.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
A Yemeni-born former freedom fighter in Afghanistan, Khallad as- sumed control ofbin Laden’s bodyguards and became a kind ofcapo in Al Qaeda. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Indeed, when onc intelligence official saw th names on the listofsuspects, h uttered an expletive. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Just thre weeks earlier, on Aug. 21, thc CIA asked the INS to keep a watch out for al-Midhar. Newsweek October 1, 2001
liner that dive-bombed th Pentagon. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He has been galled into believing Mustafa Ahmed in the United Arab Emirates. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“We don’t know for that if he straps a few sticks of dynamite around his waist and sure what was in the package,” said a senior U.S. official. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They used his His thesis adviser in Hamburg, where he studied attheTechnical name and identity ... Then they killed him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Did they en- counter Jarrahi and his newly honed fighting skills? quency between the cockpit and the control center in Cleveland could hear screams, then a gap of 4O sec- onds with no sound, then more screams. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But now investigators are groping with turned out, two ofhis housemates had also been going to school to uncertainty, asking: Who else is still out there? And will they strike learn howto drive large trucks. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Carrying what, exactly? And head- again? A congressional delegation to CIA headquarters last week ing where? reported that mattresses were strewn on the floors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“They were go- ing to a place where they wouldn’t need money:’ The hijackers ap- parently didn’t need all that much to begin with: law enforcement estimates that the entire plot, flight lessons and all, cost as little as $200,000. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Still, Al Qaeda is reputed to be expert at money laundering. Newsweek October 1, 2001
When the hijackers struck, Kuwaiti descent, is suspected of funneling thousands of dol- at about 9:35 a.m., air-traffic controllers listening in on the fre- A T LEAST ONE OTHER NAME FROM THE airport security would disappear forlongperiods of time—possibly, to list ofhijackers had shown up in the files of before hijacking meet with his handlers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I’m staying away ed as pain. Newsweek October 1, 2001
He was contemplating divorce when Rousseau met him. Newsweek October 1, 2001
PTSD is hard to predict, for people vary widely in resilien- cy. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The risk ofPTSD depends partly on St. Louis, past experience (previous trauma makes it vivors ofa more likely) and a person’s psychological tragedies condition (a history of anxiety sion raises the risk). Newsweek October 1, 2001
PTSD around 5 percent among people who sur- see:’ People As a man tried to find his way through the falling North Tower of the Trade Center, a photographer helped light the way with his flash or depres- PTSD was rates hover the disaster, vive natural disasters but rise to 50 percent among rape vic- tims and Holocaust survivors. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The money trail led investi- gators last week to a suspect whose background and motives could be the stuff of night- dence suggests a mares. Newsweek October 1, 2001
By pair. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Most, but notall. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Nabil al-Marabh, a for- mer Boston taxi driver of death match. Newsweek October 1, 2001
U.S. intelligence believes that Western intelligence services: Moharned American Right 11 Atm met in Europe this year with a midlevel Iraqi in- Atta. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I won’t neuroscientist Robert Sapoisky describes enter the train station unless I see the police as a “triage economy’ Adrenaline and or the National Guard:’ cortisol speed the heart and dilate the Who could blame him? Disasters cause bronchial tubes while slowing nonessential psychic wounds as well as physical ones, functions such as digestion and tissue re- and the consequences can be serious. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Any passing re- minder—a sound, a smell, a song—can trig- ger intense distress. Newsweek October 1, 2001
3 percent Last week’s drop in the DowJones industrial average, the biggest week- ly slide since the Great Depression. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Optimists will have to look hard to find - S be a surprise. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Nobody said it will be easy—just ask the folks in the Sears Tower, who spontaneously evacuated last Thurs- day when (false) rumors spread of another plane hijacking. Newsweek October 1, 2001
which has technology that cheeks finger- prints, says it’s been “pounded” with in- . Newsweek October 1, 2001
During most what l’d call war profiteering, the rich are usingthis opportunityto ofthis bear market, holders of 401(k) plans pretty much let their seek a cut in the tax on capital gains. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Investors can’t get a grip on the level of “stable-value” investments earning around 6.4 Newsweek October 1, 2001
Butalltold, points on the Dow. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Dispersal, electronic markets, Butwhen investors place buyorders based on stocks’ basic val- secure communications. Newsweek October 1, 2001
After in record amounts, says Charles Biderman ofTrimThbs.com, Newsweek October 1, 2001
And that could be chicken feed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Maybe 2,500. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“We’re a little older and stodgier—at least that’s how the young bucks of the anticapitalist movement see us:’ says communicatiofts director Scott Lynch. Newsweek October 1, 2001
At PeaceAction in Washington, D.C., a descend- ant ofantinuke groups, mem- bers are getting fired up— mobilizing local chapters, raising money, recruiting new members. Newsweek October 1, 2001
“I think the younger generation is going to be coming at it from a more pragmatic point of view.” Newsweek October 1, 2001
passengers under suspicion are allowed eliminated racial and gender profiling. Newsweek October 1, 2001
But how can any patriot- to Heroes” telethon lastweek. Newsweek October 1, 2001
(LearningArabic would be an especiallypatriotic act). Newsweek October 1, 2001
I’mrarelydisappointed. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Yet the freedom we stand for in- cludes the freedom to be offensive and naive. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Pacifism is hurtful, but so is blind loyalty. Newsweek October 1, 2001
As HarryTruman said during World War II, government needs to be held accountable to make it work better. Newsweek October 1, 2001
They both worked on the 106th floor at the restaurant Windows on the World in guest rela- tions, fine citizens with their whole lives ahead ofthem. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Liberty, and figured my police press cre- and Racquet Club on Whitehall Street. Newsweek October 1, 2001
This it, too. Newsweek October 1, 2001
In these middle-class towns they is where many ofthe corpses now buried in can buy a house for not much more than the rubble lived. Newsweek October 1, 2001
$200,000 and start a family on the Stretching east on Long Island, from the $30,000 or so a year a young cop or fire- border with Queens halfway to the Hainp- fighter earns—and, by the vagaries of shift tons, is ajumble ofsuburbs whose borders work, aspire to every New Yorker’s secret are so unmemorable residents sometimes dream ofcommuting against the traffic. Newsweek October 1, 2001
The people fleer in a base town. Newsweek October 1, 2001
When the community held a memorial for the World Trade Center vic- tims on a stormy evening last week, it wasn’t in a church or high-school auditorium, but in the volunteer firehouse, where sleepy children slumped against the rows ofboots nearly as tall as they were. Newsweek October 1, 2001
It even has a teenage auxiliary to the volunteer fire department, the Exp lorers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Kiefer used to chase fire engines on his bicycle even before he joined the Explorers. Newsweek October 1, 2001
For 60 miles around fa- thers and mothers went off to work in the World Trade Center on Sept. 11 and never came home, their cars left ominously be- hind in commuter parking lots, their last words murmured to loved ones on crack- ling cell phones or left forlornly on answer- ing machines. Newsweek October 1, 2001
New York City, although until now it sometimes neglected to acknowledge it, is built on hundreds of towns like Franklin Square, and people like Kiefer and his brother firefighters, Michael Haub, Robert Evans and Tom Hetzel (who, according to his sister, “has been chasing fire trucks since he was born”). Newsweek October 1, 2001
“Mike’s grandfather was just in here,” said Bart Carapezza, a barber. Newsweek October 1, 2001
I was a little choked up?’ And because so many of its sons and husbands go off to work in the city every day as cops and firefighters, saving lives in a city their grandparents left a halfcentury ago, the disaster has special meaning to the people in Franidin Square. Newsweek October 1, 2001
We’re all try- ing to keep focused on the job we have to do, but we’re total- ly devastated. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Undoubtedly, there are mothers of Explorers right now who are thinking, Gee, maybe I should havepushed him harder on those violin lessons— but for the moment they are keeping the sentiment to themselves. Newsweek October 1, 2001
You have to go on. Newsweek October 1, 2001
SUZANNE SMALLEY KATHERINE STROUP and Babak DEHGHANPISHEH ON THE HEALTH Committee, were among the 47. Newsweek October 1, 2001
commission chaired by former senators Gary Hart and Warren Rudman said “a direct attack against American citizens on Ameri- can soil is likely over the next quarter century." Newsweek October 1, 2001
But on domestic issues the country had been swinging tion. Newsweek October 1, 2001
1 STATE 1 1 • 1 September 11 happened therewilibehard the National Security Agency, ports thatthe largest intelligence agency, et, which is enveloped in secrecy, substan- pling effect on an agency that reportely tiallycutinthe 1990s. Newsweek October 1, 2001
Wall Street: MoralityTrumps Mammon &yAllanSloan COVER: Photo~g’raph by ThomasE. Newsweek September 24, 2001
SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 Fl G HTING BAC K THE FALLOUT SecurityWillWeEverBeSafeAgain?bySharonBegley . Newsweek September 24, 2001
How do terror organizations work?Join CHRISTOPHER DICKEY EVAN THOMAS with thelatest on the investigation. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Copingwith tragedy: JERRY ADLER on griefand healing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
United Way: The United Way of New York and the New York Community Trust have created a fund specifically for victims and their families. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Or call 800-710-8002. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ca11800-852-2100 or mail checks to MercyCorps, Dept. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Shock, griefanda desire to do something How You Can Help Within days oflastweek’s attacks, we received more than 1,000 e-mails, many asking how to help. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(800-257-7575 in Spanish). Newsweek September 24, 2001
Go to uwnyc.org. Newsweek September 24, 2001
9658 BaltimoreAvenue, Suite35O, College Park, Md. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Mail your check or money orderto United Way ofNewYork City, 2 ParkAvenue, NewYork, N.Y. 10016. Newsweek September 24, 2001
America’s Second Harvest: Through local affiliates, this charity is supplying relief workers and shelters with food and water. Newsweek September 24, 2001
20740.A1l Newsweek September 24, 2001
BYLINES MARK WHITAKER “This conflictwas begun on the timing and terms of others. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Call 800-344-8070. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I say to our enemies, ‘We are coming. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As we all mourn the dead and pray for the missing, here is a list oforganizations accepting contributions for reliefefforts and bereaved families: American Red Cross: Contribute to the National Disaster ReliefFund by calling 800.435-7669 Newsweek September 24, 2001
Salvation Army: Mailyour check to Salva- ti9n Army, P.O. Box C635, West Nyack, N.Y. 10994-1739; write either “Twin Tow- ers Relief” or “Pentagon Relief” on the memo line to earmark your donation. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I don’t knowwhat the gates ofhelllooklike, but it’s got to be like this?’ John Maloney, asecuritydirectorforanlnternetfirm in the World Thide Center, on thedevastation in downtown Manhattan “He was my angel.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
Craig Chester, a volunteer rescue worker “I don’t want to be at work because I don’t feel completely safe . Newsweek September 24, 2001
I feel nothing is the same anymore. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Embassy “Thepagans and the abortionists and thefeminists and the gays and thelesbians ... theACLU, People for theAmerican Way, all of them who have tried to seculatizeAmerica, I pointthe finger in their face and say, ‘You helped this happen’?’ TelevangelistJerrj Faiwell “I’mArab, butiftheArabs dlidit, then I’mashamed. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Their truck was crushed. Newsweek September 24, 2001
W, U.S. Emer- gencyFund, P.O. Box2669, Portland, Ore. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They do not appear to be poor, or desperate or down on their luck, like the stereotype of a young Arab man drawn to the false promise of enter- ing Paradise through martyrdom. Newsweek September 24, 2001
At least one of the 19 had a family, and all appar- ently lived comfortable middle-class lives, with enough money to rent cars, go to school and violate the Quran’s ban on al- cohol by visiting the occasional bar. Newsweek September 24, 2001
WORTH Two men traveling on Amtrak trakwere detained af- ter theywere reportedly found with box cutters. Newsweek September 24, 2001
One of more than 50 children ofYemeni billionaire parents who got rich offconstruction contracts in Saudi Arabia, Osama, for a time, made money on those most Western of beverages, Coke and Pepsi. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Travel- ing on a passport from the United Arab Emirates, he lived in Germany for a time, studying at the Technical University in Hamburg. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He wrote a $10,000 check to take ffight lessons at one The threat isn’t going away: 82% say more attacks on cities, buildings or landmarks are at least somewhat likely—soon of Florida’s many flight schools. Newsweek September 24, 2001
on Sept. 9, ing north on his suicide minded the dealer, Brad car needed to be serviced. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And, NEwS- WEEK has learned, he was seen last winter in Norfolk, va., Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Looking back at little strange that all theywanted turns,” Henry George, who runs ter, Inc., at Opa-Locka Airport, Miami Herald. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“He had a fanny pack with a seafood bar called Shuckums. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They didn’t bothered, but didn’t drink heav- with the waitresses, like some flight students. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“I work forAmeri- can Airlines. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Atta, 33, may have had a shadowy past. Newsweek September 24, 2001
(Because of its year- At Camp David, Bush round good weather and met with his advisers proximity to the beach, Flori- and spoke sternly of da attracts many international retaliation, calling flight students, especially Osama bin Laden from the Middle East; back- prime suspect’ ground checks are said to be minimal.) Newsweek September 24, 2001
“The and landings.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
For and his friends became agitated, curse words in Arabic, reportedly Arabs became indignant. Newsweek September 24, 2001
War had become more and more remote and sterile to Americans who experienced combat as a phenomenon that occurred on TV, either in movies or occasionally by watching cruise missiles light up Baghdad on the evening news. Newsweek September 24, 2001
BY MICHAEL HIRSH ANDJOHN BARRY Strike Back sides. Newsweek September 24, 2001
fensive in the Panjshir Valley, taking out If Americans thought they had a hard Moscow’s helicopters and planes. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Civil libertarians may balk, but never underestimate the desire for revenge. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And those were soldiers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Now those same American civilians With MICHAEL ISIKOFF, DAN KLAIDMAN, MARTHA Brant, DEBRAROSENBERG,WESTON Kosova. Newsweek September 24, 2001
. BATTLE STATtOPIS In the aftermath of the assault, crewmen of the USS George Washington prepare for action along the Eastern Seaboard . A FGHANISTAN IS A COUNTRY OFJAGGED RIDGES AND deep gorges that is about the size ofTexas. Newsweek September 24, 2001
thorized him 98-0 to use “all necessary and Bush clearly needs to retaliate forcefully appropriate force?’ for what may be the single deadliest day Though the president has more high- in American history. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Such an operation would be along the lines of Bill Clinton’s swift but ineffective attacks on Afghanistan and Sudan in the wake of the 1998 embassy bombings. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Airstrikes, with either Navy planes based on carriers in the Arabian Sea or B-52s and B-2s based in the continental United States. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Cruise missiles have war- heads too small to penetrate Afghan rock and bunkers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Powell, who only weeks ago was seen as a marginal figure in the administration, is now a key player on both the diplomatic and military fronts. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Iran (though militarily it would be easier that are nominally American allies, espe- any ground option on Capitol Hill. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Broadening the hot war on terrorism beyond Afghani- counts in Saudi Arabia and the gulf states. Newsweek September 24, 2001
That is whyhe is ical demands for a swift strike training in Flori- funding ofvio- out ofSaudi “Ifyou’re going bombing some National Se- terrain, Bush global impli- many Ameri- get many of demonstrate anew against terror- Muslims in the Arab world, friendly Arab re- and his fellow Bush under- resistingpolit- and focusing Gen. Wil- of "clash of on what may be the most ef- fective option in the long run: workingfor months andyears to bmld consensus among the na- tions ofthe world to stamp out terror networks where they have spread, country by country, mainly by applying constant diplomatic pressure on host na- new Bush mantra to the world: tions. Newsweek September 24, 2001
NATO said it would invoke, for the first NATO dinated international pressure on Libya’s Muammar Kaddafi isolated his regime, re- duced the Libyan threat and ultimately forced him to turn over the key libyan sus- pects for trial, says Yoram Schweitzer, a former Israeli Anny officer. Newsweek September 24, 2001
DONATELLA LORCH and ROY GUTMAN in Washington, time, its Article 5, which defines an attack on one as an attack on all its 19 members. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the guise of a honey merchant, one of Osama bin Laden’s closest aides traveled to the Pakistani city of Peshawar throughout the 1990s. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Bosnia, Russians in Chechnya, Hindus in Kashmir or Israelis in Palestine. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But these 21st-century terrorists are hoping for media impact, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ressam tried tojoin theAlgerian po- lice or military security before he opted for holy war. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Over the course ofthe next from 50 to 100 people, grouped together But “we were all to meet in Canada and we Yet other cells kept operating. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“No oneknowswhere Agency, cracked down on Abu Zubaida and his nameeverymonth?’ him since the 1980s. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Acting like awkward tourists, living like good neighbors, some waited for the mo- ment when they could pull offthe most fe- rocious attack on America in history. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The work can go on without them. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some on the watch list: IRAQ Saddam hasn’t joined many of his Arab brethren in condemning the Sept. 11 attack against the United States. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His eyes twinkie. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some ofthe extend- edbinLadenbrood apparently spent time in the United States and developed ties there, but Osama got his education in business ad- ministration at King Abdul Aziz University injidda, where he became attracted to fun- damentalistideology. Newsweek September 24, 2001
According to some re- ports, he sealed his tight relationships there by marrying offone ofhis daughters to the Taliban’s supreme leader, Mullah Mo- hammed Omar. Newsweek September 24, 2001
A hijacked Boeing 757 crashed Into the milItary headquarters half an hour after the attacks on the towers, tearing a 75—foot hole in its west side. Newsweek September 24, 2001
learning on the run before our eyes. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But on ground, his bearings set: a late bloomer Workingthe phone at all hours, he put mu- Bush, by the end ofthe week, had become oftheterroristcrisis. Newsweek September 24, 2001
From atop Manhattan’s Cheered on by voters’ hopes, he’d become, Poll approved ofthewayhe was handling his unity produced results in Congress : a prac- ment—and admired the maturation of the are not his forte, and there weren’t any as smoldering “pile,” megaphone in hand, he in the words of a priest at the National job. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Like Churchill and The meeting didn’t last minutes, but half FDR, George Walker Bush must weld and an hour. Newsweek September 24, 2001
RUDY GIuLIANT On the front lines, grieving more than the public knew, the mayor guides his city through hell mayor’s neo-Churchillian reputation was already secure. Newsweek September 24, 2001
on foot for a mile hike up Church Street, urging the ghostly, ash- new mayor ofAmerica. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He was his skills might be better served managingthe infiltration ofter- sensitive and tough and totally on top of everything from DNA on rorist organizations the way he once busted the Mafia. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ass quality that last week had him threatening price gougers, tele- Even his press criticism was, for once, on target. Newsweek September 24, 2001
I’ve been bly effective mayor, too distracted by marital and health problems down to view the wreckage twice so far, and it’s much worse to work on the city’s surging murder rate. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But in this cataclysm, than it looks on TV a landscape out ofDante. Newsweek September 24, 2001
New York,” the city and the country have found that most elusive Hillary Clinton says it dwarfs anything she has seen on her ofall democratic treasures—real leadership. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Exactly 36 hours af- on Tuesday. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ter he first rushed to the The first was an FDNY (Fire Depart- World Trade Center, the ment ofNew York) command post on West Street near the North Tower. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Giu- liani got a briefing on the evacuations from senior chiefs, even the most expe- rienced ofwhom had no idea that the burning towers would actually collapse. Newsweek September 24, 2001
SAMUTELSON Shockwaves HE TARGET ZONE WAS THE HEART OF AMERICA’S was edging toward a recession, or arguably was already in one. Newsweek September 24, 2001
to 83.6, Newsweek September 24, 2001
markets or cause a supply interruption. Newsweek September 24, 2001
By itself. Newsweek September 24, 2001
the enough. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Why the NewYork Stock Exchange is allow- ing the rival American Exchange to share its trading floor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
On a 1-to-lO scale ofinsensitivityand oppor- tunism, this hasto rateabouta 12. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As the Book ofEcclesiastes says, “There is a time for every purpose under the heaven?’ When they’re still pullingbodies out ofbuildings on Wall Street, it’s a time to mourn. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ing volume takes place on its floor—the rest ties. Newsweek September 24, 2001
NYSE, has a centralized trading floor, and The Federal Reserve Board, which over- sees the dollar, and the European Central Bank, which oversees the euro, cooperat- ed, too. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His e-mail address is sloan@panix.com. Newsweek September 24, 2001
TheAmex, like the its building is uninhabitable. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In a 2000 report, Con- gress’s General Accounting Office conclud- ed that “the threat of terrorism against the United States is an ever-present danger?’ wandering freely around parked and open Technology can also help. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Most experts in the suddenly hot field called a CIA Letter Opener of ”homeland defense” are, not surprisingly, that—yes—you can buy on focusing on airports, which “have the securi- theWeb) elude detectors now ty of a Laundromat,” says aviation consul- in use. Newsweek September 24, 2001
, . Newsweek September 24, 2001
The NYSE, in turn, cooperated with the Amex, which is owned by Nas- daq’s parent company. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Cost of installing the behind a bona fide airport worker, drove machines in every airport: through unguarded gates or strolled unchal- . Newsweek September 24, 2001
conducting security checks have shown time and again—including at Boston’s LoganAirport, where through security.” Newsweek September 24, 2001
Vi- sionics Corp.'s Newsweek September 24, 2001
When it does, we will likely chafe at extra hours for airport check-in, resent bans on coolers at football games. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Body searches of every passenger taking public transport or entering a public building? A national fin- gerprint-and-DNA database with samples taken at birth (or upon arrival on our shores)? With images of the attacks last week still searing, many air passengers welcome tighter security. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Glued to mesmerizing images on TV, they saw destruction re- played over and over. Newsweek September 24, 2001
How kids reacted de- pended on their proximity to the tragedy— and the questions they are asking and the teacher, decided not to turn on the news un- ket case. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The best advice : pay I with Natasha, 9, and Nikolas, 8—a move he immediately turned on the TV in his classroom at T.C. Williams High School in Alexandria, Va. Soon afterward Welsh and his 12th-grade students were startled by the sound ofan explosion that seemed ominously close. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But as the week went on, the questions began. Newsweek September 24, 2001
On Thursday, Natasha wanted her mother to drive her to school—a five-minute walk away. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Were they walking around downtown Boston where my sister lives? She could have been on the same street or eaten in the same restaurant?’ Inotherschools,thetragedybroughtback painful memories. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Students at Santana High School in Santee, Calif.,just east ofSan shootings on their campus in which two stu- Hoboken Charter School in NewJersey, just dents were killed and 11 others wounded. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As across New York Harbor from the attack, she walked home on Thursday, one sopho- 10th graders watched in horror from their more girl, who did not want to be identified, classroom as the Twin Towers imploded. Newsweek September 24, 2001
On Thursday, able ... Before the shooting here, I didn’t re- when all but one of the parents had been allythinkthis kind ofthinghappened in our found, students from second to 12th grade country. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Now I know it does?’ held a memorial service on the Hoboken Wa- Many teachers tried to provide kids with terftont, where there was a clearview of the positive ways to express whattheywere feel- still-smoldering remains. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Expert Advice ‘ Youngster's REACTIONS DEPEND ON Be calm, but honest. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Before the age of8 or 9, chil- ly—by talking angrily about retaliation, for exam- guidance on how to behave. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Many children will want to know Welsh about the attack on the World Trade Center, who the “bad guys” are, and why they did such a terrible thing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Show how people ofall backgrounds are pulling to- gether in the crisis. Newsweek September 24, 2001
But television has never shown us anything like an airliner slamming into the tallest building in New York City—at the instant it happens. Newsweek September 24, 2001
This was the first time since the assassination of President Kennedy that the networks pre-empted all their programming—including corn- mercials—in favor offour nonstop days of and large, the media got the story news. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ABC’s middle McWethy was at work in the Penta- John the plane crashed. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As the week wore on, the networks sometimes got lost in the touching tales of families looking for relatives while forgetting that the news continued to unfold. Newsweek September 24, 2001
To keep those poor people on camera long after they dis- solved in tears was cruel. Newsweek September 24, 2001
To continue with that program- ming while other networks broke news of more possible terrorists at the New York airports was questionable. Newsweek September 24, 2001
I ELEVISION HAS ALWAYS The same modern tools that ennch our lives our society-adense thicket of connec- can be used against us How bad will it get? ofworkers, “just in time” factories rely By STEVEN LEVY controllersmanagehundredsofplanesat ofthe hijacking. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Others on the stolen planes, as well as dozens trapped in the World Trade Center towers, pulled out their cells to speak one more time to a wife or parent and say “I love you?’ The recipients ofthose calls, whilejustiflably inconsolable, are undoubtedlygrateftil for the final opportunity to hear those voices. Newsweek September 24, 2001
As bad as it was, Joy believes, the tragedywas nothinglike what mightbe possible with biologi- cal weaponry. Newsweek September 24, 2001
on next-day deliveries arid air-traffic phoned her husband, the U.S. The implements theyusedwere strictlyoff once—allows a single act ofterror to gener- solicitor general, and told him thesheif. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Though an act ofwar was committed against the United States last week, we are not witnessing regres- sion to an era of religious warfare. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ayatollahs-roughly similar to Roman Catholicism. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It is a word that defines the faith ofmore than 1 their stress on individual interpretation of the billion people, and embodies the aspirations ofMuslim soci- faith. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They per- ceive this as hypocrisy on the part ofa na- ‘Islamists reject tion that proclaims democracy, liberalism and freedom?’ And then there is Israel, secular modernity expansionism. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In Algeria, for example, when the Islamic Even so, Islam has within its own history Salvation Front threatened to win electoral and teachings elements that are potentially victory a decade ago, the military govern- toxic. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Like the ancient Israelites, Muham- ment canceled further elections and im- mad and his companions had to fight for posed martial law. Newsweek September 24, 2001
In the 1980s war between Iran and Iraq, thousands of young Iranian soldiers with the shahada written on their headgear (“There is no God but Allah and Muham- mad is his messenger”) blew themselves up in Iraqi minefields so that their regular Army could cross enemy lines. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They have turned Islam’s ideal of peace and harmony on its head. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Virginia college student Faiza American Di emma Mohammed has avoided going out in public since a police officer asked her last week to take off her head scarf-which, to a devout Muslim woman, is ca. She is equally sickened when she hears of her Arab neighbors being spit on. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The long twi- light struggle we face, like that against communism, is both military and political. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Now, as he paused and pondered calling his wife, the public-address system an- nounced that the building was safe and tenants could re- turn to their offices. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Two days after the disaster, the city had compiled a list of4,763 names of people who had been reported missing by relatives or employers—and identified fewer than 50 bodies. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Some of these were workers in the TEVE MILLER’S EX- workers from the upper floors ofthe North Tower, including about 680 of the 1,000 who worked at one company, the bond- trading firm of Cantor Fitzgerald. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And in a matter ofhours, the effects rip- pled out to touch virtually everyone in the city, or, for that matter, the world. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Scores of police officers and more than 300 firefight- ers were lost in the rubble, including a 68- year-old Fire Department chaplain and the first deputy commissioner, who was direct- ing rescue operations at the base of the 10 million-square-foot office complex. Newsweek September 24, 2001
That dai- ly miracle of controlled chaos—the rush of commuters into downtown Manhattan— went furiously into reverse, as hundreds of thousands fled uptown on foot in search of an operating subway line. Newsweek September 24, 2001
They landed with such force, ac- cording to an eyewitness who was watch- ing along with New York’s mayor, Rudy Giuliani, that a pink mist ofgore rose from the sidewalk as they hit. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Still, they clung to the ray who had gotten on a train or a bus Thesday ofhope offered by the detective who inter- morning and never come home. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Have you viewed them, who mentioned that a Port seen Mary Melendez, who worked for Fidu- Authority police officer fell with the build- ciaiffrust on the 94th floor of the South ing from above the 80th floor and survived Tower? so, please contact her husband, withjust a broken leg. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ramon, who last heard from herjust before Is this possible? Could a person fall a 9 a.m. on Thesday. Newsweek September 24, 2001
A for information on her brother, Frederick little later that night Testa witnessed the Varacchi, 35, who was president of a sub- rescue ofanother Port Authority cop who sidiary of Cantor Fitzgerald. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The giant had been on the same floor, Sgt. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Lutnick would have been at saved himself by ignoring the all-clear on his desk himself at that hour, but it was Thesday morning. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Varacchi’s sister had are converted to casualties and the strange called him on his cell phone just after the emptiness in the downtown skyline ceases first impact and he had answered. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Dr. Ken- Melendez knewit could take hours to get to the triage center after midnight on Most ofthe people seeking relatives, af- aged to extricate him in one piece. Newsweek September 24, 2001
There’s avoid in the NewYork skyline, a hole as big as the one in our hearts. Newsweek September 24, 2001
T OANYONE WHO DOUBTEDTHE POWEROF MODERN Love and Loss - firefighter the WTC disaster. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Where King Kong had carried Fay Wrayup the Empire StateBuildingin 1933, he tookJessica Lange up the World Trade Centerinthe 1976 remake. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Maybe itwasn’t our fa- voritebuilding, butitwas always there. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Nowit’s not. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“He always had words that put things in wreckage killed thousands more, and perspective:’ Last week’s horrors would have test- hundreds ofrescuers themselves be- ed even FatherJudge’s powers to comfort the came victims. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Rodney Dickens’s first plane trip was supposed to reward him for beatingthe odds. Newsweek September 24, 2001
And they achieved a measure of magic as pop-culture icons. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Here, we re- by falling debris while administering last rites. Newsweek September 24, 2001
THOSE “He’s the guy everybody counted on to get us who died on the hijacked planes were through the tough tirnes’ says firefighter John only the first victims. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Eric Stein is looking for Sean McNulty, whojust turned 30 and worked for Cantor Fitzger- aid on the 105th floor ofTower 1. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“He was with a group ofpeo- ple who said they were on their way out ofthe building, but he was above the first plane’s im- pact so we’re very worried. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He was on a very high floor. Newsweek September 24, 2001
What we’re really trying to do is reach anybody from Cantor Fitz who was on those high floors and made it out, so we could talk to them and find out if they saw him leaving before "He knows or after that. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“He was on dutyon Tuesday so he probably went down there. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Paul Ambrose, a self-described policy wonk, was so excited about the medical conference on public-health issues that he was planning to attend in Cali- fornia that he set two alarm clocks to make sure he wouldn’t miss his early-morning flight I but he doesn’t I told him his bravest mom in the world.5 Newsweek September 24, 2001
On Thesday they didn’t have time to finish the puzzle before Caswell left home, so as he drove to Dulles Airport he IS the Mary Alice Wahlstrom called home from his hands- free mobile phone. Newsweek September 24, 2001
ly for hisjob, he never strayed from his morning ritual. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ernie Willcher had a newjob. Newsweek September 24, 2001
know what to tell your child when you don’t know what to tell yourself” In his last 45 minutes, Thomas Burnett Jr. was busy. Newsweek September 24, 2001
He called his wife to say he loved her. Newsweek September 24, 2001
His final words: ”I love you, honey. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Ronald Ruben, 36, was a trader at KBC Securities on the 86th floor ofTower 2. Newsweek September 24, 2001
“Just me, him and my sis- ter. Newsweek September 24, 2001
The on the 92d floor ofTower 2, said former high-school champion he was headed for the stairs. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Theyput up posters. Newsweek September 24, 2001
BOLOURCHI, Un ited Flight 175 know it entered its postlude, it was the Hansons I fastened on. Newsweek September 24, 2001
No telling why, exactly, except perhaps for the way their names ap- peared on the flightlist, with that single number: Peter Hanson, Massachusetts Susan Hanson, Massachusetts Christine Hanson, 2, Massachusetts I could see them clear as the lambent blue skythat seemed to mock the mangled streets oflower Manhattan. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Maybe Christine, 2, had her own backpack to make her feel importantgoing on the air- plane. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Maybe her parents carried a car seat to keep her safe on take- offand landing. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It seems as though each one ofus had something that made us tremble: the airplane cell-phone call from husbandtowife, saying he was going to take on the hijackers ; thejaunty lament ofthe work- ers in the Twin Towers aboutthe long climb down; the firefighters’ helmets andboots foundamidthe rubble. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Itwasn’t even that I knew much about them; I found out from news reports only that the three ofthem were going to visit family on the United flight from Boston to Los Angeles, the second plane to hit the World Trade Center. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Crazy, perhaps, butwith a crater of tumbled steel where two of the world’s most iconographic buildings once stood, the people muttering conspiracies to themselves on the street have overnight come to seem like seers. Newsweek September 24, 2001
It becomes possible to drive a truck full of explosives intotheside ofthe federal build- ingin Oklahoma City and feel theground the ominous perfume ofacrid smoke drifted down to the streets at the other end ofthe island, as the casu- buck beneath your feet, to turn a day-care altylists grewlonger and the stories ofthe missing centerinto aconflagration and referto the less limned with hope, as the end ofthe world as we babies andtoddlers killed as “collateral damage:’ Perhaps ideologues so divorced from empathyare incapable of feeling even for themselves. Newsweek September 24, 2001
Contemporary Issues in the Middle East This well-established series continues to focus primarily on twentieth-century develop- ments that have current impact and significance throughout the entire region, from North Africa to the borders of Central Asia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He is the author of numerous works, in both Persian and English, on Iranian social history and comparative politics, including His- Agrarian Relations Before and After the Iranian Revolution, 1960—1990,” in Peasant Politics in the Modern Middle East (1991). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After twenty-six years in the Central Intelligence Agency, including one tour in Afghanistan in the mid-1970s, he became a visiting scholar at the Hoover Institution, which published his Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion in Perspective (1985) and Afghanistan’s Two-Party Communism: Parcham and Khalq (1983). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He has taught comparative sociology and Middle East- ern social history at the University of Teheran, the University of Pennsylvania, and Princeton University. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He served as the “Social-Psychological Approaches to Political Development,” in Understanding Political Development (1987), and The State, Religion, and Ethnic Politics: Afghani- stan, Iran, and Pakistan, edited with Myron Weiner (1986). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
MICHELINE CENTLIVRES-DEMONT took her M.A. degree in political science from the University of Lausanne and her Ph.D. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
in anthropology from the Contributors xlii Xiv CONTRIBUTORS University of Neuchâtel. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
She is the author of Line communauté de potiers en Iran: Le centre de Meybod (Yazd) (1971) and Popular Art in Afghanistan (1975), and she is coauthor, with Pierre Centlivres, of Et si on parlait de l’Afghanistan: Terrains et textes 1964— 1980 (1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- AYESHA JALAL is currently associate professor in the Department of History, Columbia University. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Her publications include Vices of Men (editor) (1992), Women’s Autobiographies in Contemporary Iran (edi- tor) (1991), Land Reform and Social Change in Rural Iran (1987), and In the Shadow of Islam: The Women’s Movement in Iran (with Nahid Yeganeh) (1982). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He is the author of several works on the historical and contemporary aspects of the Iranian economy, including “Land Reform in Iran Revisited: New Evidence on the Results of Land Reform in Nine Provinces,” in Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
OLIvIER Ro~ holds degrees in philosophy and in Oriental languages (Per- sian). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, whereas political elites have differed on such issues as the sanctity of private property, redistribution of wealth and income, or limits of desecularization, most have shared the vision of an interventionist state structure with a decisive transforma- tive capacity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Systematically analyzing the similarities and differences in the role of the state in restructuring the political and social institu- tions of these three societies over the past fifteen years can shed light on the dynamics of change in each of the three, as well as in the region as a whole. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In analyzing the role of the state, we focus on two specific prob- lems. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the second part of the volume, we focus on the ways in which the governing elites have sought to use the powers and resources of the state to deal with problems of distribution and social equity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And finally, in reviewing these state interventions, we consider not only the redistributive consequences of direct and indirect state policies but also their impact on the legitimacy and viabffity of the regimes in power. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the surface, the prerevolutionary state appeared to be strong: it had a large bureaucratic apparatus, substantial oil revenues, expand- ing public enterprises, and a powerful coercive machinery in the police, intelligence apparatus, and military. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in economic terms, the state was weak: its share of the gross domestic product was quite small (8 percent in 1979, excluding gas and oil revenues)—a classic rentier capi- talist state whose expansion was dependent on the price of oil rather than on a domestic tax base. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
One by one, Khomeini’s clerical supporters eliminated or re- duced the power of their opponents—the restive ethnic minorities (the Kurds, the Baluch, the Turkomans, the Azerbaijanis, and others), the liberal nationalists, the secular leftists, the bazaaris, and the Western- ized middle classes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Using data on the social composi- tion of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis-e Shura-ye Islami), he reports that the ulama were initially dominant but that within a few years the proportion of state managers and professionals increased sharply. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Anthony Arnold de- scribes the first phase of this revolutionary movement as a struggle within the PDPA between the multiethnic Parcham faction, based on the urban middle class and intellectuals, and the predominately Pashtun Khalq faction, based on the rural inteffigentsia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whereas in Iran the revolutionary movement mobilized mass par- ticipation, in Afghanistan it was resistance to the domination of a self- designated revolutionary elite that mobilized mass participation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The segmented character of Afghanistan’s social system, the cleav- ages among tribes and linguistic groups, and the nature of the terrain all contribute to the development of highly localized elites, armed local commanders with their social base in the local community. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some sections of the political elite, especially portions of the inteffigen- tsia, dreamed of a more egalitarian society in which the state would play an active role in breaking up the large landed estates (especially in the Sind and in portions of the Punjab) and limit the wealth of the business community; the landlord and industrialist elites, the bureau- cracy, and the military, on the other hand, sought to protect property rights. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Any periodization of postindependence political developments in Pakistan must begin with a description of regime changes based on an alternation of party and military rule. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Just as the Muslim League had earlier failed to transform itself from a nationalist movement to a national party that INTRODUCTION 9 10 MYRON WEINER AND ALl BANUAZIZI could incorporate the country’s diverse ethnic groups, so too had the military failed to win over the majority Bengali community. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Under General Zia, military person- nel moved into key positions previously held by the civil bureaucracy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Bhutto challenged the results, arguing that there had not been a level playing field (during the campaign she was harassed by the courts, her husband was arrested on charges of corruption, the president of the country supported the IDA, and government-run tele- vision and radio were opposed to her) and that in many constituencies the results were rigged. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The PPP proved to be a weak and fragmented organization. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan, like its Afghan neighbor, is a plural but not a civil society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Afghanistan the young Marxist Pashtun intellectuals who created the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan relied on the mili- tary, the KHAD (the intelligence apparatus), and the Soviet Army to pursue their transformative goals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In all three societies, elites have wrestled with the problem of estab- lishing their own legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Islamization became the ideological justification for mili- tary rule. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
• In our analysis of the role of the state in promoting social equity in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan, we focus on the ideological environ- ment within which state policies have taken shape, as well as on the contents, manner of implementation, and consequences of the policies v in question. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Pakistan, on the other hand, redistribution and social equity have not been critical policy objectives since Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s gov- ernment (1971—77). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In all three societies, explicitly or implicitly, Islamic laws and traditions have set the terms of the discourse on social justice and equity, influencing both the types of policies pursued and the soci- etal reactions to them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Beyond social justice, therefore, the revolution was to usher in a new cultural order based on Islamic holy law (the Shari~ah) and traditions, not merely a new set of economic relations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The typical Afghan peasant or tribesman is more likely to be suspicious of the government agent than he is the local mullah or khan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But with the collapse of the old order, as Vahid F. Nowshirvani and Patrick Clawson point out, the largely unexamined ideological consensus on social justice be- gan to break down. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These differences occurred not only between the revolu- tionary elite and its political opponents on the Left, who for the most part pushed for more radical policies, but also within the elite itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The fundamental debate centered on the limits of state intervention in economic affairs, particularly when state actions vio- lated the sanctity of private property and the freedom of contract. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The specific policy questions on which these conflicting points of view fo- cused included land reform, nationalization of foreign trade, and labor legislation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Though cast in theological terms, the positions taken on these issues often reflected the interests of major social groups as they were represented within the political elite itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The redistributive program of the Iranian regime, after this initial phase, proceeded through both legislation and the extension of admin- istrative controls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another distributive policy of the Iranian regime has been the ra- tioning of basic necessities: allocation by special vouchers and various other methods of obtaining basic food items and selected consumer goods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although each of these distribution crises has had political repercus- sions, in most instances the government did little to correct the imbal- ances, many of which were the results of its own policies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The capacity of both Afghanistan’s and Iran’s government to imple- ment and continue their redistributive programs was limited seriously by economic factors well beyond their control. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Consequently, although Pakistan’s GDP today is equal to that of many middle-income countries-on a variety of social indexes, such as life expectancy, infant mortality, and literacy—the country is much like the other low-income countries of South Asia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Unlike the contemporary West, where much of the debate about the status of women has centered on questions of parity and socioeco- nomic equality between the sexes, the “woman question” in Afghani- stan, Iran, and Pakistan has been inextricably bound with deep religious sentiments and cultural mores, a highly ambivalent stance toward modernity, and, above all, patriarchal norms that justify the seclusion of women and their subordination both within and outside the family sphere. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a result, in the past several decades, reformist policies toward women have often been met with strong resistance and moral condemnation, leading to vacifiations between periods of rela- tive progress, on the one hand, and of retrenchment, if not reversal, on the other. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Initiated almost invariably from the top and supported by the intelligentsia and other members of the nascent modern middle classes, these measures were often opposed vehemently by the conservative Islamic clerics and their affies among the traditional middle and lower middle classes on the grounds that they were anti-Islamic and would undermine the moral foundation of the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Its provisions included setting an upper limit (three hundred afghanis) on the monetary gift (mahr) offered by the groom’s family to the bride, establishing a mini- mum age for marriage for both men and women (eighteen and sixteen, respectively), and abolishing arranged marriages. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As Centlivres-Demont points out (in Chapter 8), the “women policies” of the new, Soviet- backed regime, months before the onset of the civil war that followed INTRODUCTION 25 26 MYRON WEINER AND ALL BANUAZIZI the Soviet occupation in December of 1979, were among the chief reasons tens of thousands of Afghans fled to Pakistan, where they believed they could “protect the honor of their women and daughters.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Centlivres-Demont offers a review of many of these programs and their limited achievements. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the 1960s’ debates on the pernicious economic, political, and cultural im- pact of the West on Iran, the Westernized (gharbzadeh) woman was seen as the embodiment of social ills: “She was a superconsumer of imperi- alist, dependent-capitalist, foreign goods; she was a propagator of the corrupt culture of the West; she was undermining the moral fabric of society; she was a parasite, beyond any type of redemption” (Najmabadi, in Chapter 9). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The above emphasis on the impact of state policies on women should not lead to an exaggerated view of the state’s capacity to effect change in this arena. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Quite aside from the usual limitations on the state’s reach and resources, at least two other factors have tended to mitigate state action. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The first has to do with the contradiction between the imperatives of economic expansion and modernization, on the one hand, and the exclusion of women from the public sphere, on the other. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the other hand, the revolutionary restructuring program pursued by the Communist leadership in Afghanistan did not enhance their legitimacy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the case of Pakistan, the government has had no explicit commitment to redistribution, and its emphasis on growth and development, while yielding considerable improvement in the overall state of the economy, has done little to contribute to the regime’s legitimacy, for the policies have not addressed the larger issues of power sharing among the country’s ethnic groups, of state-center relations, and of creating proce- dures and institutions for governance on which the elite could agree. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Pakistan and Afghanistan, the divisions among elites over how the country should be governed are particularly acute, especially on the question of the relation between central and local authorities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For its elite, and for financial and popular support, the center has depended primarily on the Punjab. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Rural Afghans are dependent on local, not national, leaders, and local leaders have successfully turned to outsid- ers for support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Marvin C. Weinbaum for the discussion papers they presented at the workshop on elites in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even in modernized alpine societies, such as Switzer- land, the heritage of local independence lives on in the cantonal system and the citizenry’s deep-rooted individualism. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent) were contained more or less within Afghanistan’s borders. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the contrary, Afghans are extremely conservative. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zahir’s failure to legalize political opposition acted as a brake on the development of democratic parties, but it did not prevent the for- mation of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), which dated its formal founding to 1 January 1965. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At first, both factions fo- cused their recruiting activity on the tiny artistic-intellectual commu- nity, on media specialists, and especially on the academic establishment, including both teachers and students. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Among students targeted for recruitment, the concentration was on Kabul’s secondary school system, Kabul University, and particularly teachers’ training establishments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
From 1965 to 1973, during the final years of the monarchy, both focused their attention on long- range molders of public opinion: media figures and teachers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More omi- nously, the Khalqis were focusing their attention on the Afghan mili- tary (Arnold 1983, 47). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Less than a year later, in late April 1978, the “Great Saur Revolution”—a coup d’etat by Afghan military officers acting on the instructions of the Khalqi Hafizullah Amin—saw the birth of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) and swept Mohammad Daoud and most of his family into history. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Parchami ambassadors were recalled and, when they refused to obey, were expelled from the PDPA (Arnold 1983, 64—73). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For most Afghans this was business-as-usual padshahgardi. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although this traditional practice lent a more commercial than romantic aura to matrimony, it served a valuable social function: a stipulated part of the money always went directly to the bride and constituted an untouchable reserve on which she could draw in case the marriage ended in divorce. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Though at first disorganized, spo- radic, and on a small scale, armed opposition to Kabul’s rule spread from the summer of 1978 until the Soviet invasion of December 1979. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whereas left-wing politics had once been largely the preserve of intellectuals (Nur Mohammed Taraki, a poet, was typical of the early breed), it now became a promising field for the ambitious, the unscru- pulous, and the vicious. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The terror was implemented by military detachments under party command, by police (Sarandoy) groups, and by two successive security services, AGSA (Da Afghanistan da Gato da Satalo Adara [Afghan In- terests Protection Agency]) and KAM (Kargar-e Astekhbarat-e Muassessa [Workers’ Intelligence Institute]). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the one hand, the Parchami minority in the PDPA had of course shrunk while the faction was being persecuted under Taraki and Amin; there were simply too few of them to run the country by themselves, especially because they had been all but elimi- nated from the vital military, police, and security services. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This meant that in addition to Soviet advisers, as many Khalqis as possible had to be kept on in the new government, despite their unpopularity with the people and the inevitabifity of continued feuding between the factions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
6. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the four leading Khalqis, three had participated in the coup attempt against Amin in September 1979 and had been forced to flee for their lives to the Soviet embassy, where they were sheltered until the December invasion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In positions of lower profile, the Parchamis consolidated their hold on the state apparatus. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In his first public speech after returning to power, on 2 January 1980, Babrak addressed himself first and foremost to such THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 45 46 ANTHONY ARNOLD former class enemies and neutrals as the religious constituency, the military, capitalists, landowners, artisans, tribesman, nomads, govern- ment officials, the inteffigentsia, and youth, in that order. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was all part of Babrak’s campaign to “broaden the base” of his government in order to win popular support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The emphasis on a military solution was neither sudden nor total, but it was nonetheless clear-cut. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In January 1981 Babrak doubled mili- tary salaries, issued numerous promotions, and bestowed decorations on fourteen colonels and generals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Military Phase, 1981—1985 THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 47 48 ANTHONY ARNOLD The country was divided into seven mffitary zones, each of which was headed by a PDPA Central Committee member. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If so, however, this was not thought worthy of mention in official media. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The action program, which was the subject of a tedious media blitz that continued into the summer, reflected an uneasy trade- off in values between Parcham and Khalq: for example, on the one hand it reinstated land reform (a Khalqi obsession), and on the other it approved a mixed economy of both public and private sectors, a step back from pure socialism. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The relatively high DYOA representation provided yet another indication of the party’s emphasis on youth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Unlike the earlier recruitment drive, however, the post-Saur focus seemed to be on youth for its own sake, rather than on educated youth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With slight variations, that figure remained constant at least into 1990 (Radio Kabul, 31 Dec. 1989 [FBIS-NES, 4 Jan. 1990]). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- The conference presumably represented the cream of the PDPA crop in 1982, and.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
- What is astonishing is the low representation of teachers in 1982.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It meant that before too long the protec- tive mantle of Soviet armed assistance was going to end, and the gov- ernment would have to survive on its own. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This forced changes on many fronts, including the adoption of revisionist policies that would have been considered ideological heresy by any Soviet leader before Mikhail Gorbachev. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 26 September 1985 Babrak Karma! The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Reminding the assembled council members that “no important political or organizational problem can be solved by a state organ without the party guidelines,” he went on to inform them that “the state apparatus is there to implement policy” and that there was “need for complete obedience by the state apparatus to party policy” (Radio Kabul, 26 Sept. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 6 Oct. 1985]). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
the ongoing war with the resistance) should be resolved by peaceful means; (2) the government—and especially the Revolutionary Council—should be- come more representative of “various strata and groups,” and “author- ity will not be monopolized by the PDPA”; (3) the private sector should be encouraged to increase agricultural production, and state farms should be established only on virgin lands; (4) “national traders” and industrial capitalists, essential for economic development, should be encouraged; (5) independent intellectual organizations would be per- missible; (6) tribal self-rule for the Pashtuns and Baluch in border areas would be affirmed; (7) the NFF should be expanded, but other organi- zations (provided they were cooperative and not opposed to the re- gime) would also be permissible; (8) Islam should be respected; (9) the Retreat and Compromise, 1985—1988 THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 53 54 ANTHONY ARNOLD various armed forces should be consolidated, and after “foreign inter- vention” had ceased, Soviet forces would leave; (10) the DRA’s foreign policy should be one of “active nonalignment” and friendship with neighboring countries (Radio Kabul, 9 Nov. 1985 [FBIS VIII, 12 Nov. 1985]).12 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Seen from Moscow, however, the choice had its own peculiar logic: unlike Babrak, Najibullah had unimpeachable Pashtun bloodlines, an important advantage if he were to survive on his own; his secret police was the most efficient DRA organization, and it almost surely had the highest percentage of party members; the influence of the KGB (whose man Najibullah was) was at an all-time high in the CPSU Politburo; Yuri Andropov, Najibullah’s model, had been the most effective Soviet leader between Stalin and Gorbachev, and it may have been assumed that Najibullah had similar qualities; and reports on Najibuliah that passed through KGB channels had undoubtedly been more flattering than warranted, just because he was their man. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Especially during its early days, it suffered from hyperinflated claims for its membership numbers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
and most of the earlier discernible trends in its makeup remained unchanged. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In December 1981 Babrak had complained about the failure of party leaders to get out among the people, yet he himself became a prime offender in this regard; a November 1985 visit to Kunduz was his first reported domestic foray out of the capital in two years. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Najibullah at first made a point of having Politburo mem- bers travel often into the provinces, but their presence there did little to improve either the quality or quantity of rural party membership. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the 147 full and alternate Central Com- mittee members in mid-1986, only 46 claimed to live in the provinces, THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 57 TABLE 1.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Youth DYOA/ AYU)d 1980 40.0 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In July 1986 the number of full and candidate members of the Central Committee rose to 147, and in November to 172. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As of January 1988, there were supposed to be 8,500 Afghan students in the USSR, including 400 in technicums and 350 in technical, vocational, and workers’ schools. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Among the most serious of these was the failure of the PDPA to take root in the countryside. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The latter took sixteen (or eighteen, de- pending on which account one read) of the ministries, but their lack of formal PDPA affiliation was not a sign of opposition to the party or even of neutrality. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The CPSU Politburo decision to withdraw has been documented as having occurred on 13 November 1986 (Washington Post, 16 Nov. 1992, A-i), but as we have seen, there were strong indications that the Soviets had decided on this course a year earlier, when they began grooming Najibullah to take over from Babrak. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In February 1989, almost before the dust of their last outgoing convoys had settled, Najibullah was circling his political wagons by firing his prime minister, Hassan Sharq, and ten other ministers (seven, including Sharq, were ostensibly nonparty) and replacing all but two of them with party members. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These appointments were spurred by the desperate straits in which the Najibullah government found itself. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The common peril did not, however, deter the Khalqis from pursu- ing their goal of overthrowing the Parchamis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Again displaying remarkable tolerance, Najibullah not only avoided overreacting to the first attempts but in October 1989 appeared to be trying to mollify his opposition by promoting as many as seven Khalqis to high party positions (Staar 1990, 530). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This time there was no hiding the revolt, as Afghan air force planes bombed the presidential palace in an effort to kill Najibullah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the degree to which most of the latter were truly free from party control remained in question, and the key ministries of defense, state security, interior, and foreign affairs remained firmly in the hands of dedicated Communists (AFP [Kabul], 22 May 1990). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The first indica- THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 63 64 ANTHONY ARNOLD tions of serious difficulties came in October 1988, when one of the most influential Khalqis, Saleh Mohammed Zeary, was suddenly dropped from the Politburo and Secretariat, and the de facto Khalqi leader, Sayed Mohammed Gulabzoy, was exiled to Moscow as ambassador. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But his response, after dealing with the main figures, was to try to mend his fences with the remaining intraparty opposition, a move rendered critically important by the impending departure of the last Soviet combat troops. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As the spring wore on, he even rehabilitated the last Khalqi foreign minister, Shah Wall, who had been under house arrest since 1980, and retrieved Babrak’s brother-in-law, Mahmud Baryalai, from jail to become first deputy prime minister under party stalwart Sultan Au Keshtmand (Staar 1990, 530). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the spring of 1989, re- sistance forces had launched an all-out assault against Jalalabad, a key provincial capital on the road between Kabul and Peshawar, Pakistan, and it was only thanks to a combination of factors—including massive Soviet arms deliveries, the use of Soviet technicians to fire Scud mis- siles against the resistance, and the resistance’s own unpreparedness for set-piece warfare—that the regime held on by a thread. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
When the coup failed, Tanai and many of his close followers fled to Pakistan, where he revealed that he had long been allied secretly with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the mujahidin leader whose devotion to the reactionary aspects of Islamic traditions had placed him on the extreme right wing of the resistance movement. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In May 1990, he again tried to mask the PDPA’s dominant role by appointing a new nonparty prime minis- ter, Fazl Haq Khaleqyar, to replace Keshtmand. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A few old-regime collaborators, such as Hassan Sharq, fled abroad before the curtain fell on Afghan communism. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even the hated Najibullah might have been able to call on the loyalty, of his fellow Ghilzai Pashtuns to oppose non-Ghilzais. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the Soviet Union there was a long-term program of educating Afghan youth that had been going on since 1984, when 834 seven- to nine-year-olds were shipped off from Kabul to Soviet boarding schools for ten years of cloistered education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Before more blood flowed, however, Sarwani was sent off to Moscow in June 1980 “for medical treatment” and from there was posted as Afghan ambassador directly to Ulan Bator. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
are more con- sistent with preceding and succeeding membership claims. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
16. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There were suspicions at the time that this far-right group, like others uncovered elsewhere, might have been Soviet- sponsored from the outset (Arnold [19811 1985, 89—90), and its hasty jumping on the national reconciliation bandwagon strengthens such doubts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Regarding ethnic makeup, a review of 219 persons directly and indirectly associated with the PDPA on whom ethnic data is available showed 57 percent Pashtun, 23 percent Tajik, 8 percent Hazara, 7 percent Uzbek, 2 percent Turkoman, and the remainder scattered among other nationalities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the national assembly is not the same as a party conference, it has THE EPHEMERAL ELITE 71 The New Political Elite of Afghanistan Afghanistan is a segmented society, with different levels of identifica- tion between an individual and segmental groups, from extended family to ethnic identity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Until recently in Afghanistan, combatants in feuds and wars respected the framework of the traditional society and even its relation to the state: warriors were tribesmen led by their peacetime leaders (except in jthad time, when ulama could become military lead- ers), who never intended to establish a new regime in the capital; loot- ing the bazaar and making a new king were the utmost desirable achievements. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Traditional society in Afghanistan depends on a fragile balance among khans, clans, ethnic groups, and the like and does not provide a suitable framework for mobilizing civilians and fighters for a pro- tracted war. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These young educated people made up the bulk of the political opposition to the king’s and President Daoud’s regimes and became mostly pro-Soviet Communists on the one hand and “Islamists” on the other. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A qawm is based on kinship and client-patron relations; before being an ethnic group, it is a solidarity group, which protects its members from encroachments from the state and other qawms but which is also the scene of lively competition between contenders for local supremacy.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamist movement, whose origins may be traced back to the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s, was not active before the second half of the 1960s on Kabul campuses; it recruited mostly among young intellectuals who considered Islam more a politi- cal ideology than a religion.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khales recruits mostly in Nangarhar and Paktya provinces, and Hekmatyar among recently detribalized Pashtuns, mainly Ghilzai and eastern Pashtuns (see my “Observations on the Survey,” below). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
ern ideologies, especially Marxism, but filled with Qur1anic terminol- ogy and Islamic historical references. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They prefer to compromise with a distant Communist regime that gave up all mention of Marxism than to deal with a new category of ascending rival local leaders: mujahidin commanders, whose authority relies on the totally different patterns o Islam as an ideology for national liberation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Their attitude toward the old regime de- pends here on their political afffliation, not on the methods they use to rule the area: when they adhere to an Islamist party, they are reluc- tant to see the return of the king; when they adhere to Harakat, they favor it. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They also have an uncontested legitimacy in terms of Islam and not, like the khan, through custom and tradition. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Political affiliations depend on a nexus of different motiva- tions whose importance varies according to the sociological, religious, and ethnic environment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
3. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, a Sufi affiliation can explain di- rectly or indirectly a political afffliation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is the case only among the former Young Muslims, who always joined one of the Islamist parties, although they joined a particular one of the three Islamist parties (Rabbani, Khales, or Hekmatyar) for other reasons. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the one hand, it gives a new look to traditional divisions, but on the other hand, it introduces political references (e.g., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
would-be state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ad- New and Old Notables ministration they try to implement is supposed to supersede the divi- sional organization of the society, not because they embody Islam, as the ulama do, but because they represent a would-be state; they think as if they were above family and kinship ties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Joining a party, the notable strengthens his position by getting weapons or by choosing a party bigger than that of the rival notable or just by preventing the rival from being the sole mujahidin commander. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, a local commander or notable tends to look for a direct affiliation with a party other than the locally dominant one, but in doing this, he follows the patterns dealt with above. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Subor- dination of local notables and commanders to an emir is possible only if the leader is a charismatic or religious figure or if the level of politicization is so high that discipline exists, which is very rare except in Hekmatyar’s Hizb-i Islami. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The typical entity established by warring mullahs is a markaz (center), built along the same lines as the traditional ribat (Chamay 1986, 232, 250): a military base, far from bazaars and villages, where mujahidin are permanently established in a protected stronghold and from which they launch at- tacks against the regime outposts or place ambushes on the main roads. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the South, loose political affiliations have allowed tribal areas to find some original patterns of coordination through traditional institutions and customs; traditional structures either remain untouched or, more often, tend to adapt to new patterns of warfare, like the markaz headed by a traditional cleric and afffliated with a Sufi brotherhood, mentioned above. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was only when the Panjshiris numbered less than 50 percent in these units (in 1986) that Masud was able to cross the Hindu Kush on the north and establish his organization in more than five provinces. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He created the Supervisory Council of the North to embody the new political framework, and he used the ulama to legitimate this new system through a discourse on Islam, Shari~ah and umma being more acceptable to peasants and notables than the “Islamic ideology” of the “campus years.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Trade is carried on by private traders, the market is free, and schools are established only with the people’s consent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His system was imposed from above and through the military, but he did not touch local powers in the vil- lages. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Since Abdur Rahman’s rule (1880—1901) no state in Afghanistan has relied on internal resources, that is, the extraction of wealth from the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Peshawar Affiance relies on the same patterns; there is no domestic financing, first, because the Afghans are very poor (compared to the Palestinians, e.g.) and, second, because they are used to giving, not to any overarching central authority, but to a local commander or for a specific reason. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, a would-be state is emerging from below, based mostly on domestic resources and not on the distribution of subsidies by Peshawar. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Interestingly enough, the more deeply rooted commanders, in political terms, are used to relying less on Peshawar to get weapons than are more ephemeral local lead- ers: Masud and Ismail Khan for years used to get a lesser share of weapons than Hekmatyar’s people; but instead of weakening them, this lack of assistance strengthened them politically, in the sense that they were obliged to acquire their autonomy by finding direct access to the enemy ordinances through successful assaults and by establishing their own tax system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
consonant with the trends that were at work under Zahir Shah’s regime and that culminated under the Communist rule: the reign of the new, educated middle class, opposed both to the aristocracy and to the local powers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But their dilemma is the same as it was twenty years ago: they have no future except as state employees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in case of political chaos, most of the new cadres will revert to traditional affiliations; in case of a general crisis, ethnic identity is the only identity that does not prove to be controversial; in the worst case scenario, what will follow will not be the creation of a modern state but the Lebanonization of Afghanistan: collapse of the central state and emergence of antagonistic communities whose identity is based on eth- nic, religious, and historic references, disguised under superficial con- temporary political references. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Pashtuns tend to be more fragmented, because of tribal influ- Small parties, like Modjaddedi’s National Liberation Front, are Gaylani’s party (NIFA) and Harakat-e Enqelab are underesti- Observations on the Survey F many local petty commanders that it is difficult to collect biographical data; the second, because there has been a great deal of change in political affiliations since 1983 among its followers, making it difficult to update data. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Hekmatyar’s Hizb-i Islami, on the contrary, is overestimated in Except for Mohseni’s Harakat-e Islami, no Shicite party has been The survey shows that, as a~general pattern, the mujahidin elite is Among the mujahidin are very few traditional secular notables HIH is the youngest and the most modern (75 percent are intellec- NIFA is the party of the traditional local secular leaders (malek), THE NEW POLITICAL ELITE 97 98 OLIVIER ROY BAR of Nabi is the party of the traditional religious establishment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A misleading account of the resistance leadership is that of Raja Anwar (1988, 146): “As stated elsewhere, there were roughly 400 big landowning families in Afghani- stan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Finally, Khomeini assumed the title of the Imam, the position reserved in the Iranian Shi~ ite community exclu- sively for the twelve infallible Imams. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Personal charisma, in its genu- ine and pure manifestation, is characterized by a number of properties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
transforms all values and breaks all traditional and rational norms.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, and above all else, he was the most emotional and inventive charismatic leader of recent times; the Charisma, Theocracy, and Men of Power in Postrevolutionary Iran AHMAD ASHRAF 101 102 AHMAD ASHRAF radius of his charisma spread beyond the boundaries of Iran to reach millions of Muslims all over the world. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Charismatic leadership is prophetic; the leader demands obedience from his disciples and follow- ers on the basis of the mission he feels called upon to perform. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini exemplified a multifaceted charisma in the course of his ascendance, first, to the position of the highest Shi~ ite authority and, later, to the theocratic position of the national political leadership. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Personal cha- risma is also different from other types of established authority~ that is, r traditional authority and legal-rational domination. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These leading Gnostic figures in the history of Islamic thought had a powerful impact on Khomeini’s ideas—on his conception of the world, of Islamic law as the shell of truth, and of charisma’s role in the realization of the ultimate goal of historical devel- opment, the Islamic state.6 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He commented on al-Ghazali that “he was a most knowledgeable jurisconsult, yet the light of truth had never enlightened his heart” (Khomeini 1983, 1:124; all translations are by the author unless other- Khomeini’s Ascension to Leadership wise noted). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During his long life, Khomeini witnessed four waves of attacks on the ShiC ite religious establishment, all of which came from one mode of modernization and Westernization or another: the constitutional move- ment of 1905—11; Reza Shah’s drive for modernization in the 1920s and 1930s; the years of social, cultural, and political mobilization and popu- Freed of the self, I claimed “I am the Truth” as mine. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the most galling memory for Khomeini was the erosion of the esteem of the ulama in the eyes of the populace. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a result, a new breed of ulama made their appearance on the stage, those prepared for the demands of a new society and removed from the outmoded traditionalist jurisconsults at Qom and Najaf, as well as from the provincial religious leaders who served as regional patrons (Hojjati Kermani 1988—89). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Capitalizing on the resentments of the entire religious establishment—including the collaborationist and accommodationist factions—toward the regime’s policies in such areas as land reform, women’s suffrage, and the extension of diplomatic im- munity to American military advisrs in Iran in the early 1960s, this group achieved prominence within the religious hierarchy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini was deter- mined to appear on the political scene as a leader, not as a follower or even as a second-rank figure in the movement. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Interesting articles on cur- rent political, social, economic, cultural, and religious issues were pre- sented in a language familiar to the new lay intelligentsia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All three groups were supported by the conservative, traditional- ist faction of the ulama, including the majority of the professors of the Islamic academic center of Qom, the militant Ulama of Teheran, the conservative deputies in the Majlis, and the Councils of Guardians. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This latter period began with the takeover of the American embassy in Teheran and the resignation of Bazargan’s liberal cabinet in November 1979. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Left split: one group supported the regime for its anti-imperialist posture; the other criticized it for its conservative and reactionary orientation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the period of dual sovereignty, in the last months of the old regime (December—February of 1978—79), Khomeini began to establish his authority by appointing the Central Strikes Committee, particularly to oversee the oil industry At the same time, Khomeini’s followers established the Revolutionary Council, local committees for organizing demonstrations and strikes, and a committee for welcoming Khomeini on his triumphant return to Teheran (Khomeini 1983, 4:111, 207, 245). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He commanded the first executions of the old regime’s elites, which were carried out on the roof of his own residence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Their place on the top of the state hierarchy was taken by Khomeini’s disciples of both clerical and lay backgrounds, who gradu- ally occupied the key state positions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Iranian revolution shows, on the surface, a diversion from this pattern of behavior. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some of his followers were even granted a sort of benefice, that is, the privilege of collecting a portion of the Imam’s share on behalf of Khomeini and appropriating it for certain purposes, including the support of under- ground and guerrilla organizations (Khomeini 1983, 141—42, 179, 221). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On his arrival at Qom in March 1979, Khomeini promised the inhabitants of that city, and by implication the inhabitants of all other cities, free electricity, gas, and water. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He also issued an edict proscribing on religious grounds the import of frozen meats, an edict that he revoked a few days later (Khomeini 1983, 5:139). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On another occasion Khomeini expressed as- tonishment when he was informed by the minister of agriculture that a number of owners of dairy farms in the vicinity of Teheran possessed hundreds and even thousands of cows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Men- tally, he still lived in a small preindustrial Islamic town such as Qom or Najaf. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The first camp backs up the active participation of the private sector in economic activities and un- derlines the sanctity of unrestricted private ownership and economic liberalism in Islam, while taking a reactionary line on cultural issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The second faction represents the pragmatist line of the new middle- class professional and bureaucratic elements who attach the highest priority to the reconstruction of postwar Iran on the basis of a mixed CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 131 132 AHMAD ASHRAF Ideological Orientation Public Private Permissive Strict Aggressive Normal Conservative Radical Pragmatist Sources: Kayhan, 26, 27 July, 9 Aug. 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The two internal issues are (1) the degree to which the state should intervene in economic life of the society and (2) the degree to which the Islamic modes of behavior should be imposed on Westernized middle classes—particularly regarding women, music, films, sports, and even chess. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The economic controversies are focused on four issues, including private ownership and freedom of economic activities: land reform, foreign trade, urban real estate, and labor laws. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The conservatives, who have the support of the bazaar-mosque alliance, underline the sanctity of private property in Islamic jurisprudence; they support the unlim- ited freedom of commercial and industrial activities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They even oppose setting a minimum wage or any control by the state over economic enterprises, arguing that capital and labor are interacting in the Islamic free market and that labor accepts the proposed wage of its own free wifi; thus, no intervention by the state in the economic life of the corn- Ideological Configurations of Factional Politics TABLE 3.6 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The radicals, on the other hand, categorically oppose the opening of Iran’s economy to the capitalist world, arguing that the reconstruction should be achieved by the native human, financial, and natural resources—independence first, development second. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The cultural issues are focused on overt behavior of men and women in the Islamic society, including the appearance of women in public and in the movies, employment opportunities for women, and men’s wearing of neckties or short-sleeved shirts or shorts (on the play- ing field). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Conservatives are highly rigid on all these issues: no music, no chess, no unveiled women on the streets or in the movies, and no men with shorts or short sleeves should be permitted; they resist the “cultural invasion” of the West. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Radicals and pragmatists, on the other hand, are relatively more permissive on these cultural issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Following Khomeini’s lead, particularly after his message to the pilgrims to Mecca on 10 August 1987 (dubbed the regime the “mani- festo of the Islamic revolution”), the cabinet has managed to increase significantly the authority of the executive branch to punish those who, in its judgment, act against the interests of the community~ including the profiteers and price gougers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Conser- vative Islamic judges had often refused to prosecute the price gougers on the ground that it would be un-Islamic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 7 December 1987 the radical minister of labor requested Khomeini to issue his opinion on the extent of the government’s au- thority to impose various requirements on the operation of the private sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini Era 1979—89 proradical radical proradical Post-Khomeini Period conservative conservativea conservative 1989—93 pragmatist secretary of the Council of Guardians, asked Khomeini to express his opinion on the question of the extent of the Islamic state’s authority In response, Khomeini extended the scope of his earlier declaration, a!- The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, to facilitate the enactment of radical measures, Khomeini created a Discretionary Council to review the controversial bills in the event the Majlis and the Council of Guardian failed to reach an agreement on theological and legal points. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Sunni Islam the Islamic ruler (vali-yi amr) is authorized to ratify government rulings according to the principle of the best interest of the Islamic community (masleha). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Following a number of abortive at- tempts to apply the principle of zarura during the ten years of Islamic rule, the Islamic regime was forced by circumstances to adopt the Sunni principle of masleha. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Meanwhile, the radicals used these developments to pave the way for a sweeping victory over their rivals in the 1988 Majlis elections. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, Khomeini himself was basically a militant person and at times adopted radical positions, although he often managed skillfully to conceal his inten- tions in order not to alienate the mainstream segment of the ulama; furthermore, charisma is primarily a revolutionary phenomenon and as such is antitraditional and extraordinary. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The demoralization and subsequent defeat of the Revolutionary Guards on the war front, their retreat from the Iraqi territories, and the acceptance of peace negotiations were blows to Ayatollah Khomeini and his radical supporters. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The tenth anniversary of the revolution, on 11 February 1989, gave the rising pragmatist camp a chance to launch a propaganda campaign against the radicals. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The radical camp has been under mounting pressures from all sides. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was for Ayatollah Khomeini an antidote to the “chalice of poison” that he had to swallow earlier by accepting U.N. Resolution 598. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He was believed to be the leader of the mass rebeffion in 1963 and of the successful revolution in 1977— 79; he was believed to be the founder and the great leader of the Islamic Republic; and last, he was the redeemer and the hope for the wretched of the earth and for millions who still live in the Age of Belief. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, the pragmatist cluster that enjoyed the support of the modern middle classes had no active groups to fight for its cause and thus had to rely increasingly on the support of the conser- vative camp in its struggle against the radical Left. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Council of Guardians rejected the credentials of most radical candidates on the ground that they did not have sufficient knowledge of Islamic jurisprudence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The council also rejected the credentials of many ardent radical candidates in the 1992 Majlis elections on the ground that they lacked sufficient commitment to the tenets of Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Enjoying the full support of the Council of Guardians—which was empowered to super- vise the elections and approve the credentials of the candidates—the conservatives managed to deny any seat to the radical clerics in the elections of the Assembly of Experts in 1991. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In sum, the support of Khomeini, the legacy of the revolutionary left and, above all, the exigencies of the war gave a major boost to the radical camp in the 1980s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were characterized by contra- dictory ideas for historical development and by distinct images of the world and of the future of their society, and above all, they enjoyed dissimilar social bases of support. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khomeini, therefore, was faced with a number of problems transforming his inexperienced clerical and lay disciples into the offi- cials of the bureaucratic state, bringing under his control a large num- ber of modernized officials and state managers, leading a huge and complicated state apparatus, and bridging the hiatus between the two 143CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 144 AHMAD ASHRAF inherently contradictory political entities of theocracy and modern re- publican democracy The men of power who emerged had to leam through trial and error and in-service training how to run the modem state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even at this stage of his mundane leadership, Khomeini remained consistent with his genuine charismatic caffing in sticking to the charis- matic dimension of arationality in such important acts as waging a political war against both superpowers, the West, and the regional powers, and particularly in his insistence on victory at any cost in the Iran-Iraq War. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These rhetorical symbols served as signifi- cant cultural resources for the purpose of mass mobilization. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the occasion of the commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the revolution, on 11 February 1989, almost all major leaders of the regime spelled out their grievances in response to the directives of the supreme leader on major issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Let’s see whether we did a good job during the war or rather the enemies who imposed the war on us emerged victorious. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On many occasions, we shouted CHARISMA, THEOCRACY, AND POWER 147 148 AHMAD ASHRAF obstinacy, shouted slogans and frightened the world. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A major event with disintegrative effects, the mass exodus of hun- dreds of thousands of well-educated and prosperous members of the new middle classes has created a brain drain at home and a sizable hostile Iranian community (about one million) in exile abroad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Persian-speaking inteffigentsia have increasingly resorted to their pre- Islamic historical roots and mythologies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, the failure of the state socialism wifi lead to demoralization of the radical groups within the regime—the groups who have preached an Islamic variant of state socialism for Iran—and will strengthen the position of more moderate groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Majlis are drawn from a survey of Majlis representatives based on the data on individual deputies presented in a publication of Majlis-e Shura-ye Islami (1985) and the list of the supporters of the candidate of each faction from the daily newspapers Resalat, Abrar, and Kayhan, 30 and 31 July 1986. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In a letter to Gorbachev, Khomeini underlined his preoccupation with Ibn al- See Algar 1988, 271—76, for a few instances of Khomeini’s sympathy with the Major demographic characteristics of the two main factions of the Second Islamic From an interview with the deputy minister of agriculture, who was present at the This part of the chapter, on four variants of Islamic ideology, is taken from Ashraf Notes 11. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thus, Khomeini, who was a hyperactive, inteffigent, and proud child, suffered deeply from low self-esteem based on strained relations with Reza Shah, who was called the father of the Iranian nation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
13. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet if the state is as much the creator as the creation of domi- nant elites, then how useful is the approach of elite theorists in analyz- ing the complex hierarchy of power relations? The assumption that differences between the dominant elites are less significant than the common ground between them and that the role of largely unorga- nized nonelites in determining the course of social change is marginal at best seems too stark a depiction of horizontal and vertical relations in any society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
it is pre- mised on a dear recognition of the initiative of the state in the processes of social formation as opposed to its mere derivation from the social struc- ture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By helping identify segments of society that are likely to develop closer links with the state apparatus than others, it serves to emphasize the crucial bearing that the changing nature of the state’s links with different elements among the privileged strata has on its political, economic, and ideological posturing in relation to society as a whole. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whereas elite theorists accommodate societal complexities and change by acknowledging that the ruling elite is not the preserve of any par- ticular social group, the Marxist idea is that of an economic group exercising political power on the basis of its dominant location in the social mode of production. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While Pakistan’s early managers sought to use its strategic location to acquire British and, subsequently, Ameri- can military and economic aid, the increasing costs of maintaining the defense establishment set the imperative of state formation on a coffi- sion course with the political process. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the absence of a preexisting central government, the choice that presented itself to the Muslim League leadership at the center was either to con- centrate on the twin processes of constitution making and party build- ing or to establish the mechanisms of an effective state administration. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For Bengalis, Sindhis, Baluchis, and even the somewhat better-off Pashtuns, the mutuality of interest between the Punjab and the center seemed palpable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Only when class and occupational interests tended to con- verge, which was not too often or too long-lasting, could the Punjab’s landed politicians expect their fellows in the state apparatus to serve their provincial, or even class, interests. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the fifties the exercise of state authority had, willy-nilly, to coexist with a political framework based on a parliamentary and fed- eral system of government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet in the absence of organized channels for the articulation of sociopolitical and economic interests, except through a highly central- ized administrative structure, the legitimacy and effectiveness of state authority in a society riddled with economic disparities and a multi- plicity of ideological beliefs was perpetually at risk. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the resounding defeats of “Islamic” parties at the ballot box in Pakistan’s subsequent history suggest that the main contribution of the bureaucratic-military axis of the fifties was not in shaping the state’s ideology but rather in distorting its institutional structure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Grossly un- derestimating the need for popular bases of support, civil and military officials in the fifties concentrated on manipulating their international connections in the hope of molding the administrative machinery and pursuing development strategies aimed at creating a political economy of defense. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both relied on the support of a predominantly Punjabi army and civil bureaucracy and, through the extension of dif- ferential patronage, on social and economic groups with political bases that were neither so extensive nor so independent of the state appara- tus as to pose a serious threat to the stability of the regimes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Those who lament the state’s lack of interest in policies of redistribution have concentrated on inves- tigating the location of vested interests within the state structure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Military and civil officials were also given plots of land in the urban areas that would fetch fantastic prices in the open market. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some of the more enterprising were able to use their access to state authority to join the ranks of the regime’s other most favored groups—business and industrial entrepreneurs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
His six-point program for provincial autonomy, justified on the grounds of growing economic disparities between the two wings and inadequate representation of the Bengali majority in the civil bureaucracy and the army, was seized on by an array of disaffected elements in West Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
So although the Awami League and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) won the 1970 elections-in the eastern and the western wings respectively, their regional bases of support gave Yahya Khan an opportunity to delay the transfer of power in the hope of extracting the concessions needed to perpetuate the existing state structure and with it the long-standing dominance of the military-bureaucratic axis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Once the logic of functional inequality had been accepted, it was natural for the regime to adopt economic policies emphasizing growth rather than redistribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The land reforms of 1959 were ostensibly intended to break the hold of the landed gentry in West Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Newly irrigated land in Sind was allotted to state functionaries, Punjabis in the main. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Under the Veterans’ Settlement program, an estimated three hundred thousand acres of land in Sind as well as rice acreage along the Indian border in West Pakistan was par- celed out to military personnel (Rizvi 1986, 132). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Providing differential economic patronage was essential for the depoliticization sought through the basic democracies system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After the mid- sixties the politics of exclusion and the economics of regional and class disparity had turned the logic of functional inequality on its head. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 165 166 AYESHA JALAL For those whose fortunes began changing only under the PPP re- gime, access to state authority and the political patronage of the ruling party held out promises of a quick and smooth passage into the upper economic strata. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But by the same token, the alle- giance of emergent socioeconomic elites, whether occupying positions within the state apparatus or possessing access to it, is rarely to the party or government under which rags were turned to riches. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Simply put, those who are able, by virtue of their access to or location within the state, to amass private fortunes misappropriating public monies are more likely to switch loyalties with a change of government than the vast majority of the underprivileged who support a mass party in the hope of improving dismal standards of living. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But Bhutto pushed his Machiavellian methods be- yond the point of ingenuity—by throwing open the PPP’s gates to all comers he alienated loyal party workers anxious to capitalize fully on the impact the PPP’s land and labor reforms and promises of allot- ments of state land to slum dwellers were having on the psyches of the rural and urban downtrodden. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By December 1973 he had set the army against Baluchi tribesmen in armed revolt against the federal government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But perhaps most disconcertingly for Bhutto, even sections of the urban middle classes, incensed at the steady etiolation of civil liberties and curbs on the press, on the one hand, and rising prices of basic com- modities, on the other, began looking for alternatives to the PPP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Granted the nominal impact of the 1972 land reforms, an estimated 53,458 small farmers and tenants had nevertheless been the beneficiaries of the re- distribution of vested land (Viewpoint, 23 Jan. 1976, 21). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the urban areas also, the PPP had tried to keep the wage increases of lower-income groups above the rate of inflation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What was needed was a disciplined and motivated PPP, “not a motley crowd in which landless tenants rub shoulders with jagirdars [large landown- ers], in which unreformed advocates of theocracy constantly browbeat the fighters for a free, egalitarian society” (Viewpoint, 13 Aug. 1976, 7—9). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was seen as Washington’s way of punishing Bhutto for his attempts to limit Pakistan’s dependence on the West and, more specifically, for his determination to proceed at all costs with a nuclear program. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But, as usual, the international factor was casting a shadow on the perceptions of some political analysts of STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 169 170 AYESHA JALAL Pakistan’s domestic politics, who were confident that “no known, overt source” could conceivably have financed and planned the PNA’s op- eration (Viewpoint, 27 May 1977, 5). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 5 July the Pakistan army was in the political arena for the third time, and Bhutto was in military custody. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Suggesting that his rule was part of a divine plan, he argued that Pakistan and Islam were two sides of the same coin, and the protection and integrity of both the geographical and ideological frontiers was a task the military establishment alone was capable of performing. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zia’s designation as the “cancel my last announcement” president instead of chief martial law adminis- trator is a measure of the humor that unrelieved social repression can sometimes generate. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On that day Bhutto, re- leased from military custody to lead the PPP’s electoral campaign, re- turned to Lahore only to be greeted by millions of enthusiastic supporters chanting the slogan “Gharibun ki majboori hai, Bhutto boohat zaroori hai” (The poor have no choice, Bhutto is very essential). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With Bhutto out of the way and the PPP’s amorphous organiza- tional structure largely crippled, Zia concentrated on consolidating his existing support base in the military and the civil bureaucracy and on building a broader constituency for his regime. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zia himself was a migrant from the eastern Punjab and so a beneficiary of the close biraderi ties that are a distinguishing feature of these groups; thus, he was well placed to lay claims on this ready-made constituency. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But just as the ideological differences in soci- ety could be manipulated by the Jamaat’s penetration of the state- controlled media and educational institutions, the party’s long-standing policy of encouraging its, supporters to join the armed forces could now be turned to good advantage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Yet martial law was a potentially constraining influence on local privileges and could mean a possibly prolonged exclusion from direct access to state author- ity at the provincial as well as the national levels. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Significantly, after the local polls, Zia not only postponed national elections indefinitely but announced a total ban on parties and politics along with curbs on the press and draconian powers for the military courts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He declared that “from now on Martial Law would operate as STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 175 176 AYESHA JALAL real Martial Law,” adding with nonchalance that the military had come to stay (cited in Viewpoint, 21 Oct. 1979). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The deprived and marginalized groups, in the rural as well as the urban areas, were po- tentially more of a threat. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Between 1980 and 1985, 96 army officers were given plum jobs in the central superior services on a permanent basis, and 115 signed new reemployment contracts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But there was a qualitative difference from similar at- tempts in the sixties and the seventies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Those who could not partake of the oil bonanza to quadruple their incomes were allotted residential and commercial land in the urban areas. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These could be sold at astronomical prices to those suddenly enriched by the emer- gence of a parallel arms and drugs economy following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan or, more acceptably, by money earned in the oil-rich Middle Eastern states. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zia’s palpable lack of popularity explains his stubborn resistance to the demands of the opposition’s movement for the restoration of de- mocracy—a conglomerate of parties as disparate as the PNA but lack- ing its financial clout—that he hold free elections on a party basis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1985, when he finally decided to hold national and provincial assembly elections on a nonparty basis, he was faced with an opposition boycott led by the PPP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But by then there were enough Shura members anxious to retain their privileged access to state authority and others for whom staying on the margins of a system based on differential patronage seemed nothing short of political and economic suicide. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Deficit financing reached unprecedented levels between 1985 and 1988 amounting to Rs 56 billion, according to the state bank’s conservative estimates (Herald [Karachi], Jan. 1988, 61). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The regime was clearly falling in debt to a small affluent crust of Pakistani society and could ill afford to ignore the interests of this stratum, yet the dominant military and bureaucratic institutions kept the balance firmly tilted against the political clients. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For all of Zia’s expensive political engineering, his ability to per- petuate his rule for eleven long years was as much, if not more, owing to the shifts in the regional balance of power triggered by the Iranian revolution, followed soon after by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Zia regime’s support of the Afghan resistance movement based in Pakistan won it billions of dollars in American military and economic aid. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In August 1988 the death of Zia and key senior military officers in an air crash opened up a chink of hope for a people long denied the right of free and fair electoral choice on a party basis. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The ban on parties encouraged the politics of biraderi, the monetization of the electoral process, and the use of the state apparatus at all levels of society to ensure the success of candidates favored by the upper echelons of the military and the civifian establishments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During the Zia era the situation in Sind was particularly alarming. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A powerful determining influence on the results of both elections was the access to state power enjoyed by one of the main contenders, the Islamic Demo- cratic Alliance (IDA)—a motley collection of nine pro-Zia political groupings, including the Muslim League and the Jama~at-e Islami. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the PPP emerged as the largest single bloc in the National Assembly, far ahead of the IDA, it did not win the majority needed to form a stable government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Representing the entire political spectrum from the extreme Right to the Left, F STATE AND POLITICAL PRIVILEGE 183 Notes 184 AYESHA JALAL 3. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The result was a countrywide revolt leading to a collapse of much of the state structure and the undoing of most of the reforms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in its struggle with the revolt, the PDPA made important changes in the reform decrees, so that they became as much instruments of counterinsurgency as of social transfor- mation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The attempted revolution did initiate a process of social transfor- mation in the Afghan countryside, but—in another irony of the histori- cal dialectic—the landlords and tribal chiefs have been displaced not by the PDPA but by the Islamic political parties who have mobilized and armed the small landowners and tenants to fight the jthad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It has not been institutionalized, and future trends depend on the shape of the new Afghan government and the return of refugees. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, like all areas of policy, redistribution requires not only po- litical power but also knowledge of society.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Afghan state and the social strata dependent on it (including the strata that created the PDPA) had weak links to most of the society of Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Whether that redistribution continues after the war that gave rise to it depends on whether the empowerment of the beneficiaries is institutionalized in postwar Afghanistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As noted in the case of Afghanistan, re- distributive policies may fail to produce the intended outcomes, and redistribution can occur through a political process in the absence of policies intended to bring it about. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In theory a socialist revolutionary regime combines these two characteristics (that is the meaning of “proletarian democratic dictatorship”). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Much of the debate has centered around land reform, which long appeared to be the most effective redistributive reform for the countries of the Third World. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The social “whole,” however, is in turn a part of a larger whole, the nation-state system, and the state is that part of society through which much (not all) of the society’s relations with the rest of the sys- tem are mediated. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Lalmi land relies on rain; on abi land, water rights and land rights are generally Material Production and Class conjoined. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The most common types of relations of production are the family- owned-and-operated farm, where the family provides labor and ani- mals for its own land; sharecropping, where the tenant receives a portion of the crop; and commercial farming, which is common only on the peripheries of the cities, where the owner pays cash wages for labor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Peasants can also place their land in a type of mortgage, geraw, in which the lender receives a portion of the crop in lieu of interest and takes over the land if the principal if not repaid after a certain number of years.12 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(121) Recalculated on equivalent of first-grade land Size of holding (ha) Absolute landholdings (unadjusted) Size of holding (ha) Sources: Glukhoded 1981, 241—42; Mukherjee 1984, 176—78. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Based on table in Shahrani 1984, 19. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
shows some available date on the size distribution of landholdings. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the one hand, almost 40 percent of the landowning households had the equivalent of less than 1 hectare (2.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
% 520,000 26.3 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
738,000 10.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
702,000 15.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the other hand, extremely large holdings are on the whole unusual. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These networks are not based on any single principle: neither wealth nor kinship suffices to assure a man influence.15 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Most villages also have a council of elders, consisting of the leaders of various lineages or wards in the village, and may have a large mosque where the men of the entire village pray on Friday. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Khans do indeed make loans and employ tenants on their lands. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The wealth and power of khans may serve the social ends of pro- viding public goods, such as irrigation, or of protecting the vifiage from the predatory forces outside it.’9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The pattern of hospitality and marriage prestations are mechanisms of redistribution along lines of kinship and community and across class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In return, they benefited froni some government expenditures on roads, schools, and agricultural de- velopment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He launched Afghanistan’s first development programs, financed mainly by in- creased direct taxes on agriculture, which reaped as much as one-fiftF of the harvest (Barfield 1981, 163). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This was the context in which the various rulers of the Musahiban dynasty that came to power in 1929 elaborated the fiscal system that the PDPA inherited. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Musahiban shared with Amanullah the goal of “modernizing” Afghanistan, but they concluded from his experience that the balance of forces in the country precluded a state-imposed global transformation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
they had been 62.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of domestic revenue in 1926; in 1952—53 they were 18.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent and fell to about 7 percent by 1958; in the 1970s they were less than 2 percent.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government also spent foreign aid heavily on the education and employment of the new middle class. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The network of clientage that held extended families together and knitted them into a qawm would have been replaced by direct dependence of nuclear families on the gov- ernment bureaucracy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The decrees containing the redistributive measures affecting the rural sector were Decree Number 6 (12 July 1978), dealing with rural mortgages and debts; Decree Number 7 (17 October 1978), dealing with marriage and bride-price; Decree Number 8 (28 November 1978), dealing with land reform; and the statute governing agricul- tural cooperatives, issued on 21 September 1978.~° The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For these categories of peasants, all debts more than five years old for the purchase of seed or on which any interest was charged were canceled. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Land placed in geraw more recently was also to be returned to the owner after the harvest, but the owner had to repay a portion of the principal on a sliding scale and according to a schedule determined by the age of the loan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An important provision of the decree was that its enforcement de- pended on the claimants’ being able to produce legal documents attest- ing to the loan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Soviet journalist interviewing him (who also had spent much time in Afghanistan) commented, “And only pro forma at that, in many instances. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course, the major result of the attempts to implement the re- forms in 1979 was the spread of armed revolt through much of the country~ leading to the Soviet decision to intervene.37 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This decree effectively transformed the “land reform” into a counterinsurgency measure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The method of extending the dependence, however, was different from that of the Khalq.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The clergy could retain all of their property if they agreed to cooperate with the Islamic policy of the government.43 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Large capitalist farmers could retain all their land if they sold all produce to the government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It established Soviet-style agricultural mechanization centers (FBIS VIII, 5 Mar. 1985, C2) and also provided subsidies and higher procurement prices to encourage farmers to raise karakul and to plant cotton and sugar beets, which would have to be sold to the state-owned process- ing p1ants.~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The gas was piped directly across the border into the Soviet Union and was metered on the Soviet side of the border. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Only isolated figures on transfers are currently available, but they give an idea of the types of transfers the government engaged in. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Statements by the government focused on transfers of two major types: those to Islamic institutions and those to the urban population in their varying capacities as government employees, cash-paying con- sumers, and students. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government announced it had spent Af 130 million on the repair of existing mosques in 1981—82. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Given the high rate of inflation, however, these policies may not have succeeded in keeping the urban standard of living from falling, except for the most privileged groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The overall quan- tity of the redistribution can be estimated through data on currency in circulation.TM The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As a Soviet journalist (now a leader of Russia’s reactionary Right) who had previously written much egregious nonsense6° on Af- ghanistan put it, a mere week after Gorbachev had made it clear that he would withdraw Soviet troops: ghanistan, the political course of the Kabul government has been changed repeatedly. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The failure of the land and debt reform is the key to the failure of the PDPA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It has declared pluralism. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After subsisting for a few months on World Food Program handouts, they returned home “more disillusioned than ever” (ølesen 19S2). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Other explanations do not rely on the simpl~ defined interest of the peasants. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aid from Pakistan, the United States, and a host of other reactionary powers consolidated the hold of the “counterrevolutionaries” on the peasantry, who remained in the grip of false consciousness. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The peasants were thus not given a choice between domination and exploitation, on the one hand, and freedom and equality, on the other. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The resistance, of course, opposed the government’s land reform on ideological grounds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Some property of landlords may be haram (Islamically invalid) if, for instance, it was purchased with money earned from interest on loans, which is forbidden in Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The resistance would favor canceling pay- ment of interest on loans as contrary to Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The reality on the ground, however, was that the resistance relied for its manpower on the support of the small peasants and tenants. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They ac- knowledged that the landlords were in fact the owners of the land. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
impress this on me. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The latter defines qawm among Pashtuns as “any category of common patrilineal descent that persists through time as a distinct identity from a particular community to the totality of Pashtun.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
figure of between 2 and 3 million nomads out of a population of over 15 million persons, but specific estimates of ‘full-nomads’—that is, tent-dweUing pastoralists with no agricultural occupation—vary from 200,000 to 2,741,488. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Several writers report a traditionally sanctioned system of product distribution that grants one-fifth to whoever provides each of the five factors of production, but they report that in practice the distribution follows a variety of formulas, depending on the region and the crop (Etienne 1972; Barry 1984, 103; Centlivres-Demont and Centlivres 1984; Centlivres 1972; Tabibi 1981, 53—55). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
15. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Anderson 1978, 170—71. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
breakdown of reciprocity see Barfield 1981, which describes the effect of a rise in sheep prices on relations between shepherds and herd owners, and, especially, Anderson 1978. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The article describes the effect of the introduction of tractors in the early 1970s on agriculture among the Ghilzai of Ghazni. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, the same tribesman went on to contrast that (bad, fake) khan with his own, genuine khan, who used his tractor to plow the fields of his followers without charge. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the moral universe of the peasant, see Scott 1976. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the beginnings of Shahrani (1986b) and Kakar (1978) both argue that government corruption See also Tabibi 1981, 64. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Critical analyses which formed my thinking on these matters were Roy 1980, Roy 1986, 84—97, and Shahrani 1984. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An inside story on their failure is in Anwar 1988, 125—50. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course, the Shariah provisions on inheritance create a widespread problem of parcelation of the land in all Islamic countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Unlike the other three categories, military officers had some limitations on the use of the land they held above the ceiling. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Article 9 stated that the decree did not affect the right to land of small and landless peasants working on land exempted from expropriation under the decree. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the destruction wrought by the counterinsurgency strategy see Laber and Rubin 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The net impact of these policies on the income of various groups can be gleaned from the available statistics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The various groups generally agreed on what constituted the blatant excesses of Pahiavi rule: the extremely unequal distribution of wealth and income, the growing gap between urban and rural living standards, the blind imitation of Western cul- tural norms and consumption patterns, and economic and political subservience to foreign powers. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the The Ideological Setting and Controversies THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 229 230 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON whole, he was influential in downgrading the economic dimension of the Islamic revolution and defining it primarily in cultural and moral terms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Article 44 posits that “the economic system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to consist of three sectors: state, cooperative, and private.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Even if for the movement as a whole there was a “consensus” about the centrality of justice to the Islamic order, there was no agreement on what constituted social justice and how the appli- cation of Islamic tenets and injunctions would ensure distributive jus- tice. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, the revolutionaries quickly found that the constitution had not resolved the controversial questions and that they remained divided on many issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For instance, since the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq War, there has been a heated dispute about the extent to which Iran should rely on foreign resources for its postwar reconstruc- tion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although this debate touches on the issue of social justice—who should bear the burden of austerity measures—it really concerns the other rallying cry of the revolution, that is, the call for self-reliance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The tendency has been to divide the contending factions into two camps: (1) the radicals who advocate strict limits on private property THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 231 232 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON and a large role for the state, supporting legislations on foreign trade nationalization, land reform, and urban real estate; (2) the conserva- tives who champion the cause of unfettered private enterprise and call for the repeal of most government controls and the return of expropri- ated assets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The initiative for such legislation has come from the radical faction, which based its case on the Shi~ite principle of overriding necessity for the survival of the system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These difficulties and Ayatollah Khomeini’s reluctance to rule per- sonally on the overriding necessity for particular legislation caused long delays in resolving issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Many of the bifis dealing with economic matters, such as the land reform bill, the foreign trade nationalization bifi, and the labor law, were rejected and sent back to the parliament to be amended be- cause they were said to infringe on the right of property and freedom of contract. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
He first ruled that the government, by virtue of public services it pro- vides, can impose conditions on private contracts to which it is not a party. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A council, in which the executive branch was strongly represented, was appointed by Ayatollah Khomeini to determine the best interest of the community whenever the parliament and the Council of Guardians could not agree on an issue. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By the last year of Ayatollah Khomeini’s life (1988—89), the thrust of the debate shifted from issues of redistribu- tion to those of reconstruction and self-reliance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The accepted view, quite justifiably was that the Pahiavi regime had squandered the oil income on armaments, useless showcase projects, and luxury con- sumption. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, the new government believed it could achieve its goals even with reduced dependence on oil, which was to be an essen- tial component of the goal of self-reliance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The war was not such a major economic drain, however, despite the government’s em- phasis on the importance of the war as an explanation for its economic difficulties. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A large army of low-paid, low-skill soldiers was not a particularly heavy burden on the Iranian economy The most significant factor underlying the decline in income in Islamic Iran was the profound oil shock of the mid-1980s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government was able to sustain a relatively high level of domestic expenditure during 1980—81 by drawing down $6 bfflion of its foreign exchange reserves and by cutting spending on prestige imports, espe- cially sophisticated arms and overly complex capital goods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The mood was one of optimism, fed as well by the victories on the front that expelled Iraqi troops from nearly all Iranian soil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Furthermore, in the inter- vening fifteen years, Iran had become more dependent on oil income, as the other sectors of the economy had adapted to the high oil earn- ings of the boom years: consumption standards had risen, the increas- ingly urban population had become dependent on food imports, and economic activity had shifted to providing service to complement im- ports financed from oil revenues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the other hand, agriculture is reported to have done quite well, growing in real terms at 3 percent per year in 1977—88. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The statistics on prices appear to be more or less a blend of the small changes in official prices with the much larger changes in free market prices; in effect, each consumer faced a different price change, depending on how much he or she relied on the free market. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such distortions have rendered the data on national income in real (price-adjusted) terms and on the distribution of output among sectors particularly questionable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because the Islamic regime chose to, or had to, rely on the country’s own resources, the various items of national expenditure had to absorb the fall in the GDP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nevertheless, on a per capita basis, private consumption in 1988 was only 80 percent of its prerevolution peak and a mere 19 percent above the 1972 level. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The burden of adjustment fell largely on public consumption and gross investment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The shortage of foreign exchange and the need to maintain food and mili- tary imports resulted in strict limits on imports of capital goods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, the fall in the availability of resources would have required some adjustments even if the government had been will- ing to rely on outside sources of finance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third, the war with Iraq substantially altered the demand on govern- ment finances. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The oil wealth was to be conserved for future generations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Every category of government spending declined in real terms, although in current prices, nonmilitary expenditure as a percentage of current government spending did not fall drastically compared to the prerevolution levels (from 64 percent in 1977 to 55 percent in 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A number of authors have already written on various aspects of the cost of the Iran-Iraq War (e.g., The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
371.2 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1987, when at the height of the fiscal crunch Ayatollah Khomeini made a symbolic gift of R 10 million to cover the cost of maintaining twenty fighting men on the front for three months, every guild and coopera- tive called on its members to increase their contributions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Iran did not spend more on the war, because no country would provide it with the expensive high technology equip- ment, such as fighter planes, it wanted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The apparent growing reliance on taxes was largely owing to the fall in oil revenues rather than to greater tax effort. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Obviously, this source of revenue was dependent on the availability of foreign exchange from oil exports. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nearly two-thirds of the direct taxes collected were on corporate profits. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In effect, every person paid a tax on his or her equal share of public income, which was equivalent to a poll tax that was variable over time. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By 1987, they accounted for nearly one-half of the revenue from the income tax and for the first time exceeded the taxes on salaries and wages. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An examination of the tax legislation enacted since the revolu- tion reveals that the policymakers always had progressive aims, raising taxes on luxury consumption and high incomes and lowering them on moderate incomes. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But what looked good on paper was not necessarily realistic and effective in practice. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Soon after the revolution, the tax schedule for salaries was changed to raise the minimum exemption level and increase the marginal rate on higher brackets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The rates on lower incomes were reduced on several occasions to counter bracket-creep but also for redistributive reasons. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The net impact of these reforms on resource extraction was inconsequential, and therefore their redistributive effects were also lim- ited, though certainly progressive. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The new bifi also lowered some of the irrelevantly high marginal rates on income (from 90 percent to 70 per- cent) in order to reduce tax evasion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is significant that the Council of Guardians chose not to express its opinion on whether the bifi was in accordance with the ordinances of Islam, thus avoiding the need to put the THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 245 246 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON Expenditure Revenue Deficit Sources: Iran, Ministry of Planning and Budget, Annual Economic Report, various years; Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1991. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This tax, which had a steep marginal rate of 40 percent, was levied mainly on real estate assets in excess of R 100 million. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state largely covered the deficit through a variety of means including drawing down on its foreign assets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The redistributive consequences of the inflation tax could hardly be progressive, al- though the government tried to redress, through controls on prices and distribution channels, some of the most blatant inequities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The burden fell mainly on salaried employees, especially in the private sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamic government was perhaps unique among modern revolutionary regimes for its reliance on infla- tion as a mechanism for reconciling competing demands on resources. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The pat- tern that emerges indicates on the whole that income disparities nar- rowed during the revolutionary period, although there are also some instances of worsening distribution since then. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Evidence from the annual household expenditure surveys also pro- vides data on how various social groups (according to criteria other than expenditure) changed their relative position. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It must be noted, however, that household sur- veys do not cover the extreme tails of the distribution, so data are lacking on the impact of the expropriations of assets of top business- men and on the wealth accumulated by those who made their fortunes after the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the whole, those in this group had a slighly better chance of being in the top 20 percent of households in 1985 than before the revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Public-sector employees are on the whole among the better-off segments of the urban population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1985 53 57 253 1986 1988 58 1987 59 66 61 71 1986 70 1988 44.1 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because government employees would be relatively high on the rural income scale, the widening rural disparities may partly be owing to the expansion of public-sector employment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is true that state policies had profound impact on the redistribution of income and wealth in the society. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the whole, the redistributive consequences of the state’s fiscal role were limited. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, the extent and speed of the takeovers paradoxically reflect both the breakdown of state power after the fall of the shah and the still considerable financial autonomy of the government based on its continued control over the huge oil revenues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Indeed, after the revolution public enterprises became a huge drain on government finances. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They were all intended to ensure an equitable distribution of scarce re- sources, and on the whole, this aim was served by many of the con- trols; but they also had significant adverse effects on efficiency and sometimes benefited specific groups among the rich or middle class more than they helped the poor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For instance, in the late 1980s only be- tween 30 and 40 percent of the rice consumption was distributed by the government; similarly, extensive free markets for meat and dairy products existed alongside the controlled network mainly supplied from imports. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although the immediate aim of all these controls was a more equitable distribution of resources, there were unintended adverse effects on equity as well as significant losses in economic effi- ciency. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For example, the detrimental impact of an overvalued exchange rate on exports and import substitutes may well have depressed em- ployment, which would have had a negative effect on the poor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
on the whole benefited the urban consumers even though the regional allotments were reasonably equitable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
above differed considerably. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It was an important element in maintaining the real income of low-income households, and it helped narrow regional and rural-urban disparities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This form of economic organization seemed most congruent with the principle of social justice, which all Islamic tendencies advocate, and yet it was not based on social ownership of all means of production, on whose rejection there was broad agree- ment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Did the government use the extensive regulation of the system of distribution as a mechanism for political control and mobilization? The evidence is mixed. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government’s advocacy of the cooperatives had an egalitarian effect on redistribution, but it was not a policy directed toward the poorest segments of the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Housing was one of the first problems the Islamic regime tried to tackle. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Delays in the full implementation of the law notwith- standing, by 1986 the Organization for Urban Land, having taken over much of the urban land above the permissible ceiling, was providing nearly two-fifths of the residential building plots. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the 1973—78 period, the oil boom raised the demand for hous- ing because it led to higher incomes and increased migration to the Housing cities. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Housing Foundation was set up with much fanfare as a revolutionary organiza- tion to provide housing for the poor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
21). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Real estate and urban land were and still are the largest source of private wealth in the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because projects in other sectors had a higher import content and because the cost of inputs was kept low by the artificial exchange rate, other sectors received more real resources than the budget shows, leaving less than 20 percent for social Under Ayatollah Khomeini the regime was unable to formulate a The rise in the population put severe pressure on social services, THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 265 266 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON affairs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The burden of lower income fell primarily on the modern edu- Conclusion cated upper middle class, which saw a precipitous decline in its living standard. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is not clear to what extent this group has benefited from the reforms. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For an expression of this view, see Rafsanjani’s speech to the National Congress of Extension Centers and Cooperatives, reported in Kayhan, 16 Oct. 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government relaxed most price controls, removed some state subsidies and targeted others more effectively, liberalized imports, and privatized some public enter- Epilogue: Post Khomeini Developments THE STATE AND SOCIAL EQUITY 267 268 VAHID F. NOWSHIRVANI AND PATRICK CLAWSON prises. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The reform process has been championed by the Western-edu- cated technocrats who control most government posts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is not surpris- ing, therefore, that the programs had no profound impact on any of the major redistributive crises confronting the country total political commands, first as the chief martial law administrator and later as president. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This fear was manifested by a group of Muslim fundamentalists who chose migration to Afghanistan and Muslim Central Asia over assimila- tion into a predominantly Hindu India; by Sayyid Ahmad Khan, who focused on human resource development as a way of providing the Muslims of British India with the same intellectual equipment that had become available to the Hindu subjects of the British raj; by such provincial bosses as Fazle Husain, Sikandar Hayat, Khizar Hayat Tiwana, Khan Sahib, Ghaffar Khan, and Fazl-e-Haq, who be- lieved that the Muslims in the Muslim-majority province of Punjab and in the North-West Frontier Province and Bengal, by practicing the policies of isolation, even within a Hindu-dominated India, should be able to protect the economic and social interests of their community; and by Muhammad Au Jinnah, who believed that with- out an explicit central agreement on power sharing, the Muslims of India could not expect fair treatment at the hands of the Hindus once the British departed from the subcontinent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These concerns remained on both sides of the bor- Pakistan’s Economic History - der, although only in India were they handled as political problems (Rudolf and Rudolf 1987). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the time of inde- pendence, Pakistan was an underdeveloped economy dependent al- most entirely on agriculture, from which came more than one-half of the GDP. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
During this period the poor neither gained material wealth nor did they see much improve- ment in their social well-being. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Today, some fifteen years after the migrants began to go to the Middle East in large num- bers, Pakistan shows few signs of the extensive absolute poverty that characterizes other countries of South Asia. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Both Britain and its currency, the pound sterling, suffered a decline in importance during this period of adjustment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In September 1949 Britain decided to devalue the pound with respect to the dollar, and with the exception of Pakistan, all other countries of the sterling area followed Britain in realigning the value of their currencies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But India refused to test the Pakistani exchange rate in normal trade; starting in October 1949, im- THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 277 278 SHAHID JAVED BURKI ports from India declined rapidly, leaving the Pakistani population without a number of goods basic for daily consumption. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the early 1950s President Eisenhower’s administration began to recruit countries on the periphery of the Soviet Union and China as members of defense affiances dominated by the United States. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of its GDP on an annual basis, with the United States by far the most significant contributor to this capital flow. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Between 1974 and 1988 the THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 279 280 SHAHID JAVED BURKI workers sent back a total of $25 billion to Pakistan through official banking channels. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The bureaucracy was not inclined to generate domestic re- sources beyond those needed for the day-to-day running of the govern- ment and those required for complementing the copious amount of development assistance coming in from abroad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The bureaucrats who had become managers of the economy were not well equipped to handle latent distributive prob- lems that did not surface as political and social crises. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
With the exception of brief interventionalist periods in the early 1960s and again in the early 1970s, it generally allowed people to use their incomes and their savings in the ways that suited them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The members of these services had been trained to act on their own within the loose adminis- trative framework that the British had developed in India and that Pakistan adopted for its own use following independence. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What was needed was a strong political entity at the center to redirect the power- ful civil bureaucracy away from procedures it had used during colonial times. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Bhutto and his associates moved quickly to restruc- ture the country’s economy by bringing most large-scale industries under government control, by nationalizing banks and insurance companies, and by sharply increasing public-sector development expenditure. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Once Pakistan appeared on the political map, these differences surfaced and brought a number of new redistributive crises to the fore. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Deepening rural poverty 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Approach: Consequence: Periods 1969—71 Periods 1969—71 • General political paralysis among W. Pakistani leaders on the issue • Civil war in 1971 and emergence of Bangladesh resolved the issue for Pakistan 1971—77 Approach: • Encouragement rural poor to the Middle East 1971—77 Cause: resources to 1977—78 1977—78 4. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Growing income disparities between smaller! The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Approaches: • Large-scale invest- undertaken East encouraged development • Government encouraged • Economic rela- development of tions with the agriculture Middle East Consequences: • Some improvement in income distri- bution • Some correction Six Distributive Crises in Pakistan’s History (continued) took place in rural- urban terms of trade 1958—69 TABLE 7.4 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zulfikar All Bhutto’s PPP won the elec- tion in West Pakistan on the basis of a potent political slogan, “roti, kapra aur makan” (bread, cloth, and shelter), and went on to imple- ment a program of deep structural change in the economy, involving THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 295 Deepening Rural Poverty 296 SHAHID JAVED BURKI the nationalization of a number of privately held assets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This program was in effect a heavy tax on agriculture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Wheat, rice, jute, and cotton were procured well below international prices; food grains and industrial raw materials were provided on highiy concessional terms to the people in large cities and to the private industrial entrepreneurs. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It also had an effect on the distribution of incomes between rural and urban areas. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Bengal secessionist movement headed by the Awami League joined forces with the leadership of Baluchistan and the North-West THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 299 300 SHAHID JAVED BURKI Frontier to put pressure on the government to dissolve the One Unit of West Pakistan and grant greater political economic autonomy to the provinces. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The rural migrants, settled on the properties left behind by the Hindu and Sikh peasantry were absorbed fairly quickly, the urban migrants, however, had to look for new jobs and income oppor- tunities in government, commerce, industry, and the service sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ayub Khan did not fully comprehend the political significance of these developments. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the mid-1980s the more articulate sec- tions of the community organized the MQM, which went on to win the local elections of November 1987 and to a spectacular electoral triumph in the national elections of November 1988 and October 1990. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The sixth distributive problem to have had an important effect on Pakistan’s political development was also the product of the partition of India and the migration of millions of Muslim refugees from India to Pakistan. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As discussed above, the rural migrants were initially settled on the land vacated by the Hindus and Sikhs who had left Pakistan for India. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the number of Muslim immigrants was much larger than the Hindu and Sikh emigrants, and the Punjab’s agriculture became very crowded once the newcomers were finally accommodated. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Clearly, successive Pakistani governments have failed to take full notice of these crises of distribution, and this lack of attention has in- variably produced unpleasant political consequences. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The landed interests, cast adrift by the urban bias of Pakistan’s first administration, abandoned the league in favor of political alliances that could protect their interests. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The left wing of the All-India Muslim League, though not fully subscribing to this analysis, did not recommend the abolition of zamindari but suggested instead a limit on the amount of land that could be owned. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to this view, which found expression in a report prepared by some progressive elements in the Muslim League, a ceiling on the ownership of land was one way of constraining bad landlordism (Pakistan Muslim League 1949b, 17, cited in Naqavi, Khan, and Chandry 1987, 91—132). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Nevertheless, three important reasons for the attention received by asset redistribution stand out. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to them, most landlords had displayed a lack of social consciousness and were bad landlords. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the congress’s political idiom, zamindari (landownership) became a pejora- tive term. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Large amounts of virgin land had become available to the British crown as a result of the extension of irrigation to the desert areas of the Punjab and Sind; the British awarded large tracts of this land to their loyal subjects, a number of whom became politically important during the fading years of the raj. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan continued the tradi- tion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
first was implemented in 1959 by the administration of President Ayub Khan, who was of the view that “nothing much will be gained unless we carry out land reforms in a scientific fashion” (Ayub Khan, cited in Michel 1967, 12). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
million acres), whereas farms with more than twenty acres (3 percent of the total) comprise 23 percent of the total land. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Under the reforms, about 2.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And yet, as indicated above, governments have tended to put much greater emphasis on asset distribution than on income redistribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Herberger (1977, 261) states that “the conclusions emerging” from an analysis of poor countries’ ability to use their fiscal systems for redistributive purposes “will probably be disheartening to those who believe that a major assault on the problem of inequality can be effected by fiscal means.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An exclusive reliance on fiscal means can- THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 311 Income Redistribution 312 SHAHID JAVED BURKI not be very productive for a variety of reasons, including the propen- sity of capital to shift to other sectors, suth as agriculture, or to migrate from the country altogether. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And, as Pakistan’s industrialists demonstrated during the Bhutto period, they and their capital can take ifight as rapidly as the industrial capital in other countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although these responses are important, they remain only theoreti- cal possibilities in Pakistan because of the relatively low tax base. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As the tax system has evolved over time, there has been a marked shift in favor of indirect taxes: a move away from direct taxes on income and toward those on import and production. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Thye succeeded remarkably well. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Budget shortfalls were financed by domestic borrowings; consequently, interest payments on domestic debt now account for nearly 16 percent of government expenditure as against 9 percent at the beginning of the 1980s. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Government expenditure on social services has also increased, from 8 percent of the total in 1980—81 to 10.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As already indicated, however, this increase in government expenditure did not produce an improvement in social development; in fact the larger government outlay on social development was largely the result of the nationalization of educational institutions undertaken during the Bhutto period. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
First, government finances are not elastic enough to accommodate large outlays on social development and poverty alleviation programs that may be needed to sustain the imprwement that has occurred in recent years in alleviating absolute poverty Second, the weak financial situation of the govern- ment imposes a serious constraint on increasing public-sector expendi- tures on social development, a problem compounded by the fact that defense and debt servicing leave little room for such expansion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Universal literacy was a political objective in many countries, but money spent on primary schooling was often regarded as diverted from activities that would have contributed more to economic growth. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Mahbub ul-Haq, the plan’s principal author, was one of the members of the group who had worked on the development of these ap- proaches when he was a World Bank official. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the same time, by banning the participation of the private sector in education, the nationalization policy increased the burden on the government. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The early years of the Zia period coincided with a severe recession in the global economy that left a deep impression on the economies of most Third World countries. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although data on income distribution are not available for this period, some secondary evidence suggests considerable benefits accru- ing to the less privileged segments of the population. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That economic change during the Zia period helped improve in- come distribution is a conclusion also supported by statistics on the consumption of some basic goods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For instance, Pakistan’s dependence on external capital flows increased considerably, while the already low rate of domestic sav- ings declined even further. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Reliance on short-term debt in- creased; in 1986 there were $790 million of outstanding short-term obligations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The terms on which these external obligations were obtained deteriorated considerably: in 1970 average maturity of outstanding debt was thirty-one years; in 1986, this had declined to twenty-six years. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
These weaknesses included excessive depen- dence on foreign savings, inability to put into place programs that would address the problems faced by the more underprivileged seg- THE STATE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 321 322 SHAHID JAVED BURKI ments of the society, and the willingness to allow widespread economic and social discrimination against women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
General Zia ul-Haq’s assumption of political control on 5 July 1977 interrupted the process of structural transformation that was initiated by the administration of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although such a deep encroachment of the public sector into the economy had no precedent in Pakistan, it was based on an approach popular in the late 1940s and early 1950s in several academic circles in England and the United States, when Zulfikar Au Bhutto was at Berkeley and Oxford. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
By the time the Bhutto administration brought this approach to Pakistan, however, the basic economic philosophy on which they were based had few adherents left in the development community. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This be- lated experiment in statism and socialism did not inspire confidence on the part of Pakistan’s donor community, which, because of the country’s continued dependence on foreign flows, had considerable influence on domestic economic decision making. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Ac- cordingly, when General Zia ul-Haq persuaded the civil servants to return to planning, they made regaining the confidence of the entre- preneurial class their principal objective. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamization of the financial system was carried out not only for “eliminating that which is forbidden and establishing that which is enjoined by Islam” (Pakistan, FBS 1985a, 2). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A government report issued in 1985 estimated that the funds generated by zakat and ushr were providing Rs 330 per household per year (about $34 at the rate of exchange prevailing at that time). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is doubtful whether Pakistan’s economic problems can be handled any longer with the tools most often employed by the bureaucrats who were called upon to manage the economy: short-term crisis management and long- term dependence on foreign capital flows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In other words, Pakistan will need to rely increasingly on its own resources. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This recognition dawned on the “caretaker” government sworn into office by General Zia ul-Haq following the dismissal of Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo on 29 May 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Mahbub ul-Haq, the finance minister in the caretaker administration, proposed a signifi- cant restructuring of the government’s financing and the country’s fiscal structure in order to reduce Pakistan’s dependence on external General Zia ul-Haq’s Economic Legacy resources. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan is also vulnerable on one additional county: its ability to sustain the progress it has made in alleviating the worst form of pov- erty. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the motives that led 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A rich and growing literature deals with these issues. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Falcon and Gotsch (1968) look at the contribution of the agriculture sector. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This theme is developed in a number of articles by Akbar S. Zaidi. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The estimate of eight million refugees who came to Pakistan soon after indepen- dence is based on a district-by-district analysis of the census data for the years 1941 and 1951 (see Burki 1974). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Other estimates have also been made, however. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The cultural models of Islam, the great civiliza- tions of India and of the Middle East, have left their mark on the Afghan populations. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the eve of the military coup of 1978, the situa- tion of women in Afghan vifiages resembled that of women in rural societies of the southern Mediterranean area and the Middle East. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But the roles and status of women are, before everything else, based on women’s reproductive functions: physical reproduction and social reproduction. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the center of a system of exchange that is based not on the individual but on entire families, wives are acquired by a transfer of goods from the husband’s family to the bride’s, a transfer that ensures to the former the young women’s reproductive functions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It as- sured “Afghan women certain hitherto denied rights such as the free- dom to marry a man of their choice” (Poullada 1973, 85) and also placed “tight restrictions on wedding expenses, including dowries” (Gregorian 1969, 243).~ The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Following the example of her father, Mahmud Tarzi, and his na- tionalist bimonthly newspaper Seraj-ul Akhbâr (The light of the news, 1911—18), Queen Soraya in 1921 founded the first women’s magazine in Afghanistan, the weekly Irshad-e Naswan (The guide for women), ed- ited by Asma Rasmiya Tarzi, which ran articles “on the rights of women, child care, home economics and etiquette” (Rahimi [19771 1986,44); it appeared until 1925. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the autumn of 1928, on the initiative of Amanullah, twenty-eight young women left for Kemalist Turkey to study to become nurses or teachers (Viollis 1930, 166). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
had to oppose the ulama and the tribal leaders, who founded their opposition on the authority of ShariCah, the Pashtunwali tribal code, and the decisions of the jirgah (councils). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This garment, which was abandoned by the upper middle class, tended to be adopted by the lower middle class in the towns, at least during visits and on festive occasions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Depending on the case, the reaction of the traditional element was sometimes violent. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In order to awaken all women of the country, to encourage solidarity, and to create the necessary conditions for their emancipation, the association offered schooling up to the twelfth grade for married women and training for employment such as kindergarten teaching and social work. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1959 the association was attached to the Ministry of Education under the title De Mirmuno Tolanei (Women’s Institute). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In order to provide a left-wing alternative to the official organization, at the instigation of her party she founded the Democratic Organization of Afghan Women (DOAW) in 1965. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
From then on, the government backed away somewhat, first in applying the measures, then in lessening activism in the countryside, and finally in agreeing to ignore the decrees, especially those concerning the condition of women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the constitution of Novem- ber 1987, Article 14 (Article 38 in the constitution amended in June 1990) reaffirms the equality of men and women, and Article 15 stipu- lates that “the State wifi adopt the measures necessary to ensure health for mother and child and the education of children.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In only six articles, Decree Number 7 (17 October 1978) seeks to bring profound changes to women’s condition and to male-female rela- tions, in order “to do away with unjust, patriarchal and feudal relations between husband and wife and to consolidate sincere family ties.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But in 1978 it was the content of the courses and One of the first objectives of the PDPA was, as of 1978, immediately On the subject of the literacy campaign, Roy (1985, 123) stated, “Le From the beginning, the campaign raised disapproval, opposition, The Literacy Campaign and Programs for Education AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 345 346 MICHELINE CENTLIVRE5-DEMONT methods of application that caused reaction and resistance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
to organize a comprehensive literacy campaign that would involve children, adults, and the aged, of course including girls and women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
and revolt. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Education had progressed, in fact, with the collaboration of the population (particularly in the construction of school buildings). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The govern- ment also claimed its allegiance to Islam, which permitted it, in propa- ganda efforts, to deny the resistance a monopoly on Islamic authenticity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The number of years of education required to enroll in the university was reduced from twelve to ten; the length of time for medical studies was changed from seven to five years; and professional training was encouraged, with programs modeled on the Soviet system, apart from Qur1 anic instruction, which was diminished. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women newscasters on TV were banned in July 1992, even though they began to wear “Islamic dress” after the establishment of the Islamic government; moreover, the number of women working in administrations clearly declined. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Oral contraceptives remain the most popular device at all clinics, added the journalist. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the Afghan refugee vifiages, the tight and overcrowded living quarters, on the one hand, and the inactivity of part of the men, on the other, have led to daytime contact between men and women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women have hardly any occasion to leave their close quarters to go anywhere else, as they had gone in Afghanistan to the garden, the orchards, or the brook, on pilgrimage to the tomb of a saint, or to visit neighbors or kin. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Apart from health and hygiene, however, training activities for women are rare. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The large num- ber of widows leads certain members of the staff to reconsider the levirate and even polygamy as solutions to the crisis, in order to assure the security of the helpless and familyless widows. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All of these parties have insisted on compulsory education according to Islam, the condition being that it be carried out separately for boys and girls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the end of May 1988 the schools financed by the UNHCR and dependent on the Pakistani Commissionate for Af- ghan Refugees (CAR) were educating 112,000 children, though only 7,800 girls. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The number in all of the camps of Baluchistan, for example, can be counted on the fingers of one hand. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Life in exile permits men to continue their productive activi- ties, but only rarely does it permit women to do so. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Political Resistance Parties and the Place of Women The affirmation of a position specifically for women and the theory of women’s position appear episodically in the declarations and writ- ings of the Islamist resistance movements, like faint echoes of the dis- cussions that had been held on the subject of women during the Iranian revolution (see Muttahhari 1981). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Less discreet than others on this subject, the Hizb-i Islami claims to have been, from the beginning, alone in promoting the emancipation ol Afghan women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
All the parties insist unanimously on seclusion and segregation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
At the Conference on Afghanistan held at the Institute of Political and International Studies in Tehran (15—16 January 1989), attended by Shi~ite and Sunni leaders and Western experts, Sibghatullah AFGHAN WOMEN IN PEACE, WAR 361 362 MICHELINE CENTLIVRES-DEMONT Modjaddedi, leader of the Nejat-e Meffi, spokesman for the alliance of the seven parties based in Peshawar, and since February 1989 president of the Afghan interim government, mentioned the role of women in the conference’s final coxumuniqué. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The parties are waging the war, and women are not present on the front. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women participate in ‘the struggle as wives, moth- ers, and sisters of the mujahidin; they hide resistants or occasionally fire on the enemy to protect home and family. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But she is no longer found on the battlefield. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Kabul’s policy toward women was following the path opened by Amanullah in the l.920s. But con- trary to Amanullah’s policy, it did not insist on Westernized emblems, which could have been considered anti-Islamic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This does not mean that the resistance parties should be considered altogether backward, old-fash- ioned, or conservative, but that they have a very strict definition of the role and the condition of women, based on an interpretation of the Qur’an that puts the accent on separation, modesty, and the veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the eve of the coup d’etat of 1978, Kabul had 600,000 inhabitants; it is said to have had about 2 million at the end of 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1936 “the abolition of the veil in han was done by law It was the result of a decree by the shah; the ladies of his own house initiated the change” (Hansen 1983, 162). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In his letter of 29 January, Ayatollah Khomeini expressed shame over the broadcast and demanded expulsion of the person who had broadcast the program and imposition of Islamic The work on this paper was carried out while I was a research associate at the Women’s Studies in Religion Program at Harvard Divinity School and a fellow at the Pembroke Center for Teaching and Research on Women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
I would like to thank Ali Banuazizi and Myron Weiner for inviting me to present a paper to the workshop on Women and the State in Afghanistan, Iran, and Power, Morality~ and the New Muslim Womanhood AFSANEH NAJMABADI 9 366 punishment (ta ~zir) on all those responsible for the program. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Although it may be tempting to dismiss the whole incident as an amusing expression of the fanaticism of an old and possibly senil€ man, one may ask what was so dangerous in the simple imagination of an Iranian woman that required such a harsh, instantaneous inter- vention on the part of the supreme political and religious authority ol the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
around the concept of gharbzadegi—Westoxication or Weststruckness —popularized by Jalal Al-e Ahmad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
She was everywhere: on the streets, eye to eye; in the crowded buses, breath to breath; in schools, side by side; in offices; on telvision. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, speaker of the Majlis, put it, “A cleric could not walk through the university with those scenes on the grass, in classes, in streets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
After detailing the “political, cultural, economic and social dimen- sions” of the impact of women on Iranian society during the reign of the Pahlavis, the editorial turns to the significance of the Islamic revolu- tion: “It is here that we realize the glory and depth of Iran’s Islamic Revolution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the fall of 1978, on several university POWER, MORALITY, WOMANHOOD Morality and Power 371 372 AFSANEH NAJMABADI campuses, Islamic militant students were reported to have attacked unveiled women.8 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the underdeveloped countries, in addition to the above role, women serve as the unconscious accomplices of the powers-to-be in the destruction of indigenous culture. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
So long as indigenous culture persists in the personality and thought of people in a society, it is not easy to find a political, military economic or social presence in that society... The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
And woman is the best means of destroying the indigenous culture to the benefit of imperialists. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This shield is verily her veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For this reason, in societies like ours, the most immediate and urgent task was seen to be unveiling, that is, disarming woman in the face of all the calamities against her personality and chastity. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
it is something more on the order of being attacked by tongue worm. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The metaphors used by Al-e Ahmad for what he thought of as a general social illness have now collapsed onto the body of the woman, on her public physical appearance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women who have resisted total conformity have been fired from jobs, punished with Islamic punishment (seventy-four lashes), subjected to physical attacks on the streets, excluded from social space (shops refuse to sell them goods; banks, government offices, taxis, and airplanes refuse to deal with them), and threatened with transfer to “rehabilita- tion camps” at their own expense. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Second, through the insistence on “proper veiling,” as through many other similar details, the overall Islamic character of the new state and culture is again and again insisted upon.12 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“If anyone insults or is disre- spectful of the veil, not only has he/she insulted a veiled woman, all Islamic values and the Prophet of Allah have been insulted,” declared Dary-E Najafabadi in the 1986 seminar on hejab (veiling).13 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“When God or His Prophet issue an order, it is not worthy of any believing man or woman to deal with it on the basis of taste. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is no dispute on the issue of hejab. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Writers such as Zahra Rahnavard, Shahin Tabataba’i, Fereshteh Hashemi, and Soraya Maknun have produced extensive writings and given public speeches on the broader meaning and significance of the veil. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 16 had been celebrated and in part turned into demonstrations against Islamization measures, the issue could not be ignored. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Because this purification meant an attack on what significant numbers of urban women felt were their gains over the previous fifty years, to them it looked as if the new regime wanted women, all women, pushed back to the domestic sphere. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women were not legally barred from other professions, although many were purged on political, religious, or moral grounds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This law referred all matters related to the family to courts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Barely two weeks after the overthrow of the old regime, on 26 February 1979, a letter was issued by the office of Ayatollah Khomeini, suspending the Family Protection Law because it had been determined to be against the Shari~ah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 21 April 1979, for instance, Mahdavi Kani reiterated that the Family Protection Law had been voided by Khomeini and that therefore husbands could divorce their wives with no hindrance. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 9 August 1979, Sadr Hajj Seyyed Javadi, minister of justice, declared that family matters would henceforth be referred to religious courts and that although family courts had not yet been dissolved, they were no longer issuing decrees that countervened the Shari ‘ah. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
New family leg- islation was proposed by the Ministry of Justice to the cabinet and approved by the Revolutionary Council on 2 October 1979.16 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This new law gave the right of divorce exclusively to the husband, unless at the time of marriage a woman specified in the marriage contract that under certain specified conditions she could divorce herself on her husband’s behalf (those conditions giving her power of attorney). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The new law immediately became the subject of protest and discussion, not only on the part of secular women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A government spokesman, however, later stated that the old law would remain in effect imtil new legislation was drafted. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
What does all this mean when, on the one hand, the clerics op- posed the old legislation as un-Islamic and, on the other, hailed the new as an Islamic consolidation of women’s rights? Put simply, it indi- cates that the dispute was never over some essentially Islamic set of laws but over who—the state or the Islamic jurisprudent—makes the decisions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Social expedience, for instance—which in earlier years had been invoked as grounds for exclusion of women from certain employments and higher education disciplines, such as mining, geology, and agricul- tural engineering—is closely linked to the importance of preserving the health of the family and the primary responsibffity of women in caring for husbands, raising children, and managing the home. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Considering their domestic priorities, they are hardly in a posi- tion to attend night schools. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An expert on labor force p’anning and development, Dr. Hedayat, is quoted as saying that a woman of equal qualification has one-sixth the chance of a man to be employed for the same job. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Female employment in modern industry however, has decreased sharply from over 20 percent in 1976 to 7 percent in 1982—83 (Moghadam 1988, 232—33). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1976 to 7 percent in 1982 and although employed women as a proportion of economically active women has declined from 8.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent in 1976 to 5 percent in 1982, corresponding drops in activity rates for men have been even more drastic. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of course teaching in girls’ high schools or working in hospitals are exceptions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Woman’s mission is to bring up children. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Moghadam (1988, 229), although economically active women as a proportion of the total female urban population aged ten and above has declined from 9.5 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Industrial and Mining Bank argued that the nature of their investment projects required long periods of travel and that therefore women could not possibly fill their posts. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
As reasons for this policy, the associate director gave the necessity of trips lasting over several days at a time and the necessity of groups of employees work- ing together on projects in the same room, which involves mixing of female and male employees, a practice prohibited on religious grounds. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On first count, the goods will be confiscated and they will be treated according to the first clause of ARTICLE 2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
If the offense is repeated, the fine will be two hundred fifty thousand to five hundred thousand rials first and on sub- sequent occurrences it will be five hundred thousand to one million rials. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Notice that the legal terms do not grant the wife the power to divorce her husband but to divorce herself on his behalf. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
ARncLE 4. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
She is also given irrevocable power of attorney to accept on her husband’s behalf forgoing of her mahr. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
their sentences, on the suggestion of the head of the supreme court of Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini pardoned them. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Rafsanjani’s Friday sermons in late 1985 and early 1986, particularly sermons delivered on 31 December 1985, 17 January, 28 February and 4 April 1986. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the concept of the presentational symbol, see Langer 1942. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Similar observations could be made about the issue of the woman’s vote. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Feminist scholars define gender as the social organization of sexual Many thanks to Hanna Papanek, Hooshang Amirahmadi, Patricia Roos, Jim Jas- per, and Shahin Gerami for comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
More recently, de Lauretis (1987) has elaborated on the con- cept and the social fact of gender in the following way: “The cultural conceptions of male and female as two complementary yet mutually exclusive categories into which all human beings are placed constitute within each culture a gender system, that correlates sex to cultural contents according to social values and hierarchies. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Inequalities are learned and taught, and “the non-per- ception of disadvantages of a deprived group helps to perpetuate those disadvantages” (Kynch and Sen 1984, quoted in Papanek 1990). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This research is predicated on the understand- ing that gender (like class and ethnicity) is not a homogeneous cat- egory; it is internally differentiated and elaborated by class, ethnicity, age, region, and education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For example, Tunisia and Turkey are formally secular states, and only Iran has direct clerical rule. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Gender segregation is the norm and the law in Saudi Arabia but not in Syria (Ingrams 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Turkey the female share of certain high-status occupations (law, medicine, judge- ship) is considerable (Abadan-Unat 1980). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
From 1980 to 1988 Iran was involved in a major war, which reportedly took half a million lives on the Iranian side, the vast majority of whom were the male fighters. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The increase of 15 million people over a ten-year period represents a rate of population increase of 3.9 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
percent of the population was under the age of fifteen (SCI 1987,3). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That the marriage age was lowered (from sixteen to thirteen for girls) by the new Islamic state is a further influence on the fertility rate. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Another influence on fertility is female literacy and education. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This is consistent with the Islamic government’s emphasis on the distinctiveness of male and female roles and on the importance of family life and domestic responsibilities for women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Total Post-diploma Bachelors Masters Doctorate 181,889 60,490 125,327 42,357 69 70 16,659 15,194 17,922 3,955 34,569 8,870 10,271 1,958 56,562 18,133 31 30 7,490 5,858 15,808 5,477 6,934 1,318 6,257 931 The academic fields were selected on the basis of the greatest concentration of 96,353 65,263 67.7 The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This reversal of policy indicates that women are hardly passive in the face of official discrimination and that “Islamic feminists” such as Rahnavard can maneuver on behalf of women’s rights within the con- fines of the existing Islamic system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
aThe ministries were selected on the basis of the greatest concentration of male employ- ees so as better to compare female concentration distribution. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
According to Papanek (1990), “Gender differences, based on the social construction of biological sex distinctions, are one of the great ‘fault lines’ of societies—those marks of difference among categories of persons that govern the allocation of power, authority, and resources.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For theorists who argue that women’s economic dependence on men is the root cause of their disadvantaged and devalued status, change in the structure of labor force opportunities and rewards is the key target (Chafetz 1990; Moghadam 1993). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women are paid less for the same work, even when controlling for training and job continuity; whatever work women do tends to be devalued; and women often take jobs on appallingly bad terms (Elson and Pearson 1981; Joekes 1987; Epstein 1988). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Stripped of their economic and productive role, women depend on motherhood perfor- mance for status and prestige and on children’s labor as a strategy for survival (Ward 1984). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Spiraling population growth at a time of straitened fiscal resources and increasing pockets of poverty throughout the country eventually forced the authorities within the Islamic Republic to reverse the policy on family planning. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In June 1989 the government formally lifted the ban on contraceptives at state hospi- tals and clinics. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In January 1990, a seminar on population control convened in Tebran, with the result that the government is now openly favoring and encouraging family planning and the use of birth control devices. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
However, to the extent that the Islamic Republic is not autarkic and intends to be an actor on the global and regional politi- cal and economic scenes, one can expect women to take part in public life and inso doing subvert the notion of immutable gender difference. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Islamic republic inherited and retained a legal system based on both Shari~ah and the Code Napoleon. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the absence of more-detailed labor force and household surveys, one can only speculate why the female employment figure is so low in Iran and theorize on the basis of similar patterns found elsewhere. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The breathing power of men’s lungs is greater and women’s heartbeats are faster.. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Hindus, Indians); or (3) maintaining social cohesion in the face of rapid—and potentially destabilizing—change. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
for Women in Pakistan ANITA M. WEISS 11 412 In the last quarter century, state policy has been reoriented ex- plicitly to affect the status of women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state’s eco- nomic policy has had explicit socioeconomic consequences for women; educational and other social reforms have largely been by- products of economic policies in Pakistan, as the former are an out- come of the fate of the latter. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
There is consequently an urgency associated with Pakistani state policy to- ward women, for even a slight shift can have major repercussions on women’s lives. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Such laws, however, had scant impact on most women’s lives. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In the context of the state’s ideological framework at the time this makes sense because the state was searching for an identity and an ideology on which to base nascent social cohesion. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The written permission of a man’s wife (or wives) is supposed to be ob- tained and brought before an arbitration council that decides whether he may marry again, although the discretionary right to allow or dis- allow another marriage remains within the council and is not depen- dent on that written permission. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The law was passed at a time when state policy was focused on establishing a secure economic base. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 5 July 1977 General Zia ul-Haq overthrew the government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It did not initially appear that this act would have any particularly severe implications for women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Five versions have been proposed since 1985, with only the latest one being passed into law (on 10 April 1991). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Historically, this has implied a prohibition on mixing freely with unrelated men and a marked sexual division of labor. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On the basis of the predominant fiction that most women do not labor outside of their domestic chores, past governments have been hesitant to adopt deliber- ate policies increasing women’s employment options and to provide for legal support for women’s labor force participation. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women, how- ever, are dependent on a middleman for the raw materials and for marketing the finished goods. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
UNICEF recently commissioned a national study on women’s economic activity to enable policy planners and donor agencies to cut through the ~existing myths on female labor force participation (Shaheed and Mumtaz, 1992). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For example, a report for the Women’s Division, based on conditions in the North-West Frontier Province, looked at the extent to which women participate in cottage and small-scale industries in the Peshawar, Mansehra, and Swat districts (Nazeer and Aijalaly 1983). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women’s economic power in the 1990s in Pakistan, and on into the next century, will most likely continue to increase; such trends are prevalent worldwide. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The state of Pakistan’s economy on the whole, however, will significantly affect their prospects. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Policies existing during Zia’s tenure, such as compelling women newscasters to wear a dupatta (a type of scarf) while on television, may have reinforced existing norms CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 423 424 ANITA M. WEISS of female modesty in some segments of society, but they were ignored or ridiculed by others. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
That females were unable to compete in various athletic events (ostensibly so as not to risk immodest exposure) may have precluded the discovery of a world-class Pakistani athlete, but the more important issue is that the policy symbolically constrained the growth of girls’ athletics and fitness at a time when this was being given worldwide attention. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Increases in female education levels have held the promise of rais- ing the status of South Asian Muslim women for nearly a century~ The first woman who publicly articulated such demands was Chand Begum. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In 1986 a report on women’s conditions in the country written by the government-appointed Commission on the Status of Women con- demned the government’s failure to raise female literacy rates. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
No more-recent statistics are available, as the Nawaz Sharif government decided to cancel the scheduled 1991 census on the grounds that holding it would create too volatile a situa- tion, given the prevailing ethnic tensions. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
It is widely presumed that higher levels of female literacy have an inverse effect on women’s fertility. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Zeba Sathar and her colleagues (1988, 416) argue that although this is true in Pakistan, it “is open to question, however, to what extent relative educational attainment is a measure of gender inequality and whether the impact of education on fertility necessarily acts through a rise in status. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This latter pro- gram involved the sale of birth control pills and condoms throughout the country on the premise that increased availability would increase usage. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The Women’s Division was intended as an over~r~~j~g organiza- tion for coordinating all endeavors relevant to women j~ the national development process; it was to be “a special organ of the Federal Government to substantiate the fact that upholding the status and enhancing the socio-economic role of women is a national imperative, not a condescending concession” (Pakistan, Women’s Div15~°~’ 1988b, 1). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The commission had four explicitly stated purposes: 1. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Today the situation of women in Muslim lands especially in resource-poor nations such as Pakistan is deplorable. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They are treated as possessions rather than as self-reliant self-regulating humans. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
A futile attempt was made in the 1950s to include a Charter of Women’s Rights (see Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987, 56) in the 1956 constitution, although this was not on the basis of a collective group action but was rather promoted by a small group of elite women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Cries of discrimination against women were initially raised in response to the proposed Qanun-e-Shahadat in Feb- CONSEQUENCES OF STATE POLICIES 431 Mobilization for Women’s Rights 432 ANITA M. WEISS ruary 1983, when women lifted the veil of silence that had fallen over Pakistan since the 1979 execution of former Prime Minister Zulfiqar All Bhutto. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
I, therefore, assert that it is necessary to repeal certain laws and to enact new legislation which wifi give women their due rights and a challenging stake in the destiny of Pakistan” (APWA 1985, 4). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
APWA took a strong stand protesting against the imposition of certain aspects of the government’s program and passed the following resolutions: to be based on Islam. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For ex- ample, at its triennial conference in Lahore in 1982, APWA supported the groups’ demand that the government establish a Commission on the Status of Women; after APWA joined in, the government did so. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
You should take your women along with you as comrades in every sphere of life” (cited by Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987, 183). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women of varying political and social backgrounds (most of whom were members of WAF, APWA, or PWLA) led marches in early 1983 in Lahore and Karachi protesting the passage of the Qanun-e-Shahadat in the Majlis-e Shura (consultative assembly) and its recommendation to the president. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They also protested against the Sixth Five-Year Plan’s failure to place adequate resources at the dis- posal of various development programs that focused on women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They and the PWLA later urged the government of Pakistan to sign the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Dis- crimination Against Women. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Outreach activities promote the education of women to enable them to understand conditions of op- pression of both women and the larger social system. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The lifting of martial law in December 1985 enabled many Paki- stanis more openly to have a voice in the workings of the state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women’s groups organized protests in 1986 in the wake of the debate over the Shari~at Bill and the Ninth Amendment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
On 21 September the Shahrah-i-Quaid-i-Azam in Islamabad witnessed two simultaneous processions: more than one thousand women representing twenty-five women’s groups gathered under WAF’s banner protesting the Shari~at Bill, and about a hundred ulama (religious leaders) shouted threats and slogans against the women and demanded the bill’s passage (Dawn, 22 Sept. 1986, 1). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
They and other supporting organizations were not small, fanatical groups on the fringe of society, but rather consisted of elite women from the Business and Professional Women’s Club, APWA, and the Democratic Women’s Association, as well as supporters from the YWCA. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In support of the agitation, Syeda Abida Hussain urged women “to unite and launch an immediate campaign to force parliament to reject the Bill” (Viewpoint, 15 Jan. 1967, 16). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
While women’s status was being lessened by proposed legislation, incidents of violence against women were on the increase throughout the country. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The case was extended to the larger issue that the police were unable to control the mounting crimes against women, evidenced by four cases of rape occurring in Karachi in January 1987 alone (Irshad 1987). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
An untoward outcome was that by relying on an Islamically based policy, the state created factionalism between groups. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women’s political protest movement had publicly exposed the con- troversy regarding various interpretations of Islamic law and the role of the modern state. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For one, female newscasters no longer always wore their dupattas when reporting the news on television. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
But, on 23 March 9.1: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
sign the [United Nations] Convention on the Elimination of 9.2: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
reform Personal Law and bring it in line with the demands of 9.5: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Of the nineteen ministers of state, four were women: Begum Shahnaz Wazir Ali (minister of state for education); Begum Rehana Sarwar (minister of state for the Women’s Division); Mahmooda Shah (minister of state for special education and social welfare); and Begum Khakwani (minister of state for population welfare). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The government had requested that by the beginning of 1989 the Women’s Division provide it with a list of laws discrimina- tory against women, which it did. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Aside from herself and her mother, only one other woman was given a PPP ticket to contest the National Assembly election, and few women were given provincial assembly tickets. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
repeal all discriminatory laws against women; 9.4: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
make the law-enforcing machinery effective to protect [the] 9.6: The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The women’s movement has regrouped and shifted its focus to three primary goals: to secure women’s political representation in the parlia- ment; to work to raise women’s consciousness, particularly in the realm of family planning; and to counter suppression by taking stands and issuing statements to raise public awareness on events as they occur. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Groups with such diverse class basis as APWA, WAF, PWLA, and the Business and Professional Women’s As- sociation, as NGOs, are supporting small-scale projects throughout the country that focus on women’s empowerment. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
For further discussion on the “invisibility” of women’s labor, see Beneria 1982 and Waring 1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
26) can have a significant impact on their standard of living. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Completed in 1983, the Women’s Division report was based on responses of 7. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
The accuracy of these data is doubtful, however, because the age categories and The Ansari Commission was assembled in 1982 with the purpose of informing My knowledge of the Sindhiani Tehrik is based in large part on Khawar Mumtaz, This was conveyed in personal discussions with the author in 1992. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Women in Turkish Society, Leiden: Brill. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Third World Quarterly 7 Bibliography 447 448 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ahmad, Muneer. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1990. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Winners and Losers of the Iranian Revolution: A Study in Income Distribution.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
of California Press. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1988c. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Decree of the Presidium of the DRA Revolutionary Council issued on 9 Aug., translated from the Pashto in Foreign Broadcast Information Ser- vice (FBIS) VIH (20 Aug.): C1—C2. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Elmi, Sayed Mohammad Yusuf. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Evans, Peter B., Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Evolutionary Perspectives on Gender Hierar- chy.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Paper presented at the Conference on Social Movements in the Contemporary Near and Middle East, Columbia Univ. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Labor Migration to the Middle East and Its impact on the Domestic Economy. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
New York: Facts on File. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
International Center for Research on Women (ICRW). The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“Gazaresh-e ~amalkard-e budje-ye sale-e 1366” (Report on the 1989. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
In Women on the Move, edited by UNESCO, 17—30 Paris: UNESCO. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
(“Afghan Official on Past Mistakes, Cur- rent Issues.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
LaPorte, Robert, Jr. 1975. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Mojab, Shahzad. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1988a. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Islamabad, Dec. BIBLIOGRAPHY 463 464 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1988b. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Development Statistics of the Punjab, 1978. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“The Traffic in Women: Notes on a Political Economy of Sex.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1979. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1982. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1984. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1985. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1987. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
1988. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Fertility on Infant, Child, and Maternal Mortality.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
11:96—157. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Press. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Weber, Max. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
“The Interrelationship Between the Division of Labor in th€ Household, Women’s Role, and Their Impact on Fertility.” The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
Pakistan Development Re- view. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
18 Naqshband, Wakil, 78 Naqshbandi order, 82,84 Nasir Bagh, 358 Nasrat Mina, 358 National assembly: in Afghanistan, 61— 63, 78, 86,340; in Pakistan, 11, 159, 169, 179—80, 182—83, 301,320,323— 24,416-17,420,432,435,437,439, 442 National Center for Research on Women, 441 National Fatherland Front (NFF), 46,53, 59, 78 National Front, 41, 57, 62, 114—15,369 National Islamic Front of Afghanistan, 82, 97 National Liberation Front, 96 Nationalization: in Iran, 133,232, 255, 257, 263,266; in Pakistan, 165—67, 313—14, 317, 325 National Security Council (Iran), 383 Near East, 132. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
8, 365n. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
See also Afghanistan; Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) Resistance, 52,58, 64, 67, 198, 348; and Afghan government, 18,213, 215; and Afghan notables, 79,86; and Afghan women, 333,357, 359—61, 363; in the country side, 209; politicization of, 81, 84,91; redistribution and, 189, 221; reforms and the, 219—20. The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
This process took place over health services are provided for survivors, families ofthose on board the aircraft, and the “support r~ personnel” and “workers.” Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
In June 1 996 the United States House of Representatives Subcommittee on Aviation con- ducted hearings on the experiences of survivors of aviation disasters and of the families of those who had died in aviation disasters. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Aviation Disaster Family Assistance Act of 1 996 was passed October 3 and was signed into law by President Clinton on October 9, 1 996. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Under the NTSB plan, the American Red Cross has been assigned responsibility to ensure that the mental fill its obligation in future aviation disasters will be described. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
369 Psychological Interventions in the Immediate Aftermath ofAviation Disasters This legislation is relatively simple (see Aviation Disaster Family Assistance Act of 1 996). Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
numbers of passengers and crew; numbers of injured and dead, ifknown; point oforigin; connecting points; and destination), provide the public with a toll- free number for obtaining information, notify families ofthose on board the aircraft, secure facili- ties at the involved airports and near the crash site where families can gather, assist families in traveling to the “incident site” if they wish, inform families about the medical records that will be needed, open the Family Support Center facility, communicate with the families on a number of issues, and reimburse the Red Cross for its expenses in the operation. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Black (1987) described the development of what he termed a “libidinal cocoon” for the families of those on board the aircraft. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
FLIGHT 232 On July 19, 1989, a DC-lO en route from Denver to Chicago suffered a catastrophic engine failure. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
This consisted of a motel with adequate rooms for all the families, adequate security to protect the privacy of the families, mental health support, and other support personnel to serve the needs of the families. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Although Black’s term has not survived the intervening years, the concept of a family support center has. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Flight 232 crashed on land- ing, cartwheeled, and burned. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Although 1 1 1 on board died, 1 85 survived. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
About 30 disasters receive such presidential declarations annually, but, on average, “national” dis- asters* occur daily. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
FLIGHT 427 On September 8, 1994, a Boeing 737 en route from Chicago to Pittsburgh in clear skies sud- quippa, Pennsylvania, with its engines still running. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Pitt Critical Incident Stress Debriefing (CISD) team was assigned the task of caring for the first response teams and recovery workers and was helicoptered to the site on some of the first air ambulances to respond. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Their at- tempts were hindered in the first days of the operation, however, by the lack of a list of families residing in the Pittsburgh area, and some families have reported feeling isolated, despite intense efforts on the part of the county to locate them and offer services. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The county department of mental health, how- ever, requested that the Red Cross provide mental health services at the temporary morgue which was being established at a military facility attached to the Pittsburgh airport. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
During the initial or- ganizational meeting with the Red Cross, the commanding officer of the base requested that the Red Cross also place DMHS personnel at the actual crash site on the hill. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The crash site had been declared a biohazard area. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Recovery workers had. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
It required long hours on their feet in high temperatures, and rather low numbers of contacts compared with other types ofdisaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Women on the DMHS team reported a different approach sequence from a number of recovery workers. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
When it was announced that the recovery process was ended, and it was clear to the recovery teams on the hill at that time that they would not have to return, the DMHS workers on duty at the site suddenly literally found themselves surrounded by recovery workers. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Whereas the Red Cross’s mental health role following the crash of Flight 232 was primarily focused on the survivors/families side of the disaster response, Flight 427 offered the Red Cross an opportunity to provide services for the recovery/morgue half of the operation. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
FLIGHT 592 On May 1 1 , 1996, a DC-9 took off from Miami and headed north along the Florida coast. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The name ofthe city where the information was to be delivered was forwarded to the DOC, which contacted the Red Cross chapter serving that area. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The mental health team worked at the for- ward site in 4- to 6-hour shifts, rotating back to the command post for the remainder of their shift. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
FLIGHT 800 As noted earlier, in June 1 996 the House Subcommittee on Aviation conducted hearings on the experiences of families who had endured the death of a family member in an aviation disaster. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
A rough outline of a plan was developed in consultation with disaster services staff, and was based on the Red Cross experience in previous aviation and other mass-casualty incidents, most notably the bombing ofthe Murrah Federal Office Building in Oklahoma City. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Two days after the first author returned from that trip, on July 1 7, 1 996, Flight 800 suffered a catastrophic explosion minutes after takeoff from John F. Kennedy airport in New York, en route to Paris, France. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The bodies and the debris fell into the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Long Island, near East Moriches, New York. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
New York State Psychological Association Disaster Re- sponse Network members provided a significant number of Red Cross volunteers to the operation, and independent practitioners and other spontaneous volunteers also constituted a significant por- tion ofthe mental health staffon the operation. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Many of these families later asked for support, or asked for intermittent support. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The Red Cross DMHS program is not intended to serve as a substitute for appropriate contingency contracting with agency or private practitioner mental health professionals. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
AIR TEAM MISSION “The American Red Cross AIR Team is dedicated to ensuring the best care and support possi- ble in the immediate aftermath of an aviation disaster for survivors; the families of those on the aircraft; and1the rescue, recovery, and affiliated support personnel, as authorized by the Aviation Disaster Family Assistance Act of 1 996, and the disaster services policies and procedures of the American Red Cross. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Therefore, once the NTSB had requested the Red Cross to fulfill a role in the legislated response plan, and the Red Cross had accededto that request, the Red Cross decided to develop a team of leaders specially trained in the demands of aviation disaster and to develop a plan for effecting the Red Cross component of the disaster response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The leadership rapid re- sponse team has been designated the Aviation Incident Response Team, or AIR Team. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
This clearly includes services for the agency personnel working on the rescue and recovery components ofthe response. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
The actual role ofthe Red Cross for this side of the operation may vary from incident to incident, based on the desires of the agencies in- volved and the site commanders. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Survivors, families of those on the aircraft, and recovery workers experience unique perspectives of these eve~its. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Survivors have had the direct experience of trauma, living through the crash and possible ensu- ing fire, facing the death of those around them on the aircraft, as well as possibly suffering injuries Innovations in Clinical Practice: A Source Book (Vol. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Traumatic stress ofsufficient intensity can overcome even the strongest coping skills. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
First, it is important to break with traditional models of therapy. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
It is highly unlikely that the client will become dependent on the provider as a result of too much direction. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
On the other hand, direct guidance needs to be used with caution; it is critical that the provider not be unnecessarily direc- tive. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Similarly, some rescue and recovery workers may be so fo- cused on their work that they may benefit from being reminded to practice effective self-care. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
He serves as National Consultant for Disaster Mental Health for the American Red Cross and is a member of the APA Task Force on Disaster Mental Health. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
Randal P Quevilon, P/iD, is currently Professor of Psychology at the University of South Dakota and is on the faculty of the Clinical Psychology Doctoral Training Program and the Disaster Mental Health Institute. Psychological Interventions in the Aftermath of Aviation Disasters
68975 95-13411 Sigmund Freud was born on May 6, 1856, in the small Moravian town of Freiberg (now PHbor, Czechoslovakia). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The following year Freud accepted a position at the Vienna General Hospital, where he concentrated on the study of cerebral anatomy and also conducted research on the possible clinical uses of cocaine. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Returning to Vienna in the spring of i886, Freud set up private practice as a consultant in nervous diseases and became a leading au- thority on the cerebral palsies of children. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He later enriched the psychoanalytic canon with “Analysis of a Phobia in a Five-Year-Old Boy” (“Little Hans,” 1909), “Notes upon a Case of Obsessional Neurosis” (“Rat Man,” 1909), “Psycho- analytic Notes on an Autobiographical Account of a Case of Para- noia” (“Schreber case,” igi,), and “From the History of an Infantile Neurosis” (“Wolf Man,” 1918). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Freud also brought out papers on countless topics outside the realm of clinical specialization such as “Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices” (1907), “Creative Writ- ers and Daydreaming” (1908), and “Leonardo da Vinci and a Mem- ory of His Childhood” (1910). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In 1914 Freud terminated their friendship, delivering a powerful polemic against both Jung and Adler in The His- tory of the Psychoanalytic Movement. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Moreover, Totem and Taboo vi r (,913), an application of psychoanalysis to social anthropology, was viewed by some as a denunciation of Jung and other members of the movement. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
They were published in 1917 as Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Although rarely free of pain, he never stopped working. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He turned out several books that captured a wide general audience. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The Future of an Illusion (1927) was his atheist’s attempt to debunk religious dogmas using psychoanalytic tools. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The last years of Freud’s life were engulfed by the very cataclysm he had foretold. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
6oi 607 656 679 696 713 730 775 789 833 852 94Ç ‘I PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF 0 N E E V E R Y D A Y L I F E DURING the year 1898, I published a short essay, On the Psychic Mecha- nism of Forgetfulness.1 The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In other words, I assume that the substitutive name (or names) stands in direct relation to the lost name, and I hope, if I succeed in demonstrating this connection, to throw light on the origin of the forgetting of names. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
A patient on whom I had spent much effort had ended his life on account of an incurable sexual disturbance. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I know positively that this sad event, and everything connected with it, did not come to my conscious recollection on that trip in Herzegovina. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The last condition will probably not have to be much overrated, for the slightest claim on the farther-reaching question whether such outer association can really fur- nish the proper condition to enable the suppressed element to disturb the reproduction of the desired name, or whether after all a more intimate connection between the two themes is not necessarily required. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
On super- ficial consideration, one may be willing to reject the latter requirement and consider the temporal meeting in perfectly dissimilar contents as sufficient. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
But on more thorough examination, one finds more and more frequently that the two elements (the repressed and the new one) con’ nected by an outer association, possess besides a connection in content, and this can also be demonstrated in the example, Signorelli. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The value of the understanding gained through the analysis of the ex~ ample Signorelli naturally depends on whether we must explain this case as a typical or as an isolated process. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In fact, depending on our own general state and the degree of fatigue, the first manifestation of func- tional disturbance evinces itself in the irregularity of our control over foreign vocabulary. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Last summer, while journeying on my vacation, I renewed the ac- quaintance of a ÿoung man of academic education, who, as I soon noticed, was conversant with some of my works. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The tendency to forget such words extends to all parts of speech. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Before proceeding, allow me to give a full and clear account of this little episode. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I gladly accepted the challenge, as I hoped to get an addition to my collection, and said, “We can easily do this, but I must ask you to tell me franidy and without any criticism everything that occurs to your mind after you focus your attention, without any particular intention, on the forgotten word.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I recall a handsome old gentleman whom I met on my journey last week. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“What does that mean?” “I don’t know.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What can you do with this?” I waited. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To her great surprise, on referring to the book, she found that not only was the last line misquoted, but that there were many other mistakes. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
every- thing is so poetically unreal. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We become real poets; we not only memorize and quote poetry, but we often become Apollos ourselves.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He gave the following series of associations: ‘The white sheet makes one think of a white sheet on a corpse—a linen sheet with which one covers a dead body—(pause) —now I think of a near friend—his brother died quite re- cently—he is supposed to have died of heart disease—he was also very corpulent—my friend is corpulent, too, and I thought that he might meet the same fate-—probably he doesn’t exercise enough—when I heard of this death, I suddenly became frightened: the same thing might happen to me, as my own family is predisposed to obesity—my grandfather died of heart disease—I, also, am somewhat too corpulent, and for that reason, I began an obesity cure a few days ago.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To which I remarked, basing it on psychoanalytic ex- perience, ‘You should go further and acknowledge that nothing animal is foreign to you.’ The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Subsequently, I also un- der~tood the substitutive names, Daniel and Frank, which obtruded them- selves without any explanation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am now returning to the forgetting of names, concerning which we have so far considered exhaustively neither the casuistic elements nor the motives. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Let us assume that 1 was so reckless as to take a walk at night in an uninhabited neighborhood of a big city, and was attacked and robbed of my watch and purse. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
To be correct, the state of affairs could only be described by saying that, favored by the lonesomeness of the place and under cover of darkness, I was robbed of my valuables by unknown male/actors. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The relation of the name to my person is an unexpected one, and is mostly brought about through superficial associations (words of double meaning and of similar sounds); it may generally be designated as a side association. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The name is Nervi.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The name of an Italian city withdrew itself from memory on ac- count of its far-reaching sound-similarity to a woman’s first name, which was in turn connected with various emotional reminiscences which were surely not exhaustively treated in this report. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This lion I saw objectively before me in the form of a marble statue, but I soon noticed that he resembled less the lion of the statue of liberty in Brescia (which I saw only in a picture) than the other marble lion which I saw in Lucerne on the monument in honor of the Swiss Guard fallen in the Tuileries. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I felt a great antipathy for her on account of her repulsive physiognomy, as well as her hoarse, shrill voice and her unbear- able self-assertion (to which she thought herself entitled on account of her long service). The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
For example, what is the name of the place situated on a height which was called Enna in antiquity?” “Oh, I know that: Castrogiovanni.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I approached the whole subject in the spirit of an j~vestigator and student who made every effort to discover and under- stand all the data before passing final judgment on his psychology. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Spurred on by Professor Bleuler, ail the physicians in the hospital were firm and ardent workers with the new theories. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Suppose we try to find out. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“That always seemed to me like a pet name of a young woman,” ad- mitted the elder. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Somewhat later he added: “The name for Enna was also only a substi- tutive name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
And now it occurs to me that the name Castrogiovanni, which obtruded itself with the aid of a rationalization, alludes as expressly to giovane, young, as the last name, Castelvetrano, to veteran.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Brill reports the following interesting example: “Soon after I became an assistant in the Clinic of Psychiatry at Zürich, 1 “Analyse eines Falles von Namenvergessen,” Zentraib. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
j. Psychoanalyse, Jahrg. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
strange and puzzling; but as I knew definitely whom I meant, I finished I had an interesting experience in forgetting a name, which I may say, finally converted me to Freud’s teachings. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Now, according to Freud, I thought at once to myself, the name must be connected with something painful and unpleasant. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
“Now, the patient whose name I could not recall, was the same man who, some years ago, attempted to set fire to the St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York; he gathered together some odds and ends before the en~ trance of the church and set fire to it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
He was, of course, arrested, brought to the psychopathic pavilion in Bellevue and later to the State Hospital where he became my patient. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I diagnosed him as a psychic epileptic. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I decided that he suffered from a form of epilepsy which does not manifest itself in fits, as the general cases do, but rather in peculiar psychic actions which may last for a few minutes, hours, or perhaps for weeks, months FORGETTING OF NAMES AND ORDER OF WORDS * 25 J PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE26 or years. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I cannot think of any other name except Caltanisetta, which is surely not correct.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the next moment, the younger man discovered the lost name. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Thus, names can be disturbed on their own account or on account of their nearer or more remote associative relations in the reproduction. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
What most concerns the memory lies here chronologically beyond the concealing memory. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Again, there we are concerned with a momentary disturbance—for the name just forgotten could have been reproduced correctly a hundred times before, and will be so again from tomorrow on; here we deal with lasting possession without a failure, for the indifferent childhood memories seem to be able to accom- pany us through a great part of life. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
The content of the concealing memory in that example belonged to one of the first years of childhood, while the thoughts represented by it, which remained practically uncon- scious, belonged to a later period of the individual in question. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I believe we accept too indifferently the fact of infantile amnesia— that is, the failure of memory for the first years of our lives—and fail to find in it a strange riddle. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the given example fully analyzed, I particularly emphasized a peculiarity in the temporal relation between the concealing memory and the contents of the memory concealed by it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In both these cases, the riddle seems to be solved in an entirely different way. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
There it is the forgetting, while here it is the remembering which excites our scientific curiosity. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
After deeper reflection, one realizes that, although there is a diversity in the psychic material and in the duration of time of the two phenomena, yet these are by far outweighed by the conformities between the two. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the case of forgetting of names, we are aware that the substitutive names are incorrect, while in concealing memories, we are surprised that we have them at all. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Hence, if psychologic analysis demonstrates that the substitutive formation in each case is brought about in the same manner —that is, through displacement along a superficial association—we are justified in saying that the diversities in material, in duration of time, and in the centering of both phenomena serve to enhance our expectation, that we have discovered something that is important and of general value. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
* 3’ PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE32 ing function indicates more often than we suppose that there is an inter- vention of a prejudicial factor, a tendency which favors one memory and, at the same time, works against another. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
We really ought to wonder why the memory of later years has, as a rule, retained so little of these psychic processes, especially as we have every reason for assuming that these same forgotten childhood ac- tivities have not glided off without leaving a trace in the development of the person, but that they have left a definite influence for all future time. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
It is quite possible that thç forgetting of childhood may give us the key to the understanding of those amnesias which, according to our newer studies, lie at the basis of the formation of all neurotic symptoms. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I am in the exceptiOnal position of being about to refer to a previous work on the subject. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the year 1895, Meringer and C. Mayer published a study on Mistakes in Speech and Reading, with whose viewpoints I do not agree. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Also, in our example Signorelli, the sub- stitutive name lacked the initial sound, and the principal syllables were lost; on the other hand, the less important pair of syllables elli returned to consciousness in the substitutive name Botticelli. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
In the presçnt case, the probable explanation is that the President wished himself in a position to close this session, from which he had little ~good to expect, and the thought broke through at least partially—a frequent manifestation—resulting in his use of “closed” in place of “opened,” that is, the opposite of the statement intended. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Still, not in all cases of contrast substitution is it so simple as in the example of the President as to appear plausible that the speech-mistake occurs merely as a contradiction which arises in the inner thought of the speaker opposing the sentence uttered. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
This speech-blunder may depend on the tendency to facilitate articulation. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
Her memory failed to inform her on what part of the body the prying and lustful hand of another had touched her. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
I wished to say en passant.” The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
She noted her mistake, and asked me to analyze it. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud